Ibn al-Athir

From MedNub
Jump to: navigation, search

[pp. 348-363]

IBN AL-ATHĪR

(1160-1234 A.D.)

Abū'l-Ḥasan Abdalla b. Abū-l-Karam Abd al-Karīm Izz ad-dīn Ibn al-Athīr.<ref>“al-Athīr” a title of honour given to judges, famous writers etc.</ref> A great historian of Kurdic origin. Died in Mosul.

Brockelmann 1, 345; EI (s.v.)

K. al-kāmil fī-t-ta'rīkh (The Perfect One in History; continues Tabarī's Annals down to 1231 A.D.)

Ed.: C. Tornberg, 14 vols., Leiden 1851-1876; (Repr.) Beirut, 12 vols., 1965-1966; Sheikh Abdel Wahab Najjar, 9 vols., Cairo 1929.

Exc.: MC 940.

T.: Beirut A: O


[Early Arab-Nubian Battles]

Having completed the conquest of Miṣr, the Muslims raided the Nūba, but they were driven back wounded and blinded by the accurate shooting [of the Nubians]; these were nicknamed "pupil-smiters". When 'Abdalla b. Sa’d b. Abī Sarh was appointed wālī of Egypt in the time of [the Caliph] 'Uthmān, he concluded a peace treaty on the [p. 349] basis of the delivery of a number of slaves every year and the Muslims would supply them every year with certain foodstuffs and clothing. 'Uthmān signed that agreement and his successors did the same. (Beirut ed. 2, p. 567).

[The Escape of the Sons of Marwān through Nubia [Year 132 H./749 A.D.]]

After Marwān was killed, his two sons ‘Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla fled to the land of Ḥabasha and suffered hardships at the hands of the Ethiopians (al-Ḥabasha). The Ethiopians fought against them, 'Ubaydalla was killed, and 'Abdalla, together with some of his men, escaped death. He survived till the Caliphate of al-Mahdī [774 - 785 A.D.]. It was Nasr b. Muḥammad b. al-Ash'ath, the Agent (ʿāmil) [of the Caliph] in Palestine, who captured him and sent him to al-Mahdī. (Beirut ed. 5, p. 427).<ref>I have not included two revolts of Negroes (as-sūdān) at Medīna, recorded by Ibn al-Athīr, the one under the year 145 H./762 A.D., (Beirut ed. 5, pp. 556-667), the other under the year 231 H./845 A.D. (7, pp. 19) as it is doubtful whether there “sūdān” were of Nubian origin.</ref>

[Al-Qummī's Campaign against the Beja (241 H./355 - 856 A.D.)]

In this year [241 H./= 855-56 A.D.] the Beja (al-bujāh) raided the land of Egypt. In the past they had not raided the countries of Islam because of an old security agreement (hudna) which we have already mentioned. In their country they have mines, the produce of which they were obliged to share with the Muslims and give to the [Caliph's] agents (ʿummāl) in Egypt about one-fifth of the revenue. In the time of al-Mutawakkil they sus-[p. 350]-pended this payment<ref>Baybars ad-Dawadar [q.v.] says: “In the time of al-Mutawakkil they refrained from paying the tribute for two years. Al-Mutawakkil appointed governor of Egypt Ya’qūb b. Ibrāhīm al-Bawaghīshī, a former client (mawlā) of “al-Qawsara”. (al-Maktaba, p. 206).</ref>; therefore the Master of the Mail (ṣaḥīb al-barīd) in Egypt wrote [to the caliph] about this, adding that they had killed some [Muslims] who were working in the mines and that the Muslims had abandoned the mines fearing for their lives. Al-Mutawakkil was angered by the news and sought advice about the affair. The advisors told him that [the Beja] were nomads, breeders of camels and cattle: the way to their country was very hard because it was desert and it took one month to reach there from any part of the Muslim world, walking across a mountainous country which was [also] an uninhabited desert. Any army which ventured there must take supplies for all the period they expected to be there until their return to Islamic territory; if they remained there any longer than that, they would surely perish and the Baja would kill them without fighting. Their land would bring no profit to the Sultan. Al-Mutawakkil took their advice; but [later] they [the Beja] became even bolder and their outrages increased so that the inhabitants of Upper Egypt feared for their lives. Al-Mutawakkil entrusted to one Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla al-Qummī the task of waging war against them. He made him governor of the mines of those districts (kuwar) viz. Qifṭ, Luxor (al-Aqsar), Esna, Armant, and Aswān and ordered him to fight the Beja. He wrote to 'Anbasah b. Isḥāq aḍ-Ḍabbī, the military agent (ʿāmil ḥarb) of Egypt to provide him with all the equipment and men he required; which he did. Then Muḥammad marched on the Beja: those [Muslims] who formerly worked in the mines joined him, together with many other people, so that his army numbered about twenty-thousand men divided between horsemen and footmen. He also dispatched [some of his men] to the Red Sea and loaded seven boats (marākib) with flour, oil, dry dates, barley and barley flour and ordered the captains to join him on the coast of Bejaland<ref>Baybars ad-Dawadar: The seven boats landed at a coast called “Mashaba”. (al-Maktaba, p. 207).</ref>. He [p. 351] marched overland until he reached the country where gold is mined; after this he reached their [the Beja] strongholds (ḥuṣūn) and fortified places (qilāʿ).

