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Al-Baladhuri

2016-08-29T10:52:25Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 79-83]'''

AL-BALĀDHURĪ

''(d. 892 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-'Abbās Aḥmad b. Yahyā b. Jabir al-Balādhurī. Historian at the Court of the Caliph Al-Mutawakkil.''

''Brockelmann, 1, 141; Sezgin 320; EI (s.v.)''

''Main work: ''Futūh al-buldān''''

''Ed.: De Goeje, ''El-Beladsori, Liber de Expugnatione Regionum'', Leiden 1886; S. al-Munajjid, Cairo 1956-60. Engl, transl.: Ph. Khouri Hltti-Fl. Murgotten, ''Futūh al- buldān of ... al-Balādhurī'', ''The Origins of the Islamic State'', 1, New York 1916.''

''T.: Hitti and De Goeje A:0''

'''[p. 80]''' [Terms made with Nubia:]

''ʿUqbah leads the attack''. Muḥammad b. Sa'd from Abū-l-Khayr: - When the Moslems subdued Egypt, 'Amr ibn al-'Āṣ sent to the surrounding villages, in order to overrun and pillage them, a detachment of cavalry under 'Uqbah ibn Nāfi’ al-Fihri (Nāfi’ being a brother of al-'Āṣ on his mother's side). The cavalry entered the land of Nubia as the summer expeditions (''sawā’if'') of the Greeks do. The Moslems met in Nubia determined resistance. They were subjected to such severe showers of arrows until most of them were wounded and had to return with many wounds and blinded eyes. Therefore were the Nubians called the "archers of the eyes" (''rumāt al-hadaq'').

The terms made.- This state of affairs continued until 'Abdalla ibn Sa'd ibn Abī Sarh ruled over Egypt. The Nubians asked for peace and conciliation from ‘Abdalla, who granted their request, the terms being that they pay no tax (''jizyah''), but offer, as a present (''hudnah'' truce)<ref>The translator read “''hadīyyah''” (present) instead of “''hudna''” (truce).</ref>, three hundred slaves per annum; and that the Moslems offer them, as a present, food equivalent to the value of the slaves.

The Nubians as archers.— Muḥammad b. Sa'd, from a shaykh of the tribe of Himyar. The latter said: 'I have been to Nubia twice during the caliphate of 'Umar ibn al-Khattāb, and I never saw a people who are sharper in warfare than they. I heard one of them say to the Moslems: "Where do you want me to hit you with my arrow?" and in case the Moslem would disdainfully '''[p. 81]''' say: "In such a spot", the Nubian would never miss it.

They were fond of fighting with arrows; but their arrows would scarcely ever hit on the ground. One day, they arrayed themselves against us and we were desirous to carry the conflict with the sword; but they were too quick for us and shot their arrows, putting out our eyes. The eyes that were put out numbered 150. We at last, thought that the best thing to do with such a people was to make peace (''sulh''). We could carry very little booty away from them; and their ability to inflict injury was great. 'Amr, however, refused to make peace with them and went on contending against them until he was dismissed and was succeeded by ‘Abdalla ibn Sa'd ibn Abī-Sarh, who concluded peace with them.'

According to al-Wakidī, Mu'awiyah ibn Hudayj al-Kindī lost his eye in Nubia and thus became one-eyed.

The legality of selling their children as slaves: Abū 'Ubayd al-Qāsim ibn Sallām from Yazīd ibn Abī-Habīb: - The latter said, "Between us and the black tribes (''asāwīd''), no treaty or covenant exists. Only a truce was arranged between us, according to which we agreed to give them some wheat and lentils, and they to give us slaves (''raqīq''). It is all right to buy their slaves from them or from others."

Abū 'Ubayd from al-Layth ibn Sa'd: The latter said: "The terms we made with the Nubians stipulated only that we neither fight against them, nor they against us, that they give us slaves (''raqīq'') and we give them their value in terms of food. If they desire, therefore, to sell their wives or children, there is no reason why they should not be bought."<ref>I.e. to sell their own children, if the war captives could not reach the number required under the agreement.</ref>

'''[p. 82]''' In a report of Abū-l-Bukhturī and others, it is stated that ‘Abdalla ibn Abī-Sarh made terms with the Nubians to the effect that they give four hundred slaves per year, whom they shall bring forth and for whom they shall receive food in exchange.

The caliph al-Mahdī ordered that Nubia be held responsible every year for 360 slaves (''ra's'') and one giraffe, and that they be given wheat, vinegar,<ref>In Arabic “''khall''”. Possibly, it is a misreading of ''khayl'' (horse).</ref> wine, clothes and mattresses or the value thereof.

The Nubians recently claimed that the tribute (''baqṭ'') is not due on them every year, and that it was demanded from them in the caliphate of al-Mahdī, at which time they told the caliph that the tribute (''baqṭ'') was a part of what they took as slaves (''raqīq'') from their enemies and therefore they had, if they could not get enough (slaves), to use their own children and offer them. Al-Mahdī ordered that they be tolerated, and that the tribute (''baqṭ'') of one year be considered as if of three. No confirmation, however, could be found in the registers of al-Ḥaḍrah;<ref>Baghdad. More probably to be read “al-khadrā’”(The Green One).</ref> but it was found in the register in Egypt.

Al-Qummī in Bejaland.<ref>This campaign is described by several other Arab historians with a variety of details. Cf. Ṭabarī, Miskawaih, Maqrīzī.</ref> - Al-Mutawakkil ordered one Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla, known as al-Qummī, to be sent and put in charge of ''al-Ma'din'' (the mine) in Egypt. He also put him in charge of al-Qulzum (Suez), the road of al-Ḥijāz, and the furnishing of guides to the Egyptians '''[p. 83]''' when on holy pilgrimage. Arriving in al-Ma'din, he conveyed provisions in ships from al-Qulzum to the land of the Beja. He then proceeded to a sea-coast, called 'Aydhāb, where the ships met him. With these provisions he and his followers were strengthened and fed until they came to the castle (''qal'ah'') of the king of the Beja (''malik al-bujah''). Al-Qummī attacked his numerous men on camels fastened with girths. Al-Qummī brought bells and put them on his horses. As soon as the camels heard the bell sounding, they ran away with the Beja men over hills and valleys. The chief of the Beja was killed and was succeeded by his sister's son<ref>The Arabic text in De Goeje (op. cit.) is uncertain and admits different readings according to the diacritic dots: e.g. his sister’s son (''ibn ukhti-hi''), his brother’s son (''ibn akhī-hi'').</ref>, whose father was one of the kings of the Beja (''ahad mulūk al-bujāwīyyīn''). He sued for a truce (''hudnah''), which al-Mutawakkil granted only on condition that he (the chief) should tread on his (Al-Mutawakkil's) carpet. Accordingly, he came to ''Surraman-ra'a''<ref>Surra-man-ra’a (=he who sees it, rejoices), also called “Samarra”, was the Caliph’s residence built by al-Ma’mūn</ref>. and made terms in the year 241 (b. 22 May 855 A.D.), agreeing to pay tribute in money and slaves. He was then sent back with al-Qummī. Thus, the people of the Beja are in a state of truce in which they pay and do not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold mine, which terms are mentioned in the condition imposed upon their chief. (Hitti, op. cit., pp. 379 - 382; De Goeje, op. cit., pp. 280-282)

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn Iyas

2016-07-17T18:00:57Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 775-783]'''

IBN IYĀS

''(1449-1542 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-Barakāt Muḥ. b. Aḥmad Zayn Shihāb ad-dīn Ibn Iyās an-Nāṣirī al-Cerkesī al-Hanbalī. An Egyptian, who wrote a compendious chronicle of Egypt with special attention to the Mameluke period.''

''Brockelmann 2, 295; EI (s.v.)''

''Bada'i’ az-zuhur fi waqi'i' ad-duhur'' ("The Admirable Flowers of the Events of Ages")''

''Ed.: Bulaq, 3 vols., 1311-12/1893-94. Engl, transl.: W.H. Salmon, ''An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in the Year 922'', Royal Asiatic Soc., Or. transl. Fund, N.S. 15, London 1921; French transl.: G. Wiet, 1945-1960.''

''T.: Bulaq A: 0''

... Abū-s-Salt, the Omayyad, the Spaniard, said: - The frontier of Egypt begins at Barqah, passes behind the Seven Oases, reaches the country of the Nūba from Aswān up to the country of the Buja. (Bulaq 1, p. 3).

Ibn Wasīf Shāh said: - When the Caliphate passed to the Abbasids and 'Abdalla as-Saffāḥ took over the power, 'Abdalla ibn 'Alī the Abbasid went to Syria to pursue the remnants of the Omayyads, then he seized the emir 'Abdalla b. Marwān al-Jammār [other reading: ''al-ḥimar'', the Donkey], who was at that time the emir of Egypt. When 'Ubaydaila, the son of Marwān was informed of this, he hastened to go to his store rooms, took out 10,000 golden ''dīnār'' and ordered that twelve mules be brought. He had them loaded with money (''māl''), some cloth (''qumāsh'') and carpets (''firash'') and other things; he took with him some slaves and young servants, he tied around his waist a leather-bag full of precious Jewels and fled out of Miṣr into the direction of Nubia. When he arrived '''[p. 776]''' there, he found towns which were completely abandoned but well built; he settled in some of those castles, ordered his servants to sweep them; they swept them and then spread carpets, those rich carpets which he had brought with him. Then he ordered some of his trustworthy servants [saying]: - "Go to the king of the Nūba and ask him for a safe conduct in order that I may not be killed." The servant went to the king of the Nūba and remained away for one hour, then returned with a delegate of the king of the Nūba. The delegate entered and said to him: - "The king gives you his "''salām''" (peace), and asks whether you have come here with the intention of waging war or to seek protection." The emir 'Ubaydallah answered him: - "Give him my ''salām'' and assure him that I have come to ask your protection against an enemy who wants to kill me." The delegate reported this and remained absent for one hour, then came back announcing: - "The king himself is coming to you right now." He set a thick carpet (''martabah'') in the middle of the room, in the direction of [the place reserved to] the king of the Nūba; then a servant said: - "The king of the Nūba is here." The emir ’Ubaydalla rose up and went to the upper part of the castle to see the king of the Nūba [coming]. He was a man of black complexion, tall stature, but thin built; he wore two ''burd'' [streaky cloth garment]: with the one he wrapped (''i’tazar'') himself, with the other he covered (''irtadā'') his shoulder. With him were ten Blacks (''Sūdān'') around him holding javelins with shining spears (''asinna'', teeth). When the emir 'Ubaydalla saw them, he had a poor impression of him [the king] and despised him. When the king came near the place where 'Ubaydalla was standing, about men of the king's army arrived; they were armed with spears. When the king of the Nūba entered, he hastened to hold the hand of the emir 'Ubaydalla and '''[p. 777]''' kissed it; but when 'Ubaydalla invited him to sit on the bench covered with the rich carpet prepared for him the king refused and began pushing that rich carpet away with his foot. 'Ubaydalla said to the dragoman (''turjumān''): - "Why does he not sit on that ''martabah'' which we have prepared for him?" The dragoman immediately translated the words into the king's language, then the king said: - "Tell the emir: - Every king who does not humble himself before God is a proud, stubborn and vainglorious man." Then he sat before the emir 'Ubaydalla and began tracing signs on the ground with his finger for a rather long time, then raised his head looking at the emir and said to him: - "How is it that your kingdom was taken out of your hands, while you are the nearest [relatives] to your Prophet?" 'Ubaydalla answered: - "He who took the kingdom out of our hands was a closer relative than us to our Prophet." The Nubian king said: - "How do you take refuge in, and boast of, your Prophet and your relationship with him and then you drink wine (''khumūr''), which is forbidden to you, and dress silk tunics (''dibāj''), which has been declared forbidden to you? And why do you ride on saddles of gold and silver, which is also forbidden to you and your Prophet never did any such thing? It has also been reported to us that you, when you became wālī of Egypt, you used to go out hunting and imposed on the population of the villages to supply you with what they could not afford, and used to destroy their cultivation and desired to receive gifts (''hadāyā'') and offerings (''taqādim'') from the people of the countryside and all this for sake of a Numidian crane (''kurkī'', ''Ardea virgo'') which you went on hunting while the price of it is seven or eight times that of a woman?" The king of Nubia went on enumerating faults (''dhunūb'') and the emir 'Ubaydalla kept silent without uttering a single word. Then the Nubian king said '''[p. 778]''' to him: - "Because you have made licit to yourselves what God has forbidden you, you have been deprived of your kingdom: it was taken from your hands and God has poured on you his anger, which has not yet reached its end. I am afraid for myself, that if I offer you hospitality in my country, the anger [of God] which fell upon you may attain us, too; that would be a misfortune to all." Therefore he said: - "Leave ray country within three days, or I shall strip you of all your things and put you to the most shameful death." As the emir 'Ubaydalla heard this, he left the land of Nubia that same day and went back to Egypt. The agents of the Caliph al-Manṣūr the Abbasid arrested him and sent him to Baghdad where the Caliph kept him in prison until he died. He was the last ''wālī'' of Egypt under the Omayyad dynasty. As for the agents (''ʿummāl''), who ruled over Egypt under the Abbasid Caliphs, they were more numerous than those who ruled under the Omayyads and were called "Agents of the Tribute" (''ʿummāl al-kharāj'') in Egypt. The Caliphs used to honour their agents [by presenting them] with Arabian horses, robes of silk etc. on condition that the agents provide the Caliphs with Egyptian honey from Benha, and mules and asses and other species which are found only in Egypt. (Bulaq I, pp. 29 - 31).

... Ibn Wasīf Shād said: - "The emir Ibn Ṭūlūn, at his death, left ... 7,000 white slaves whom he had bought (''al-mamālīk al-mushtarawāt'') and 24,000 black slaves (''al-'abīd as-sūd''). (ibid. I, p. 40).

... Quoting adh-Dhahabī: - "The troops of al-Ḥākim were recruited from the Turks, the Daylam, the Musāmidah, Slavonians (''saqālibah''), Greek (''rūm'') and black slaves (''ʿabīd sūd'') and others. (ibid. I, p. 57).

'''[p. 779]''' The Caliph [al-Āmir bi-aḥkām Allah, 1102 - 1130 A.D.] ordered the Patriarch [Zakarias; 1102 - 1131 A.D.] to go to the country of the Ethiopians (''al-Ḥabashah'') [to enquire] about the cause of the fall of the Nile flood, but the Journey of the Patriarch did not bring any result, (ibid. I, p. 63).

In the days of king al-Manṣūr 'Alī ... the leader (''shaykh'') of the truthful (''tarīqah'') shaykh Abūl-Ḥasan ash-Shādhilī died. He was buried in the desert of 'Aydhāb in the Upper Ṣa'īd. (ibid. I, p. 95).

... In this year [674 H./1275 - 1276 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I] sent an expeditionary corps to the country of the Nūba. The cause of it was that the king of the Nūba had entered the town of Aswān, pillaged whatever was there and set it on fire. When the news reached the Sultan he sent the emir Shams ad-dīn Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī the ''ustadār'' of the High [lands]? (''al-'āliyya'') and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, the ''Jāndār'', and a number of the emirs (''umarā' al-‘asharawāt'') and the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk''). When they arrived in Nubia, they fought against the king of the Nūba to take Aswān. The king of the Nūba was defeated and fled, a great number of his men were killed, his brother, the sons of his brother and his relatives were captured; the army of the Sultan took a large booty of female and male slaves, horses and other spoils. (ibid. I, p. 109).

... In that year [688 H./1289 A.D.] the news was brought that the king of the Nubians had attacked the town of Aswān, had pillaged its markets and burnt its mills (''jurūn'', grain supplies). The Sultan sent against him the Emir Aybek al-Afram. When he arrived there, the king of the Nubians had already fled before them, the army and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram pursued him till the end of the country of the Nūba; they took much '''[p. 780]''' spoils of Nubian people (''ʿabīd'') and women (''jawārī''), horses and other spoils. The army returned to Egypt in triumph. (ibid. I, pp. 118 - 119).

... As for the places of the ''Sūdān'' which he [Baybars] had subjected, they are: Nubia (''an-Nūbah'') with its districts (''a'māluha'')... (ibid. I, p. 111).

... Then began the year 704 H. [began 4 August 1304 A.D.]. During this year at the Court of the Sultan (''al-abwāb as-sharīfiyya'') arrived the Lord of Dongola from the districts (''a'māl'') of the Ṣa'īd. He brought with him presents of slaves (''raqīq''), camels, Ethiopian oxen (''abqār ḥabashiyya''; but ''ḥabashiyyah'' is here a misreading for ''khīsiyyah'', i.e. milk cows) and other things. The Sultan conferred on him a robe of honour and gave him hospitality in the house of this guests, (ibid. 1, p. 147).

... In the year 712 H. [began 9 May 1312 A.D.]: the king of the Nūba came to the Sultan's Court (''al-abwāb ash-sharīfa'') bringing with him rich presents, among which were 1,000 slaves (''raqīq''), 500 camels, and 500 milk cows (''baqarāt khīsiyyah''). (ibid. I, p. 157).

... The year 716 H. began [26 March 1316 A.D.]. The Sultan [Nāṣir ibn Qalāwūn] sent an army towards the desert of 'Aydhāb in the upper parts of the Ṣa'īd to put an end to the robberies by the Arab nomads. Six emirs took part in this expedition together with one thousand ''mamlūk''. They entered the Beja land and crossed three regions (''aqālīm'') without meeting any of the nomads they wanted to fight; so they returned to Cairo without any prestige. (ibid., p. 160).

[Year 846 H./began 12 May 1442 A.D.]... In that year it happened that a group of black slaves (''ʿabīd sūd'') plotted a revolt against their chief; they appointed a '''[p. 781]''' Sultan, a vizier and a great emir and a ''dawadari'' of their own. Their Sultan began parading on horseback, wearing a yellow ... (''dajaq''?) and about 500 slaves marched around him. They roamed about plundering cereals and other crops according to his orders. The population suffered great damage from them. When this news reached the Sultan, [in Cairo] he appointed some emirs and a number of the Sultan's own slaves (''al-mamālīk'') (''as-sultāniyyah'') who set out and attacked them. The black slaves (''ʿabīd'') were routed and their Sultan was captured: a number of them were taken prisoner, the others fled.

They returned to Cairo and the Sultan issued an edict inviting all those [in Cairo] who were in possession of an adult slave (''ʿabd-kabīr'') to bring him to Bāb-al-Silsilah and receive 12 dīnārs as the price for him. All the people obeyed; the Sultan bought a great number of them and sent them to the country of Ibn 'Uthmān [Turkey] and ordered that they be sold there. They were taken to the ship and tied to a wooden log (''wa-humfī-l-khashab''). Thus the slaves kept their hands off Egypt [lit. their fingers were cut] and the revolt was put down for good. (ibid. II, p. 28).