The king [of the Beja], whose name was 'Alī Bābā, came out with an army many times bigger than al-Qummī's. The Beja were mounted on camels, as lively (farih) as dromedaries (mahārī); they had skirmishes for some days, because 'Alī Bābā would not allow them to engage in a pitched battle, hoping that the Muslims would run short of supplies, after which he could easily trap them without fighting. Meantime the boats with the food supplies arrived, al-Qummī distributed them to his men and they had enough.

When 'Alī Bābā noticed that, he allowed his men to join battle; he drew near the Muslims and the battle began; they fought hard. The camels [cf. the Beja] were restless (dha'rah; or za' ran = ill-natured) and took fright at everything. When al-Qummī saw this, he collected all the bells in the camp and tied them to the neck of the horses, then they charged the Bujāh. Their camels were frightened by the noise of the bells and stamped onto the mountain and across the wādī; the Muslims pursued them killing and taking prisoners, until night fell. That happened at the beginning [first day?] of the year 241 H. [began 22 May 855 A.D.]. Then al-Qummī returned to his camp and could not count the number of those killed.

After this their king (malik) 'Ali Baba asked for a safe conduct and was granted it, on condition that he returned later to his kingdom (mamlaka) and his country (bilād). He then paid to al-Qummī the tribute (kharāj) [p. 352] for [all] the arrears, viz. fourteen years<ref>Baybars ad-Dawadar: “The Beja assembled again a great multitude of foot soldiers and went to a place in order to lay an ambush, but al-Qummī followed them up during the night and defeated them. The king fled, but [al-Qummī] seized his crown and the treasure. Then the king asked for a safe-conduct and his reinstatement s king [promising that] he would pay the tribute in arrear and also in the future. Al-Qummī granted him the safe-conduct and the king paid the tribute for [the] four years past.” (al-Maktaba, p. 208).</ref> ; he appointed as his [designate] successor to the kingdom his son Bughshā (other reading: Lī’as). When he arrived at [the court of] al-Mutawakkil, he and his men were clothed with magnificent robes and he decked his camel with a beautiful saddle (raḥl malīḥ) and silk horse-cloth.<ref>Baybars: “(Al-Mutawakkil) bestowed on him a silk tunic (dirā’a) and a black turban and nothing more. He order al-Qummī to take him back to his own country, which he did. (al-Maktaba, p. 208).</ref>

Al-Mutawakkil entrusted the Beja country (al-bija), the road to Egypt between Miṣr and Mecca, to a certain Sa'd, a [freed] slave from Itākh (al-ītakhī). This al-Itakhi passed it on to Muḥammad al-Qummī, who went back to Egypt taking with him 'Alī Bābā who still persevered in his worship: [in fact] he was carrying with him a small stone-statuette of the likeness of a boy and worshipped it. (Beirut 7, pp. 77 - 79).

[The Murder of Omarī [Year-259 H./872 A.D.]]