... In the year 883 H. [began 4 April 1478 A.D.], news was received that the Secretary of state (''dawadār'') Yashbek had seized Yūnus b. 'Umar, whom he had chased up to Nubia after many adventures which would be long to describe. At last [Yashbek] captured him and beheaded him. He also seized the brother [of Yūnus] Aḥmad by name and a number of his relatives; that was a brilliant victory over the Banī 'Umar. The head of Yūnus was sent to Cairo and shown around and finally hung for a few days at Bāb-Zūwaylah. This Yūnus b. Ismāīl was an outstanding personality among the Banī 'Umar; he was very brave and '''[p. 782]''' became the Lord (''ṣāḥib'') of Hawwārah Bedouins. (ibid. II, p. 172).

... During this year [892 H./began 28 December 1486 A.D.] news was received that Jānim al-Ajrūd al-Ainānī, the prefect (''kāshif'') of Manfalūt fled to Nubia. The Sultan sent someone to seize him. He had fled fearing for his life. He stayed away a long time until the Sultan gave him a safe-conduct. (ibid. II, p. 244).

... In that year [894 H./began 5 December 1488 A.D.] the Sultan changed his attitude towards the eunuch Khushqadam who was the superintendent (''zimām'') [of the royal harem] and the vizier. He arrested him in the middle of the courtyard of the court. The Sultan at first wanted to have him flogged, but later was satisfied with exiling him to Sawākin, where he was to die. (ibid. II, p. 256).

The news arrived [Shawwāl 895 H. = August/September 1489 A.D.] that the vizier Khushqadam Aḥmadī had died. This eunuch, who had held high poets of responsibility and had been vizier and superintendent of the royal harem and Great Treasurer, was a brutal tyrant, altogether wicked. (ibid. II, p. 263).

... [Year 923 H./began 24 January 1517 A.D.]

The Sultan Tūmān Bey continued the fight against the army of the Ibn 'Uthmān [= Sultan Selīm], with a small force of slaves as bowmen and some of the Sultan’s slaves (''mamālik sultāniyyah'') and some emirs. (ibid. III, p. 103).

... The population [of Cairo] was troubled by thirst because the Sultan [Selīm] Ibn 'Uthmān had recruited all the water-carriers with their camels and their water-skins to follow him up to the Ṣa'īd, since the Sultan Tūmān Bey '''[p. 783]''' had fled, and [was ready to pursue him] even into the country of the Zanj, if he had escaped him. (ibid. III, p. 110).

... After the present (''taqdimah'') of the Lord of Yemen had passed [in the parad], next appeared the present of the Emir 'Alī ibn 'Umar, the Lord of Upper Egypt: his present was considerable, including 100 qintar of sugar and slaves, both males and females, horses and camels and other good things convenient to kings. (ibid. III, p. 168).

[Year 924 H./b. 13 January 1518 A.D.]

In the month of Dhū-l-Hijjah the news was received from the Ṣa'īd that the emir 'Alī b. 'Umar went out on a raid against the Lord (''ṣāḥib'') of Nubia (''an-nūba'') and that unrest was spreading all over Upper Egypt. (ibid. Ill, p. 184).

Rumour spread that the ''Khāndār'' (Selīm) had sent a rich present to the emir 'Alī ibn 'Umar, the ''shaykh'' of the Arab Nomads (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt. He sent him a ''qaftān'' of crocodile, acting according to his habit. He ordered that the present and the ''qaftān'' be brought to Upper Egypt by his delegate. Since then the prestige of ‘Alī ibn 'Umar doubled, (ibid. III, pp. 187 - 188).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Guide to the Texts

2016-07-12T14:05:06Z

Seignobos:

==A Guide to the Texts of Medieval Nubia==
 By Grzegorz Ochała and Giovanni R. Ruffini This document proposes a set of citation standards for textual evidence from medieval Nubia.  It is intended to supersede the ad hoc arrangements used in earlier works on the period, and generally follows the model for the documentary papyri from Greco-Roman Egypt presented in the ''Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets ''([http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html]). It provides: (1) individual abbreviations for every monograph or substantial collection of published texts; (2) a bibliography collecting all texts published in isolated journal articles or book chapters; and (3) a forthcoming site-by-site guide to the unpublished texts.

Last update: 5 June 2015.

==Part I: Monographs and Collections==
'''''Inscriptions''''' 
'''Bull. épigr. 1966''' 
L. Robert – J. Robert, ''Bulletin épigraphique'' 1966. 
'''CIG IV''' 
E. Curtius – A. Kirchhoff, ''Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum'', Berlin 1856–9. 
'''I.Faras Greek''' 
Jadwiga Kubińska, ''Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes'' [= ''Faras'' IV], Warsaw 1974. 
'''I.Faras Copt.''' 
S. Jakobielski, ''A History of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the Basis of Coptic Inscriptions'' [= ''Faras'' III], Warsaw 1972. 
'''I.Firth.''' 
C. M. Firth, "Appendix II: Catalogue of the Greek gravestones of the Christian period from Ginari, Cemetery 55", [in:] idem, ''The Archaeological Survey of Nubia, Report for 1908-1909'', I, Cairo 1912. 
'''I.Fitz.''' 
G. T. Martin, ''Stelae from Egypt and Nubia in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, c. 3000 BC-AD 1150'', Cambridge 2005. 
'''I.Khartoum Copt.''' 
J. van der Vliet, ''Catalogue of the Coptic Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Copt.)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 121], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khartoum Greek''' 
A. Łajtar, ''Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Greek)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 122], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khor.''' 
G. Oman – V. Grassi – A. Trombetta, ''The Book of Khor Nubt. Epigraphic Evidence of an Islamic-Arabic Settlement in Nubia (Sudan) in the III–IV centuries A.H./X–XI A.D.'' part I: ''Preliminaries and transcription of the texts'', part II: ''The photographs'', Naples 1998. 
'''I. Lefebvre''' 
G. Lefebvre, ''Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'', Cairo 1907. 
'''I. Louvre Greek''' 
É. Bernand, ''Inscriptions grecques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre'', Paris 1992. 
'''I.Mina.''' 
T. Mina, ''Inscriptions coptes et grecques de Nubie'', Cairo 1942. 
'''I.Pern.''' 
S. Pernigotti, "Stele cristiane da Sakinya nel Museo di Torino", ''Oriens Antiquus'' 14 (1975), pp. 21-55. 
'''[[:Category:I.QI|I.QI]] ''' 
A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Greek and Coptic Inscriptions Published on Behalf of the Egypt Exploration Society'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 13], Warsaw 2010. 
'''I.Sak.''' 
U. Monneret de Villard, ''Le iscrizioni del Cimitero di Sakinya (Nubia)'', Cairo 1933. 
'''I.Tib.''' 
Maria Grazia Tibiletti Bruno, ''Iscrizioni Nubiane'', Pavia 1964. 
'''I. Varsovie Greek''' 
A. Łajtar – A. Twardecki, ''Catalogue des inscriptions grecques du Musée National de Varsovie'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 2], Warsaw 2003. 
'''RCEA''' 
É. Combe – J. Sauvaget – G. Wiet (eds.), ''Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe'' III, Cairo 1932; V, Cairo 1934; VI, Cairo 1935; VII, Cairo 1936; VIII, Cairo 1937; IX, Cairo 1937; X, Cairo 1939. 
'''SEG''' 
''Supplementum epigraphicum graecum'', ed. J. J. E. Hondius ''et alii'', Leiden 1924 ff. 
'''[[WN]]''' 
A commonly used abbreviation to refer to the Wadi Natrun plate published in Griffith 1928b and van Gerven Oei 2011 below.

 '''''Papyri, Parchment, Paper, Etc.''''' 
'''P.QI I''' 
J. M. Plumley – G. M. Browne, ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' I [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 9], London 1988. 
'''P.QI 2''' 
G. M. Browne, ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' II [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 10], London 1989. 
'''P.QI 3''' 
G. M. Browne, ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' III [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 12], London 1991. 
'''P.QI 4''' 
G. R. Ruffini, ''The Bishop, the Eparch and the King: Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' IV [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 22], Warsaw 2014. 
'''P.QI.Tim.''' 
J. M. Plumley, ''The Scrolls of Bishop Timotheos. Two Documents from Medieval Nubia'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 1], London 1975. 

'''''Reference Guides''''' 
'''CIEN''' 
A. Delattre – J. Dijkstra – J. van der Vliet, 'Christian Inscriptions from Egypt and Nubia': 
1 (2013), ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 51 (2014), pp. 199–215;
2 (2014), ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 52 (2015), pp. 297–314.

'''CSBE''''''2''' 
R. S. Bagnall – K. A. Worp, ''Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt'', Leiden – Boston 2004 (2nd ed.). 
'''CSCN''' 
G. Ochała, ''Chronological Systems of Christian Nubia'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 16], Warsaw 2011. 
'''NubBL''' 
G. Ochała - Ruffini, G., "Nubische Berichtigungsliste," ''Dotawo'' 2 (2015): 291-303. 
'''DACL''' 
F. Cabrol – H. Leclerq, ''Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie'', Paris 1907–1953. 

'''''Online Resources''''' 
'''TEI''' 
''Thesaurus d’épigraphie islamique'', <http://www.epigraphie-islamique.org>. 

==Part II: Bibliography of Remaining Publications==

Adams, W. Y., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Archaeological survey of Sudanese Nubia: The Christian potteries at Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 9, pp. 30–43.

–––––– 1964, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations in Nubia: Fourth Season, 1962–63<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 12, pp. 216–48, figs. 1–4, pls. 49–52.

–––––– 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations at Meinarti, 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 148–76.

–––––– 1970, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The University of Kentucky excavations at Kulubnarti, 1969<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 141–52, figs. 7–9, ils. 120–1.

–––––– 1979, 'The «Library» of Qasr Ibrim', ''The Kentucky Review'' 1, pp. 5–27.