We have already mentioned Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān al-Omarī, whose name was 'Abd al-Ḥamīd 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 'Abdalla b. 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb. The reason for his rise in Miṣr was that the Beja (al-Bujāh) came one day during a feast, pillaged and killed and went back with boots. They made several such raids. Then Omarī came out, full [p. 353] of zeal for God and for the Muslims, and laid an ambush on their way. When they [the Beja] returned, he marched against them, killed their leader (muqaddam) and those who were with him and entered their territory. He went on pillaging and killing much more than before and took a great number of them prisoner; he continued harassing them with raids so that they offered to pay him the jizyah, a thing they had never done before. The thorn of Omarī pricked them ever more, so that, when the news of time reached Ibn Ṭūlūn, he sent a numerous army against, him. When the two armies stood face to face, Omari came out and spoke to the leader (muqaddam) of the [regular] army (jaysh). (He said): - 'Surely Ibn Ṭūlūn is not properly informed about me. I did not rebel to bring about destruction or to do harm to any Muslim or even to a dhimmī; I came to wage the holy war (jihād). If he gives you orders to withdraw, you will withdraw; if he orders otherwise, you will be without blame.' The leader would not answer; he attacked Omarī, but the army [of Ṭūlūn] was defeated.

Then they returned to him [Ṭūlūn] and told him about the affair of Omarī. He said to them: - ‘I wish you had referred this matter to me. Now he has come out victorious over you because of your mischief.’ Then Ibn Ṭūlūn left Omarī unmolested.

After some time, two of Omarī's servants assaulted him and killed him and brought his head to Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn. When they came into his presence, he asked them the reason why they had done so. They answered: - ‘We wanted just to make you a present of this’. He killed them both. As for the head of Omarī he gave orders concerning it, that it be washed, wrapped in linen and buried. (ibid. 7, pp. 264 - 265).

[p. 354] [The Sūdān in the Bodyguard of Khumarawaih]

In that year [273 H. = 886 A.D.], the Blacks (Sūdān) who were at Miṣr rose up and besieged the commandant of the garrison (ṣaḥīb ash-shurtah). Khumarawayh b. Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn heard the news, mounted on his horse, and, with his sword unsheathed, went to the residence of the commandant of the garrison; he killed all those Blacks (Sūdān) he met on his way. They were defeated and the slaughter went on among those who tried to escape. Eventually Miṣr became quiet and the inhabitants felt safe. (ibid. 7, p. 425).

[Abū Rakwa [1006 - 1007 A.D.]]<ref>Ibn al-Athīr has the fullest account of the story of Abū Rakwa’s rise and fall. We translate only the episode of his arrest in Nubia. Abū Rakwa left Spain at the age of twenty after he had been involved in a rebellion. He went to Egypt where he learned Ḥadīth, then visited Mecca and Medīna. On his return to Egypt he began preaching the Sunnite tradition and made numerous followers especially among the Banī Qurra Arabs, whom al-Ḥākim had often angered and exploited. He also reconciled the Banī Qurra with the Zanāta Berbers, with whom they had been in a constant warfare, and eventually the two tribes rose against al-Ḥākim. Abū Rakwa, self-styled as “amir al-mu’minīn”, introduced himself to the Egyptians as the religious-political leader who would soon conquer Egypt – thus threatening one of the pillars of Fatimid doctrine. Al-Ḥākim duly informed by his wālī in Ifriqiya, sent several troops against Abū Rakwa, who, however, defeated them and prepared to march on Cairo. The Egyptians, among whom Ḥusayn b. Jawhar, son of the Fatimid general who conquered Egypt, full of resentment on account of al-Ḥākim’s eccentricities and vexations, wrote to Abū Rakwa to come to Egypt as a liberator. Abū Rakwa entered Egypt and camped in the Fayyūm district, preparing for the last attack. Al-Ḥākim, in a final effort, gathered a 12,000 man army under the command of al-Faḍl. A leader of the Banī Qurra by name al-Māḍī, being bribed by al-Faḍl, kept him informed about all the movements of Abū Rakwa, so that al-Faḍl finally defeated Abū Rakwa.</ref>

Abū Rakwah was defeated together with the Banū Qurra who were with him. They went back to their villages. [p. 355] When they arrived there, al-Māḍī prevented them from gathering [again] around Abū Rakwa. They said to Abū Rakwa: - "We have fought with you; [henceforth] we shall not fight anymore. Take care of yourself and flee to safety". He left for Nubia. When he arrived at a fortress (ḥiṣn), known as the Fortress of the Mountain of the Nūba, (ḥiṣn al-jabal li-n-nūba), he introduced himself as an Envoy of al-Ḥākim to their king. The governor of the fortress said to him: - "The king is sick; you need a special permit to go to him."