–––––– 1994, ''Kulubnarti'' I: ''The Architectural Remains'', Lexington, KY.

–––––– 1996, ''Qasr Ibrîm. The Late Mediaeval Period'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 59<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2000, ''Meinarti'' I: ''Late Meroitic, Ballaña and Transitional Occupation'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 5; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 895], London.

–––––– 2001, ''Meinarti'' II: ''The Early and Classic Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 6; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 966], London.

–––––– 2002, ''Meinarti'' III: ''The Late and Terminal Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 9; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1072], London.

–––––– 2003, ''Meinarti'' IV: ''The Church and the Cemetery. Meinarti''; V: ''The History of Meinarti: an Interpretive Overview'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 11; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1178], London.

–––––– 2005, ''The West Bank Survey from Faras to Gemai 3: Sites of Christian Age'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 14<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Earlier Medieval Period'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 89], London.

Adams, W. Y. – N. K. Adams, 1998, ''Kulubnarti'' II: ''The Artifactual Remains'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 2], London.

Adams, W. Y. – J. A. Alexander – R. Allen, 1983, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1980 and 1982<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 69, pp. 43–60.

Adams, W. Y. - R. C. Allen - R. D. Anderson - E. Crowfoot - P. G. French - P. M. Gartkiewicz, 1979, 'Qasr Ibrim 1978', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41, pls. IV–VI.

Aldred, C., 1978, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The temple of Dendur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin'' 36/1.

Aldsworth, F., 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Cathedral Curch'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 97], London.

Almagro, M. – E. Rippol – L. A. Monreal, 1964, ''Las necrópolis de Masmás, Alto Egipto (Campaña de 1963)'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Memorias de la Misión Arqueológica Española en Nubia'' 3<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Madrid.

Almagro, M. ''et alii'', 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Excavations by the Spanish Archaeological Mission in the Sudan, 1962–63 and 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 78–95.

Altheim, F. – Ruth Stiehl, 1971, ''Christentum am Roten Meer'' I, Berlin – New York.

Amenta, Alessia, 2012, 'Il contributo del Vaticano allo scavo di Sonqi Tino (with the appendix: U. Santamaria – F. Morresi – F. Castro, 'Prime note sulle analisi per immagini eseguite sulla pittura Vaticana da Sonqi Tino')', ''Scienze dell'Antichita'' 18, pp. 537–552, figs. 1–7.

Anderson, Julie R., 1999, 'Monastic lifestyles of the Nubian desert: Seeking the mysterious monks of Makuria’, ''Sudan & Nubia'' 3, pp. 71–83.

Anderson, R. D., 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 2–4.

Anderson, R. D. – W. Y. Adams ''et alii'', 1979, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1978<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41.

Anonymous, 1963, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Further note on Christian Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Archaeology'' 16, p. 59.

Anonymous, 1990, 'Editorial foreword', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 76, pp. VII–XII.

Arkell, A. J., 1949, ''Early Khartoum: An Account of the Excavations of an Early Occupation Site Carried Out by the Sudan Government Antiquities Service in 1944-1945'', London.

–––––– 1951, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian inscription from Kordofan<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''American Journal of Archaeology'' 55/4, pp. 353–4.

–––––– 1959, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Christian church and monastery at Ain Farah, Darfur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 7, pp. 115–19.

Bagińska, Dobiesława, 2008a, 'Christian pottery from Old Dongola (Kom H)', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 361–75.

–––––– 2008b, 'Pottery from Banganarti. Season 2006', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 410–25.

Bagnall, R. S. – A. Łajtar, 1994, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81 once again<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 24, pp. 11–12.

Bagnall, R. S. – K. A. Worp, 1980, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, IV<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 5–18.

–––––– 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, VIII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 33–54.

–––––– 1986, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Dating by the moon in Nubian inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 61, pp. 347–57.

Baillet, J., 1888, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sur plusieurs textes grecs récemment découverts, relatifs à l<nowiki>’</nowiki>histoire des Blémyes<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Comptes Rendus des Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres'' 16, pp. 326–36.

–––––– 1926, ''Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des rois ou syringes à Thèbes'' [= ''Mémoires publiés par les membres de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire'' 42], Cairo.

Baldassare, I., 1967, 'Le pitture', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell’Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 39–60.

Barguet, P. – M. Dewachter, 1967, ''Le temple d'Amada'', Cairo 1967.

Barkóczi, L. – Ágnes Salamon, 1974, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964. Archaeological investigation of the settlement town «A»', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 26, pp. 289–338, figs. 1–53, pls. 19–44.

Barns, J. W. B., 1954, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian monuments from Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 2, pp. 26–32.

–––––– 1974, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A text of the ''Benedicte'' in Greek and Old Nubian from Kasr el-Wizz<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology ''60, pp. 206–11.

Barth, H., 1850, 'Auf Reisen durch die Küstenlandschaften des Mittelmeeres gesammelte Inschriften', ''Rheinisches Museum für Philologie'' 7, pp. 242–70.

Baumeister, Th., 1982, 'Jenseitsvorstellungen in der alten Georglegende', in: ''Jenseitsvorstellungen in Antike und Christentum, Gedenkschrift für Alfred Stuiber'' [= ''Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum'', Ergänzungs Band 9], Münster, pp. 176–87.

Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne, 2000, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Anmerkungen zu den altnubischen Texten aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 15–26.

–––––– 2009, '5. Die altnobiin-nubische Schrift', in: Anja Kootz – Helma Pasch (eds.), ''5000 Jahre Schrift in Afrika: Entstehung – Funktionen – Wechsel. Begleitband zur Ausstellung in der Universitäts- und Staatsbibliothek Köln vom 7. November 2008 bis 8. Januar 2009'', Cologne, pp. 29–34, figs. 15–16.

Benigni, U., 1899, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Litaniae defunctorum copticae<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bessarione'' 6, pp. 106–21.

Bietak, M. – M. Schwarz, 1987, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 191<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1998, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' II <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 255<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna

Billig, Daniela, ‘H.U.N.E. 2007 – die Kirche SR022.A’, ''Der Antike Sudan. Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft'' 18, pp. 89–98, figs. 1–17.

Bingen, J., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Un roitelet chrétien des Nobades au vie siècle<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 36, pp. 431–3.

Birch, S., 1841, 'Unedited Graeco-Egyptian inscriptions', ''The Gentleman<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Magazine'' 16, pp. 366–9.

Blackman, A. M., 1911, ''The Temple of Dendur'', Cairo.

Boeser, P. A. A., 1915, ''Beschrijving van de Egyptische verzameling in het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden'', 7: ''De monumenten van den Saïtischen, Grieks-Romeinschen, en Koptischen tijd'', The Hague.

Bond, E. A. – E. M. Thompson – G. F. Warner (eds.), 1884–94, ''The Palaeographical Society. Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions'', second series, London.

Bonnet, C., 1991, 'Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan)', ''Genava'' 39, pp. 5–20, figs. 1–17.

Botti, G., 1863, ''Notice des monuments exposés au Musée Greco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexadria.

–––––– 1901, ''Catalogue des monuments exposés au Musée Gréco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexandia.

Bouriant, U., 1894, in: J. de Morgan ''et alii'', ''Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte antique'', 1, Vienna.

–––––– 1900, ’Trois tables horaires coptes’, ''Mémoires présentés à l'Institut égyptien'' 3, pp. 575-604.

Boyaval, B., 1966, ’21 documents inédits de la collection Despoina Michælidès’, ''Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale'' 64, pp. 75–93.

–––––– 1967, 'Rapport sur la première partie des fouilles executées à Naga' eš-Šeima et Naga' el-'Oqba', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1961–1963)'', Cairo, pp. 29–33, pls. I–III.

–––––– 1970, 'Le prologue du Misoumenos de Ménandre et quelques autres papyrus grecs inédit de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire', ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 6, pp. 1–33, pls. 1–4.

–––––– 1972, ’Une stele grecque inedite de l’ile de Sai’, ''Revue d’Égyptologie ''24, pp. 20–4.

–––––– 1976a, ’SB 7190’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 20, p. 23.

–––––– 1976b, ’SB 3897’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 42, pl. 1a.

–––––– 1976c, ’SB 3896’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 62, pl. 1b, c.

Brakmann, H., 2006, '«Defunctus adhuc loquitur». Gottesdienst und Gebetsliteratur der untergegangenen Kirche in Nubien', ''Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft'' 48, pp. 283-333.

Bresciani, Edda, 1967, 'Le chiese', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell<nowiki>’</nowiki>Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 27–37.

Browne, C. S., 2004, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Tatianus Nubianus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. M. Bay (ed.), ''Studia paleophilologica: Professoris G.M. Browne in honorem oblata'', Champaign, IL 2004, pp. 93–8.

Browne, G. M., 1980a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A new text in Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik ''37, pp. 173–8.

–––––– 1980b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (I)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 2, pp. 16–33.

–––––– 1980c, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VI–VII)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 129–41.

–––––– 1981a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Nilo-Saharan: Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistic Colloquium, Leiden, September 8–10, 1980'', Dordrecht, pp. 145–50.

–––––– 1981b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian fragment of Revelation<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 20, pp. 73–82.

–––––– 1981c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Mark 11.6–11<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 44, pp. 151–66.

–––––– 1981d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 9–19.

–––––– 1981e, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VIII–X)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 55–67.

–––––– 1982a, ''Griffith’s Old Nubian Lectionary'' [= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 8], Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1982b, ’A fragment of Pseudo-Chrysostom from Qasr Ibrim’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 1–10.

–––––– 1982c, ’Notes on Griffith’s Old Nubian lectionary’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 11–13.

–––––– 1983a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 53, pp. 259–60.

–––––– 1983b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Miracle of St. Menas<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 23–37.

–––––– 1983c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Nicene Canons<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 97–112.

–––––– 1983d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 2–4.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Stauros-Text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 22, pp. 75–119.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lexicon in Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 5–63.

–––––– 1984a, ''Chrysostomus Nubianus: An Old Nubian Version of Ps. Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 10<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1984b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (I–III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 6, pp. 26–36.

–––––– 1985a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian philology<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 60, pp. 291–6.

–––––– 1985b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (IV–V)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 1–5.

–––––– 1985c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 14–29.

–––––– 1986a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New light on Old Nubian: The Serra East codex<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Krause (ed.), ''Nubische Studien. Tagungsakten der 5. internationalen Konferenz der International Society for Nubian Studies, Heidelberg, 22.–25. September 1982'', Mainz, pp. 219–22.

–––––– 1986b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Mark<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 66, pp. 49–52.

–––––– 1987a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary: The revision revised<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 24, pp. 75–92.

–––––– 1987b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts from Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie'' 28, pp. 76–86.

–––––– 1988a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Revision of the Old Nubian Version of the ''Institutio Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung ''3, pp. 17–24.

–––––– 1988b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Ps.-Chrysostom, ''In quattuor animalia''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 15, pp. 215–19, pl. 1.

–––––– 1988c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 57, pp. 210–11.

–––––– 1989a, ''Literary Texts in Old Nubian'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 5<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1989b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The protocol of Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 16, pp. 216–19.

–––––– 1989c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (VI–IX)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 4, pp. 63–74.

–––––– 1989d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 77, pp. 293–6.

–––––– 1989e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>,'' Nubian Letters'' 12, pp. 4–5.

–––––– 1989f, ''Introduction to Old Nubian'' [= ''Meroitica'' 11], Berlin.

–––––– 1990a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the ''Liber Institutionis Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 75–9.

–––––– 1990b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Coptico-Nubiana: A Coptic Vorlage for an Old Nubian text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal of Coptic Studies ''1, pp. 137–9.

–––––– 1990c, 'Ad Ps.-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem I''', ''Orientalia'' 59, pp. 521–3.

–––––– 1991, 'Old Nubian studies: Past, present and future', in: W.V. Davies (ed.), ''Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam'', London, pp. 286–93.

–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 61, pp. 454–8.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (X)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 5, pp. 31–7.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian literature<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: Ch. Bonnet (ed.), ''Études Nubiennes. Conférence de Genève, Actes du VII''''e'' ''Congrès international d<nowiki>’</nowiki>études nubiennes, 3–8 septembre 1990'', I: ''Communications principales'', Geneva, pp. 379–87.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''50 Years of Polish Excavations in Egypt and the Near East: Acts of the Symposium at the Warsaw University, 1986'', Warsaw, pp. 74–7.

–––––– 1993, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A papyrus document in Coptic and Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 29–32.

–––––– 1994a, ''The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1994b, ''Bibliorum Sacrorum versio paleonubiana'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium ''547, Subsidia 87<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven.

–––––– 1994c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A survey of Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Nubian Letters'' 21, pp. 7–10.

–––––– 1994d, ‘Ad Ps-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem'' II’, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 93–7.

–––––– 1994e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 257–9.

–––––– 1995a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia ''64, pp. 450–9.

–––––– 1995b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Old Nubian translation of Galatians 3:27<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 108, pp. 239–41.

–––––– 1995c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian graffito 4<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Ttravaux'' 17,'' ''pp. 17–21.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Bishop Martyrophoros<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 111, pp. 187–8.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lachmannus et Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 109, pp. 261–6.

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Koerner, R., 1966, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Eine griechisch-christliche Grabinschrift aus Nubien<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Archiv für Papyrusforschung'' 18, pp. 44–6, pl. 5.

–––––– 1974, 'Griechische Inschriften aus Ägypten' in: ''Festschift zum 150jährigen Bestehen des berliner Ägyptischen Museums'' [= ''Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Mitteilungen aus der ägyptischen Sammlung'' 8], Berlin, no. 7, pp. 355-62, pls. 53b–57.

Kortenbeutel, H., 1938, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein griechischer Grabstein aus Nubien<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche'' 37, pp. 61–4 (printed in 1939).

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–––––– 1900, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein neuer nubischer König<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes'' 14, pp. 236–42.

Kraus, J., 1930, ''Die Anfänge des Christentums in Nubien'', Münster.

Krause, M., 1970, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Zur Kirchen- und Theologiegeschichte Nubiens<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 71–86.

–––––– 1975, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Die Formulare der christlichen Grabsteine Nubiens<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 76–82.

–––––– 1978, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Bishof Johannes III von Faras und seine beiden Nachfolger. Noch einmal zu Problem eines Konfessionswechsels in Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Études nubiennes. Colloque de Chantilly, 2–6 juillet 1975'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliothèque d<nowiki>’</nowiki>étude'' 77<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Cairo, pp. 153–64.

Krauspe, Renate, 1987, ''Ägyptisches Museum der Karl-Marx-Universität Leipzig. Führer durch die Ausstellung'', Leipzig.

Krauspe, Renate (ed.), 1997, ''Das Ägyptische Museum der Universität Leipzig'', Mainz am Rhein.

Kropp, A. M., 1931, ''Ausgewählte koptische Zaubertexte'', Brussels.

Kubińska, Jadwiga, 1975, 'La prière nubienne pour les morts et la question de son origine', in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 83–4.

–––––– 1976a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>L<nowiki>’</nowiki>ange Litakskuel en Nubie<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 89, pp. 451–5.

–––––– 1976b, ‘Prothesis de la Cathédrale de Faras: Documents et recherches’, ''Revue des Archéologues et Historiens d’Art de Louvain'' 9, pp. 7–37.

–––––– 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Une pierre funéraire chrétienne au Musée National de Varsovie<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Revue Archéologique'' 1981, pp. 74–6.

–––––– 1990, 'Inscription scolaire sur les murs de la Cathédrale de Faras', ''Études et travaux'' 15, pp. 226–9, fig. 1.

Kuhn, K. H. – W. J. Tait, 1991, 'Two leaves from a codex from Qasr Ibrim', The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 77, pp. 145–149, pls. 13–14.

Laisney, V. P.-M., 2012, 'Les inscriptions grecques et nubiennes de l'église de Sonqi Tino', ''Scienze dell'Antichita'' 18, pp. 601–13, figs. 1–12.

van Lantschoot, A., 1929, ''Recueil des colophons des manuscrits chrétiens d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'', I: ''Les colophons Coptes des manuscrits Sahidiques'', fascicule 2: ''Notes et tables'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliothèque du Muséon'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven.

Layton, B., 1987, ''Catalogue of Coptic Literary Manuscripts in the British Library Acquired since the Year 1906'', London, no. 80, pp. 84–5; no. 83, pp. 89–90.

Le Blant, E.-F., 1869, ''Manuel d<nowiki>’</nowiki>épigraphie chrétienne'', Paris.

Leclant, J., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte, 1957–1960 (deuxième partie)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 30, pp. 176–99.

–––––– 1963, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1961–1962, part II: Fouilles au Soudan et découvertes hors d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 32, pp. 184–219.

–––––– 1964, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1962–1963<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 33, pp. 337–404.

–––––– 1965, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1963–1964’, ''Orientalia'' 34, pp. 175–232, pls. XXV–LIII.

–––––– 1967, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1965–1966’, ''Orientalia'' 36, pp. 181–227, pls. XXIV–LVI.

–––––– 1968, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1966–1967’, ''Orientalia'' 34, pp. 94–140, pls. X–XXXVI.

–––––– 1969, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1967–1968<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 38, pp. 240–303.

–––––– 1975, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1973–1974’, ''Orientalia'' 44, pp. 200–244, pls. XI–XXVIII.

–––––– 1979, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1977–1978’, ''Orientalia'' 48, pp. 340–412, pls. II–XXVII.

Leclant, J. – Gisèle Clerc, 1986, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1984–1985’, ''Orientalia'' 55, pp. 236–319, pls. VIII–LXVII.

–––––– 1990, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1988–1989’, ''Orientalia'' 59, pp. 335–439, pls. XVIII–LXXXIX.

–––––– 1991, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1989–1990’, ''Orientalia'' 60, pp. 159–273, pls. XXVII–CIV.

–––––– 1998, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1996–1997’, ''Orientalia'' 67, pp. 315–444, pls. XII–XLVII.

Leclant, J. – G. Soukiassian, 1982 'L’église de Nilwa à Sedeinga', in: J. M. Plumley (ed.), ''Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Selwyn College, Cambridge, 1978'', Cambridge, pp. 155–8, figs. 1–6.

Leemans, C., 1840, ''Description raisonnée des monumens <nowiki>[</nowiki>sic<nowiki>]</nowiki> égyptiens du Musée d<nowiki>’</nowiki>antiquités des Pays-Bas, à Leide'', Leiden.

Lefebvre, G., 1902, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions grecques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin de correspondence hellénique'' 26, pp. 440–66.

–––––– 1909–10, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte chrétienne II<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Annales du Service des Antiquités de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 10, pp. 50–65.

Legh, T., 1816, ''Narrative of a Journey in Egypt and the Country beyond the Cataracts'', London.

Lepsius, C. R., 1849–59, ''Denkmæler aus Ægypten und Æthiopien'', Berlin.

Lethmayer, Beate – M. Zach, 1986, 'Bemerkungen zu einigen Graffiti auf der Keramik von Wadi el Ghazali', ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 1, pp. 141–8, figs. 1–16.