This news was brought to al-Faḍl, who sent a messenger to inform the governor (ṣāḥīb) of the fortress (qal’ah) of the true position. The governor ordered him to be guarded and sent a report to the king about the situation. The king of the Nūba had died just a short time before and his son reigned in his place. He gave orders to hand him over to the representatives of al-Ḥākim. Al-Faḍl's messenger took him over and left with him. Al-Faḍl went out to meet him, honoured him and received him as a guest in his own pavilion (madārib), then took him to Cairo and spent a month there driving him around in the town.<ref>Ibn al-Athīr’s account of the execution of Abū Rakwa does not differ from that given by earlier historians.</ref> (ibid. 5, pp. 201 - 203).

[The Battle of the Blacks at Fusṭāṭ (waq'ah as-sūdān bi-miṣr)]

In this year [568 H./1172-73 A.D.] at the beginning of Dhū-l-qa'da [14 July 1173 A.D.] the Commissioner of the Caliphate (Mu'taman al-Khilāfah) was killed. He was a eunuch (khaṣī) living in the palace of al-'Aḍid. He controlled all the administration within the palace and held the highest post in the palace. One day he and a number of Egyptians agreed among themselves to write to [p. 356] the Franks (al-Faranj) and invite them into the country to help them overthrow Saladin and his men. They sent the letter through a man whom they trusted and waited for the reply. The messenger left for Bi'r al-Baidāʾ [near Bilbeis] A Turk (turkumānī) saw him and noticed that he was wearing a new pair of sandals and seized them. The Turk said to himself: - 'If these sandals were the footwear of this man, they should be well worn out and patched up, as his clothing is. As he had doubts about him and his sandals, he took the sandals to Saladin who had them torn open and found the letter inside; he read it but kept silent.

The Commissioner of the Caliphate's plan was that the Franks should advance into the country; once had they advanced well into Egypt, [they calculated] Saladin would certainly move with his army against them. Then the Commissioner of the Caliphate would rise and attack the rearguard and kill them; then they would unite to pursue Saladin; the Commissioner's men would attack him from the rear and the Franks would attack him in front and thus they would get rid of him.

When Saladin read the letter, he inquired about the man who wrote it. He was told that a Jew had written it. The Jew was brought before him and Saladin ordered that he be clubbed so as to force him to speak. He, first of all, made the Islamic profession, then began confessing the truth. Saladin would not show his inner feelings.

The Commissioner of the Caliphate, aware of his imminent danger, kept indoors all the time, or if he ever went out, he did not go far away from the palace. Saladin dissimulated his feelings as if he were not concerned at all, so that the Commissioner might not try to cover up the fact [of his treachery]. After some time, [the Commissioner] left the palace to go to a village of his, [p. 357] called al-Harqâniyya, for amusement. When Saladin was informed of this he sent some [of his men] who seized the Commissioner, killed him and brought his head to Saladin. He isolated all the slaves (khadam) who held any office in the palace of the Caliphate and placed them under one Bahâ'uddīn Qaraqūsh, a white eunuch who controlled everything inside the Palace. The Blacks (as-sūdān) who were then at Fusṭāṭ were angered by the murder of the Commissioner of the Caliphate out of jealousy and because the Commissioner was one of their people and took their side. They assembled and formed a huge army of about fifty thousand men and began a war against the soldiers of Saladin. But also the army [of Saladin] organised itself and brought them to battle [in the square] between the two palaces. There ensued a horrible battle on both sides.

Saladin sent his soldiers to the quarters of the Blacks which was called al-Manṣūrah, and set fire to their houses and all their property, their children and their women. When this news reached them [the Blacks], they abandoned the fight, but were pursued by the sword: they were stopped at the exit of the main streets. They asked for a pardon after they had suffered many losses. They were granted it and left Fusṭāṭ in the direction of Gīza; but Shams ad-Dawla Tūrānshāh, Saladin's eldest brother, crossed the river, chased them with an army and exterminated them by the sword, so that no one was spared, except the few who managed to escape. Thus Allah protected his people from the malice of their enemies, but Allah knows better. (ibid. 11, pp. 345 - 347).

[Shams ad-Dawla's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172-73 A.D.]]