Letronne, A. J., 1822, 'Inscriptions', in: Gau 1822, pp. 27–9.

–––––– 1823, ’Mémoire sur une table horaire récemment découverte dans le temple égyptien de Taphis’, ''Nouvelles annales des voyages, de la géographie et de l'histoire'' 17, pp. 357–84 (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 2nd series, vol. I, Paris 1883, pp. 77-94).

–––––– 1827, review of Vidua 1826, ''Journal des Savans [sic]'', pp. 14–24, 162–75, 474–83 (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 3rd series, vol. I, Paris 1883, pp. 252–89).

–––––– 1832, '’Matériaux pour l’histoire du christianisme en Égypte, en Nubie et en Abyssinie'’, Paris (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 1st series, vol. I, Paris 1881, pp. 1–99).

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Lumbroso, G., 1869, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Documenti greci del Regio Museo egizio di Torino<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 4, pp. 683–722.

–––––– 1869-70, 'Iscrizioni inedite del Museo egiziano di Firenze', ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 5, pp. 225–30.

–––––– 1871–2, 'Notizie raccolte in tre Musei d'antichità', ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 7, pp. 191–215, pls. I–IV.

–––––– 1874, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Saggio d<nowiki>’</nowiki>inventario delle iscrizioni greche di Torino<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Rivista di Filologia e d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Istruzione classica'' 2, pp. 201–26.

Łajtar, A., 1991, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Greek funerary stelae from Polish excavations in Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Achéologie du Nil Moyen'' 5, pp. 157–66.

–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Greek inscriptions from Polish excavations in Old Dongola in the collection of the National Museum in Wrasaw<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Aegyptus'' 72, pp. 111–42.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from Ginari, Lower Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 91, pp. 147–9.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Greek Christian inscriptions from the Nile Valley<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 93, p. 137–40.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from el-Chandaq, Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 94, pp. 217–20.

–––––– 1993a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>On the provenance of the four Christian inscriptions: SB X 10515–10516, M. G. Tibiletti Bruno, Iscrizioni Nubiane 49, 56<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 95, pp. 241–5.

–––––– 1993b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81, a Christian epitaph from Nubia: Notes on the reading<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 101–4.

–––––– 1993c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Bemerkung zu einem christlichen Epitaph aus Nubien im Louvre<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 98, pp. 245–7.

–––––– 1994a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica (I–II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 104, pp. 201–4.

–––––– 1994b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek Christian epitaphs from Lower Nubia in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Cracow<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Materiały Archeologiczne'' 27/2, pp. 55–61.

–––––– 1994c, review of ''I. Louvre'', ''Bibliotheca Orientalis'' 51, pp. 565–71.

–––––– 1995, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions from the Monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Starowieyski (ed.), ''The Spirituality of Ancient Monasticism. Acts of the International Colloquium Held in Cracow–Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994. Specialized cotributions'', Cracow, pp. 47–61.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Christian epitaphs in Greek from Reisner excavations in the area of Gebel Barkal (northern Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 26, pp. 73–89.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica III. Ein liturgisches Gebet aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 112, pp. 140–2.

–––––– 1996c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica IV: Das älteste nubische Epitaph mit dem Gebet vom sogenannten Typus Euchologion Mega?<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 113, pp. 101–8.

–––––– 1997a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek funerary inscriptions from Old Dongola: General note<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Oriens Christianus'' 81, pp. 107–26.

–––––– 1997b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Psalm 22, 1–2 nebst der ''Invocatio Dei'' auf einem Ostrakon aus Alt-Dongola (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 27, pp. 55–60.

–––––– 1998a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griechische und koptische Inschriften im Koptischen Museum Kairo: Eine Fortsetzung<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 25–30.

–––––– 1998b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Iesousinkouda, eparch of Nobadia, ''domestikos'' of Faras and ''nauarchos'' of the Nobades<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reprts'' 1, pp. 73–80.

–––––– 1999, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions in Polish collections. A checklist<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 125, pp. 147–72.

–––––– 2001a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Terracotta funerary stele of the monk Ioannes from Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 327–34.

–––––– 2001b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica V<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 136, pp. 62–4.

–––––– 2001c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VI–VII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 137, pp. 183–6.

–––––– 2001d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Heb 5.4 in a graffito in the western annex of the Monastery on Kom H at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Travaux'' 19, pp. 210–15.

–––––– 2002, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Georgios, archbishop of Dongola († 1113) and his epitaph<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: T. Derda – J. Urbanik – M. Węcowski (eds.), ''Euergesias charin. Studies Presented to Benedetto Bravo and Ewa Wipszycka by Their Disciples'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' ''Supplement'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 159–92.

–––––– 2003a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Wall inscriptions in the Banganarti churches. A general note after three seasons of work<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 137–59.

–––––– 2003b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek epitaphs from Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 161–75.

–––––– 2003c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from the anachorite grotto at Ez-Zuma<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: B. Żurawski ''et alii'', ''Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeological Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Nubia'' II, ''Southern Dongola Reach Survey'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 512–17, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2004a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VIII–IX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 34, pp. 87–94.

–––––– 2004b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from Banganarti, season 2003<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 15, pp. 253–60.

–––––– 2005, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Banganarti 2004. Inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 309–13.

–––––– 2006a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian Sai in written records (inscriptions and manuscripts)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 91–104.

–––––– 2006b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica X–XI<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 105–23.

–––––– 2007, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New finds of funerary inscriptions in Banganarti (Christian Nubia)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 37, pp. 135–52.

–––––– 2008a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Late Christian Nubia through visitors<nowiki>’</nowiki> inscriptions from the Upper Church at Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 321–31.

–––––– 2008b, 'Banganarti 2006: The inscriptions', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 396–402.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An adaptation of a sentence of Menander in a Nubian monastery<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 171, pp. 19–24, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2009b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica XII–XIX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 39, pp. 83–119.

–––––– 2010, ‘The Greek of late Christian inscriptions from Nubia – the evidence from Banganarti and other sites’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 759–63.

–––––– 2011, ‘New finds of Greek epitaphs at Dongola’ (with appendix ‘Two Coptic epitaphs’ by J. van der Vliet), in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 37–94.

–––––– 2012, 'Inscriptions at Miseeda (Masida) church (MAS021)', in: Ali Osman - D. N. Edwards, ''The Archaeology of a Nubian Frontier. Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan'', Bristol, p. 172.

–––––– 2013, 'On the name of the capital of the Nubian Kingdom of Makuria', ''Przegląd humanistyczny'' 437, pp. 127–34.

–––––– 2014a, ‘A Greek hymn to the Virgin with the alphabetic acrostich found at Qasr Ibrim (Egyptian Nubia)’, in: Diliana Atanassova – Tinatin Chronz (eds.), ''Synaxis katholikē. Beiträge zu Gottesdienst und Geschichte der fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag'' [= ''orientalia – patristica – oecumenica'' 6/1–2], Münster, pp. 391–408, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014b, 'Epitaph of Staurosaña († 1057), granddaughter (?) of a king Zakharias, found in Dongola', in: Angelika Lohwasser – P. Wolf (eds.), ''Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten. Zum 80. Geburtstag von Steffen Wenig'' [= ''Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin e.V.'', Sonderheft 2014], Berlin, pp. 221–8, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014c, 'A survey of Christian textual finds from Gebel Adda in the collections of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto', in: Julie R. Anderson – D. A. Welsby (eds.), ''The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies'' [= ''British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan'' 1], Leuven – Paris – Walpole, Ma, pp. 951–9, pls. 1–15.

–––––– 2014d, 'Dongola 2010: Epigraphic report', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 23/1 (Research 2011), pp. 285–95, figs. 1–5.

–––––– 2014e, 'Old Nubian texts from Gebel Adda in the Royal Ontario Museum', ''Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies'' 1, pp. 185–201, figs. 1–8.

–––––– 2015a, 'Three fragments of terracotta epitaphs from El-Koro and Karmel (Abu Hamed Reach)', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices'' II: ''New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 27], Warsaw, pp. 137–48, figs. 1–3.

Łajtar, A. – G. Ochała, 2015, 'Two wall inscriptions from the Faras cathedral with lists of people and goods', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices'' II: ''New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 27], Warsaw, pp. 73–102, figs. 1–2.

Łajtar, A. – K. Pluskota, 2001, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscribed vessels from the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 335–55.

Łajtar, A. – T. Płóciennik, 2011, ‘A man from Provence on the Middle Nile: A grafﬁto in the upper church at Banganarti’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 95–119.

Łajtar, A. – G. R. Ruffini, 2011, ‘Qasr Ibrim’s last land sale, AD 1463 (EA 90225)’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 121–31.

Łajtar, A. – J. van der Vliet, 1998, ’Rich ladies of Meinarti and their churches. With an appended list of sources from Christian Nubia containing the expression «having the church of so-and-so»’, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 35–54.

–––––– 2010, ’The Coptic and Greek inscriptions from Qasr Ibrim: Announcing a forthcoming publication’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 713–18.

–––––– 2011a, ‘A late Christian ostracon from Dongola’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 133–40.

–––––– 2011b, ‘CIG IV 8952 revisited (‘Gebel Maktub’ near Qasr Ibrim)’, [in:] A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 141–8.

–––––– 2012, ‘Wall inscriptions in a burial vault under the Northwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H (Dongola 2009)’, ''Polish Achaeology in the Mediterranean'' 21, pp. 330-7.

–––––– 2013, 'A view from a hill: A first presentation of the rock graffiti of «Gebel Maktub»', in: J. van der Vliet – J. L. Hagen (eds.), ''Qasr Ibrim, between Egypt and Africa. Studies in Cultural Exchange (NINO Symposium, Leiden, 11–12 December 2009)'' [= ''Egyptologische Uitgaven'' 26], Leuven – Leiden, pp. 157–66, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2015, 'An inscribed tomb chamber in Ukma-West', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices'' II: ''New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 27], Warsaw, pp. 103–18, figs. 1–10.

–––––– forthcoming a, ''Empowering the Dead in Christian Nubia. The Texts from a Medieval Funerary Complex in Dongola'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series''], Warsaw.

Łaptaś, Magdalena, 2003, 'Representations of angelic hierarchy in a Nativity scene from Faras cathedral', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 2, pp. 137–43, figs. 1–4.

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–––––– 1990, 'Some known and some new features of Nubian painting on the murals from House A in Old Dongola', in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 233–46, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 1998a, 'An attempt to define the function of selected rooms at the monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 81–93, figs. 1–15.

–––––– 1998b, 'Mural paintings from Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 96–113, figs. 1–24.

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–––––– 2001b, 'Suggestions on dating of some murals from the monastery in Old Dongola', ''Études et travaux'' 19, pp. 217–36, figs. 1–16.

–––––– 2003, 'New wall paintings discovered at the monastery of the Holy Trinity in Old Dongola (Sudan) during the 2000 excavation campaign', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 2, pp. 145–53, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 2005a, 'Stylistic homogeneity of groups of paintings in the Monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 3, pp. 159-73, figs. 1–19.

–––––– 2005b, 'Wall paintings discovered in Dongola in the 2004 season' ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 273–84, figs. 1–11.

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–––––– 1971, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The stele of Marianos, bishop of Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie'' 12, pp. 77–84.

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–––––– 1975b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim, 1974<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 61, pp. 5–26.

–––––– 1975c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An eight-century Arabic letter to the king of Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 61, pp. 241–5, pl. XXVIII.

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–––––– 1975a, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964: The finds from the excavation of the Hungarian mission 2', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 27, pp. 135–43, figs. 1–16.

–––––– 1975b, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964: The pottery finds of the settlement', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 27, pp. 353–494, plans 1–4, figs. 1–44, A–R, pls. I–XLII.

–––––– 1975c, 'Man in the vessel; an interpretation of a Nubian fresco representation', in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 121–5, figs. 1–6.

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–––––– 2004, 'Δύο επιτύμβιεσ στήλες στα Ελληνικά από τη Χριστιανική Νουβία’, ’’Graeco-Arabica’’ IX-X (’’Festschrift in Honour of V. Christides’’), pp. 365-381.

–––––– 2006, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Some remarks on the abbreviations of the name ''Ioannes'' and their co-existence with the title ''presbyteros''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung ''9, pp. 113–18, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2007, ‘On the medieval inscriptional material from M.D.A.S.P.’, in: Claudia Näser – M. Lange (eds.), ''Proceedings of the Second International Conference on the Archaeology of the Fourth Nile Cataract, Berlin, August 4th–6th, 2005'' [= ''Meroitica'' 23], Wiesbaden, pp. 235-46, figs. 1–3, pls. 1–7, colour pls. 62-5.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Medieval inscriptions from the renovated museum at Jebel Barkal (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: J.-P. Monferrer-Sala – V. Christides – Th. Papadopoullos (eds.), ''East and West: Essays on Byzantine and Arab Worlds in the Middle Ages'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies'' 15<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Piscataway, NJ, pp. 219–45, 14 figs.

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–––––– 2011b, ‘Sepulchral crosses from Nubia with the PHŌS-ZŌĒ acclamation’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 157–70.

–––––– 2011–12, 'Medieval funerary inscriptions from Sai Island', in: Florence Doyen – D. Devauchelle (eds.), ''Fouilles sur l'île de Saï (Soudan) 2005–2010'' [= ''Cahiers de recherches de l'Institut de papyrologie et d'égyptologie de Lille'' 29], Lille, pp. 297–330, figs. 1–34.

–––––– 2012, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: Epimachos of Attiri: a warrior saint of late Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 9, pp. 205-23, 2 figs.

–––––– 2014a, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica V: The names of the Four Creatures of the Apocalypse in Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 11, pp. 253-63.

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–––––– 2015, 'The cryptogram ΜΧΓ as a variant of the cryptogram XMΓ: On text and image in Christian Nubia', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices'' II: ''New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 27], Warsaw, pp. 245–62, figs. 1–4.

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==Part IV: A Guide to the Unpublished Texts==
''Forthcoming''.

[[category:Texts]]
[[Category:Bibliography]]

Al-'Umari

2016-05-12T14:31:42Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 507-516]'''

AL-‘UMARĪ

''(1300-1348 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-'Abbās 'Alī b. Yaḥyā Ibn Faḍlalla Shihāb ad-dīn al-'Umarī. First qāḍī in Cairo, then State Secretary; he died of the plague at Damascus.''

''Brockelmann 2, 141; EI (s.v.)''

''1.) ''Masālik al-abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār'', 20 vols., (The Ways of the Eyes in the Realms of the Great Cities; An encyclopaedia)''

''MSS: Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS ar. 5S67 and 5866.''

''Ed.: partly: Aḥmed Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1924 (Geographical section only); and French transl.: G. Demombynes, ''L'Afrique moins l'Egypte'', Paris 1927.''

''Exc.: MC 1236-1241 (from Paris MSS, Zaki Pasha and Demombynes); Mus'ad 241-246.''

''T.: MC, Mus'ad and Demombynes A: l''

''2.) ''At-ta'rīf li-l-muṣṭalaḥ ash-sharīf'' (A Handbook on Epistolography)''

''Ed.: Cairo 1884.''

''T.: Cairo A: 0''

1.) From "''Masālik al-abṣār''"

Ch. VI - The first of the countries [of Islam, from east to west] is al-Hind and as-Sind...<ref> Ibn Faḍlalla mentions first the Islamic territories in Asia, then Egypt, Syria and al-Ḥijāz – the last three being the bulwark and the heart of the Islamic world.</ref> Next comes the [whole of the] Islamic countries known as al-Ḥabasha. Al-Ḥabasha borders the territory of the Oases (''al-wāhāt'') and extends southwards to the Sea of the Ḥabasha '''[p. 508]''' on the east, the countries of the Christian and pagan Ḥabasha on the south, then the barren deserts on the west side and the Oases of the north. Next comes Kanem (''al-Kanām''), situated on the banks of the Nile at the same latitude as Dunqula. Next comes the country of Barqa, the country of Ifrīqiya which, on its southern frontiers, is contiguous with the country of the sūdān. (MS Paris 5868, fols. 2 r - 3 r; MC 1238 v).

The following information is from 'Abd ar-Raḥīm, a former chancellor in the region of the mines. He said that the distance between the mine and Qōs may be covered in eight days travelling at a moderate speed. The territory around the mine is inhabited by the Buja, who have the control of the mine and act as its guardians. The mine is situated on a mountain on the east bank of the Nile [looking] in the direction of the north. A large part of this mountain is known as Qarsanda. There is no other mountain in the vicinity. This mountain rises in an isolated plain, where no cultivation can be seen. Water is found at half-a-day's distance. This watering place is formed by the seasonal rains and is called ''Ghadīr A’yan'' and the water is more or less plentiful according to the rainfall. The mine lies in a long stretch of desert land, where a kind of white stone is found, from which the emerald is extracted. (MS 5868, fols. 166 v - 167 r; MC 1238 v).

Qōs ... is the first halting place for the trade caravans going to al-Hind, al-Ḥabasha, al-Yaman and al-Ḥijāz ... From Qōs one can proceed to Aswān and thence to the Nūba country. From Aswān a branch route turns eastwards across the desert and leads to 'Aydhāb, whence one sails to Judda. (Paris, MS 5868, fols. 201 r - 202 r; MC 1238 v).

'''[p. 509]''' Ch. VIII - Now we are going to give a general description of the countries of the Ḥabasha, both Moslems and infidels.

... It is said that on the eastern frontier turning a little towards the north, this country [Ḥabasha] begins from the Sea of al-Hind and Yemen. In this country the river Sayḥūn flows, the river with sweet water (''an-nahr al-ḥilū'') from which the Nile of Egypt parts... The extreme part of the eastern frontier is in a desert land called Wādī Baraka. It is said that this wādī leads to a region called Sahart, formerly called Tigrāy. Here there was the ancient capital of the kingdom, called Akshum (sic!) in one of their languages, or Zarfartā, which was another name for it. It was the residence of the earliest ''najāshī'', who was the king of the entire country. Next is the territory (''iqlīm'') of Amḥara, where is the capital of the kingdom nowadays, called Mar'adī; next is the territory of Shāwa, Damūt, Sanū... (MS 5067, fol. 19 v; MC 1240 r-v).

Ch. IX — [Chapter Nine deals with the Moslem kingdoms of the Blacks (''sūdān'') who dwell along the Nile, It is divided into two sections, the one dealing with the Kanem (''al-Kanām''), the other with the Nūba.]

Section One: The Kanem. The king of the Kanem is a Muslim and is Independent. His country is at a great distance from Māllī. The capital of his kingdom la a place called Jīmī; his empire begins at a place called Zella (''Zalla'') on the frontier of Egypt, and ends at a place called Kākā, three months away from Jimi. His troops wear a muffler (''lithām'').

... Instead of coins, they make use of a locally woven cloth, called ''dandī''. Each piece is 10 cubits long and is divided into smaller pieces, the least of which is half-a-cubit. In their transactions they make '''[p. 510]''' use also of cowries, glass-ware, fragments of copper and silver coins; but the value of these wares is calculated on the basis of the cloth. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 23 v; MC 1240 v).