In this year [568 H. = 1172-73 A.D.] in the month of Jumāda el-Wūlā [Dec. 1172 A.D.] Shams ad Dawla Tūrānshāh [p. 358] b. Ayyūb, Saladin's eldest brother, left Miṣr [to march] against Nubia. He reached the frontier of that country with the intention of conquering it. The reason was that Saladin and his brothers were aware that Nureddin was preparing to invade Egypt; so they all agreed on conquering either Nubia or Yemen, so that if Nureddin advanced against them, they might oppose him and block his advance into the country; but if they could not make a stand against him, they would retreat to either country. Therefore Shams ad-Dawla left with an army and went to Aswan and thence into the Nūba country; he came up to a fortress called Ibrīm and besieged it. The inhabitants fought against him, but they could not withstand the battle with the Muslim army, because they had no way to shield themselves from the arrows and other weapons. The Nubians abandoned the fortress and the Muslims occupied it. He [Shams] realized that the country had no satisfactory resources to compensate for the effort of the conquest and that their only food was dhurra. When he saw that there was no other crop and witnessed the hard life of the Nubians and also considered the difficulties of the war and the exertions that were in store for them, he decided to give up and left for Egypt with the booty which consisted of male and female slaves. (ibid. 11, pp. 386 - 387).

[Saladin kills the Egyptian Conspirators]

In this year, on the second day of Ramādan [5 May 1174 A.D.], Saladin b. Yūsuf crucified some people who were supporters of the Alide Caliphs, (al-'alawīyyīn).

The cause of this incident was that some members of the Alide faction (shī'ah), - among whom were ’Umāra b. Abī-l-Ḥasan al-Yamanī [who was] a poet, 'Abd as-Samid, the secretary (al-kātib), the qādī al-'Uwayris, the chief [p. 359] propagandist (dā-ī ad-di'āt) and some others who were the Egyptian army and prominent members (rijālāt) of the Blacks (Sūdān) and officials of the palace, in connivance with some emirs and soldiers of Saladin's army – had agreed to invite the Franks from Sicily and the Syrian coast to Egypt offering them money and a portion of the country. Should they [the Franks] land in the country and should Saladin himself go out to fight them, they [the plotters] would rise in Cairo (al-qāhira) and Fusṭāṭ (Miṣr) would, restore the Alide dynasty (dawlah) and he [Saladin] would not be able to oppose the Franks. If Saladin decided to stay [in Cairo] and send out his army against them [Franks], the plotters would assault him and seize him easily: as there would be nobody to save or help him. [About this plot] 'Umāra said: - ' have arranged for his [Saladin’s] brother to be away in Yemen, lest he might join in with his army, and so that the news might be brought to him after the overthrow of Saladin.'

They disclosed this plan to the Franks of Sicily and those of the Coast and they carefully prepared all the details of the plot. Nothing remained [to do] except the arrival of the Franks. It was God's favour towards the Muslims that some Egyptians were privy with them to this plan. Among them there was one emir called Zaynaddīn ‘Alī b. Najā, the preacher (al-wā'iz) well known under the name of Ibn Nujayya. The plotters had appointed the one who [should become] Caliph, who the vizier, who the chamberlain (al-hājib), who the chief propagandist (dā’ī ad-du’āt) and who the qāḍī. But the Banī Ruzzīk said: ‘The vizier must be chosen from among us’; the Banī Shawār claimed: - 'He must be one of ours'. When Ibn Najā became aware of the matter, he went to Saladin and informed him about the whole affair. Saladin ordered Ibn Najā to remain with the conspirators, mix with them and ask about the steps they were about to take for the execution of [p. 360] their plans, so as to keep him informed about developments step by step. Ibn Najā did so and went or informing Saladin of all their plans.

Then an Envoy of the Franks of the Syrian Coast came to Saladin, bringing a present and a letter. Apparently he was sent to Saladin, but, secretly, he came to contact the plotters. He used to send them some Christians [as messengers], and other emissaries from the plotters used to go to him. News reached Saladin from the country of the Franks about the true state of affairs. Saladin appointed a trusted Christian to gain the confidence of the Envoy and introduced him [to the Envoy]. The Envoy opened his mind to the Christian. Eventually, Saladin arrested all the ring-leaders of the plot - among whom were 'Umāra, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid, al-'Uwayris and others - and had them all executed.

Some also told this story - about the discovery of the plot: 'The above mentioned 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid used to be very kind to al-qāḍī al-Fāḍil, the secretary of Saladin, and even to offer him something, whenever he met him. But, one day, as 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid met him, without turning to salute, al-qāḍī al-Fāḍil exclaimed: - 'What has happened? Surely there is some reason for such a behaviour! 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid began to be afraid that al-Fāḍil might have become aware of the secret plot concerning Saladin. Therefore, he sent for 'Ali b. Najā, the preacher and told him all that happened and said: 'You must tell me the whole affair. 'Ali b. Najā endeavoured to tell him all that he knew, but he did not suspect in the least that the plot was directed against Saladin. Then 'Ali b. Najā went over to the other side and disclosed to him [Saladin] the true situation. He [first] went to al-qāḍī al-Fāḍil and informed him in these words: - 'The last hour has come for Saladin!' Then he rushed to Saladin, who was in the big mosque, and informed him of the [p. 361] situation. Saladin rose up and ordered the arrest [of the conspirators]. He questioned them and they confessed. Then he ordered them to be crucified. (ibid. 11, pp. 398 - 400).

[The Revolt of Kanz - Year [570 H./1174 A.D.]]

In the beginning of this year [began 2 August 1174 A.D.] Kanz<ref>Some members of the Kanz ad-Dawla family had become supporters of the Fatimid policy and sect.</ref> led a revolt in Upper Egypt. Some of his subjects gathered around him, together with a number of Sūdān, the Arabs and many others. Near his territory lived one of Saladin's emirs who was the brother of the emir Abū-l-Hayjā’as-Samīn ("the father of the Army", nicknamed the "Fat One"). Kanz killed him. The murder was too great [a blow] for his brother, who was one of the greatest and bravest emirs. He marched to fight al-Kanz. Saladin gave him several emirs and a great army. They arrived at the town of Tawd (Tūd). The inhabitants rose against them, but the army fought against the population, crushed them and killed many. The population of Tawd, who used to be proud, became very humble. Having finished with Tawd, the army marched against Kanz, who was blinded by his ambition. They fought him and he was killed together with many of his men and from among the nomads and others. Afterwards the country was quiet and the people lived in security. (ibid. 11, p. 414).

[Raynault de Chatillon's Raid on 'Aydhāb [Year 570 H./1183 A.D.]]

In this year [578 H./1183 A.D.], the prince (al-barins) Lord of al-Kerak built a fleet, and had it completed in al-Kerak: it only remained to assemble the parts. He had [p. 362] them transported to the sea of 'Ailat and had them assembled in the shortest possible time. After he had finished this work, he loaded the ships ready for battle and had them launched. They sailed and divided into two flotillas: the one patrolled around the fortress of 'Ailat, which belonged to the Muslims - to besiege them and prevent them from going to the water, so that the inhabitants were placed in extreme distress. The other sailed towards 'Aydhāb. They ravaged the coasts plundering and seizing any boat belonging to the Moslems they found, captured all the traders and took the local population by surprise; in fact [the natives] did not expect the Franks to come, because never before had a Frank, whether merchant or warrior, sailed on this sea.

In Egypt al-Malik al-'Ādil Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb, was acting in the absence of his brother Saladin. He had a fleet built and launched out to sea: a great multitude of Muslims were embarked: their leader (muqaddam) was Ḥisām ad-Dīn Lu'lu', the admiral of the fleet in Egypt. In order to defeat them [the Franks], he began with those who were at 'Ailat. He fell on them like a hawk on its prey: he gave battle, killed some and others he took prisoner. Immediately after this victory, he went on to intercept those who had gone to 'Aydhāb, but did not find them; for they had plundered all that they could find there, killed anyone they met, then had departed to another harbour to carry out another raid like the first. Their plan was to enter Ḥejaz, Mecca and Medīna - may God guard them! - to take [by surprise] the caravan of pilgrims and prevent them from [visiting] the Holy Places (al-Bayt al-Ḥaram) and eventually enter Yemen.

As Lu'lu' arrived at 'Aydhāb and did not find them, he sailed off in their pursuit. He arrived at Rābigh, Coast al-Jawzā’ and other places, [until] he caught up with [p. 363] them at Coast Jawzā' and attacked them there. When [the Franks] realized their position was impossible (al-‘atab) and that there was no hope of escape left, they landed on the desert shore and took a track leading to a mountain. Lu'lu' left the ships in order to pursue them and fought a fierce battle with them; he mounted on horses which he took from the nomad Arabs of that place, [pursued the Franks] and attacked them, both those who were on horseback and those on foot, and defeated them. He killed the majority and the remainder he took prisoner. Some of these he sent to Mīnā to be executed there as a punishment for having dared profane the Holy Place of God and the Holy Place of his Envoy - blessings upon him! - then he returned to Miṣr with the remainder who were all killed there. (ibid. 11, pp. 490 - 491).

<references/>