Section Two: The Nūba (''an-nūba''). They dwell next to Egypt in the extreme south, on the banks of the Nile of Egypt. Their capital is Dunqula and their towns are more like villages and hamlets than towns, poor in resources (''khayr'') and agricultural products (''khiṣb'') and with a dry climate. The Ayyubids found it inhospitable at the time of Saladin, when his brother Tūrānshāh led an army to conquer it, but [later] directed it towards al-Yaman. They were afraid that Shahīd Nūraddīn Maḥmud ibn Zankī might attack them in Cairo and take their power away from them which they exercised. So they decided to occupy a country in their rear, which might become their refuge. That is why they went to Nubia. When they realized it was not a country suitable for such people as they were, they turned to Al-Yaman. The religion (''adyān'') of the population of this country is Christianity (''dīn an-naṣrāniyya''). Their king is a man like the others (''ka'anna-hu wāḥid min al-'āmma'').

The wise man Luqmān comes from their country... Also from Nubia came Dhū-l-Νūn, the Egyptian, and Abū-l-Fīḍ (Fayyiḍ) Tūbān (Thūbān) b. Ibrāhīm, whose father was a Nubian slave, freed by the Qurayshites. When any one discussed about asceticism in his presence [the Caliph] Ja'far al-Mutawakkil used to say: - 'Go and make yourself another Dhū-l-Nūn'. His name has been mentioned among the pious beggars. He was called "the Egyptian" because he lived in Egypt and his tomb can be seen at Qarāfa.

'''[p. 511]'''… The king of this country is at present a Muslim<ref>Dr. Mus’ad says that the first member of the Kanz family who reigned in Dongola was Kanz-ad-Dawla b. Shujā’ ad-Dīn Naṣr Fakhr ad-Dīn Mālik b. al-Kanz, whom the Nubians proclaimed their king after the killing of ‘Abdalla Barshanbō, 717 H./1317 A.D..</ref> of the family of Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla. These Awlād al-Kanz are descendants of a family about which we have already spoken. Nowadays, no king can reign there without the consent of the Sultanian Court of Cairo. The kings of Dunqula owe a certain tribute (''ḥiml muqarrar'') to the Sovereign of Egypt. This tribute (''itāwa'') does not consist of gold or silver, but of a certain number of slaves (''ʿabīd''), male and female, spears (''ḥirāb'') and wild animals of Nubia.

I was told by more than one person who had travelled in Nubia that Dunqula is a town on the bank of the Nile. Its inhabitants live a very hard life, yet they are more honest than many other sūdān. The town has a great mosque (''masjad jāmiʿ''), where travellers can stay. The messengers of the king come to invite them to the audience. When they are in his presence, he treats them as guests; both he and his emirs (''umaraʾ'') generously give them presents. The most prized present consists of a slave, male or female, but more often it consists of ''dakādīk'', which are rough, thick tunics, generally of a black dye.

Meat, milk products and fish are plentiful in their country, but cereals are rare, except for dhurra. The most exquisite dish is that made with ''lūbiyā'' bean's soaked in a broth of meat (''maraq''); bread is soaked In the broth and is then dressed with meat and ''lūbiyā'' beans together with leaves and roots. They are strongly inclined to get drunk with wheat alcohol (''mizr''). They have also a strong inclination for singing (''ṭarab''). Aḥmad b. al-Mu'aẓẓamī, who visited that country and others beyond it several times while accompanying his father on expeditions '''[p. 512]''' (''rasliyya''), told me that the kings of the sūdān raise dogs and clothe them; such dogs spend the night at their masters' side, sitting on beds, and act as their bodyguard (''kal-ḥurrās'').

The Nūba wage war (''la-hum qitāl'') and show a great prowess among themselves, despite their physical weakness and their little strength. (Mus'ad, pp. 241 - 244).

From Masālik, Vol. I, Part II (Geography)

The First Climate (''iqlīm''), includes the countries and islands, known and inhabited, facing the Indian Sea or any of its branches, or any other branch of the ocean connected with it [the Indian Sea], whether in the east or in the west. Among these countries there are:

... The country of Kanem (''bilād Kanām''). One of their towns is Jīmī, a small town neighbouring the Nūba, and the town of Zaghāwa (''madīna Z.''); their capital is a town [called] Mānān (''madīna Mānān'') where their king has his residence.

... The country of the Tajūwīn. - The natives (''qawm'') are pagans (''majūs'') without any revealed religion (''dīn'').

... The country of the Nūba. - Their capital is Dunqula; one of their towns is Kūsha<ref>The original has “''Karsha''”, which the editor of ''Al-Maktaba'' corrected into “''Kūsha''”. Mus’ad, p. 127, mentions that O.G.S. Crawford, ''The Fung Kingdom of Sennar'' (p. 27, n. 29) proposed the identification of Kūsa (Kūsha) with Zankor (Zānkur) in Wādī al-Milk.</ref>, the town of 'Alwa, the town of Bāliq (Bilāq ?), the country (''bilād'') of the Buja, the country of the Ḥabasha, whose chief town is Janbayta, a great town, densely populated but situated in a desert far from cultivation. This town is connected with the river which ends in the Nile flowing through the country of the Ḥabasha. On this river '''[p. 513]''' there is the town of Marrakata (Markaṭa) and the town of Mayjā'a. The sharīf [Idrīsī] claimed that this river flows north-west towards the land of the Nūba and flows into the Nile; its banks are cultivated in the land of the Ḥabasha. He also said that the majority of travellers were mistaken about this river as they identified it with the Nile of Egypt simply because they observed the occurrence of the flood and the decrease at the same time in both rivers. He also said that Ptolemy Claudius himself made this statement in his "Jughrāfiyā".

... The Red Sea Islands. - ... The island of Sawākin is not a great kingdom, nor has it any large commercial depot. All its natives are Muslims, who practice Islam. Sheep of high quality are exported from this island to Egypt, not for food or for breeding, but just for show.

The islands of Dahlak were mentioned in the time of Abū-s-Sadād Malik b. Abī-l-Fayyīḍ, who had some talent as a prose writer and a poet. He was mentioned by A'azz b. Qalāqis in one of his poems. The Lord of Sawākin is Sharīf Zayd b. Abī Namī al-Ḥasanī who is subject to Egypt. (Mus’ad, pp. 245 - 246).

The Ethiopian sheep are very similar to the sheep of 'Aydhāb and Yemen.

The Nile flows down from Jabal al-Qamar ... through ten streams, five of which flow into one lake and the other five into another. From the eastern lake a small river rises, flowing along the foot of the Qāqūlī Mountain. This river passes through some towns of that country and empties itself into the Hindi Sea. From these two lakes, six rivers rise, three from each lake, and end all in one lake.

... In the place where the six rivers end in one lake which someone called "The Swamp" (''batīha'') we notice a '''[p. 514]''' mountain (''jabāl'') protruding into the lake, thus dividing its waters into two streams. One half of the waters flow out from the west side of the lake and this [river] is called the Nile of the blacks (''Nīl as-sūdān''). It becomes a river completely independent and is [also] called "the river of the Damādim". It flows westwards between Samghara and Ghāna, passing south of Samghara and north of Ghāna. A branch turns south, touches the town of Barnīsa, flowing along the foot of a mountain (''ya'khud taḥt jabāl''), south of that town beyond the equator as far as Ruqayla. Then it forms a lake. The other branch continues flowing westwards through the countries of Māllī, Takrūr until it ends in the ocean, north of the town of Qalbatū.

The other stream leaves the lake from the northern aide, flows towards the town of Jīmī. Here a branch parts from the main watercourse flowing towards the town of Saharta, then it turns southwards and bends south-east again towards Saharta, then towards the town of Marka and ends [upstream] on the equator at Long. 65° - which is marked on the map with this figure "65". The main bed of the Nile, however, continues [to receive the aforementioned branch] near the town of Shīmī and turns towards the north passing through the country of the Ḥabasha; it traverses the country of the Sūdān flowing in a northerly direction, and then it touches the town of Dunqula, and thence it flows through the cataract. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 210 r; Demombynes, p. 69).

2.) From "''At-Ta’rīf''"

The protocol of the Lord of Dunqula (''Ṣāḥib D.'').

He is subject (''ra'īyya'') of the Lord of Egypt. He must bring every year a tribute (''ḥiml'') which was imposed on him. In his country the ''khutba'' is made in the name of '''[p. 515]''' the reigning Caliph and in the name of the Lord of Egypt. The protocol to be used in the official correspondence with him is the following:

This letter is addressed to the Great Throne (''majlis''), the Magnificent (''ghāzī'') Sultan, the unparalleled Fighter and Champion (''mujāhid''), the Protector of the Glory of Islam, the Ornament of Mankind, Glory of the Fighters, Column of the Kings and the Sultans. This is said if he is a Muslim. If he is not a Muslim, he is addressed with the same protocol in use for the King of Sīs, who is not called ‘Sultan’.<ref>The protocol of the King of Sīs: This letter is addressed to the Majesty of the Magnificent King, the Valiant Champion (''baṭal''), the Magnanimous as-Sargham, al-Ghafandar Lighon (Leo), son of Washīn, Glory of the Christian people (''al-millat an-naṣrāniyya''), Column of the Children of Baptism, Friend of Kings and Sultans. (ed. Cairo, p. 52). (Cairo, p. 29).</ref>

The shaykh of the Ḥawāriba (Ḥadāriba) Samura b. Malik rules over innumerable people and has a considerable power (''shawka''). He carries out raids in al-Ḥabasha and among the peoples (''umam'') of ''Sūdān'', and comes back with booty and prisoners. He plays a very good role. He once came on a visit to the Sultan and honoured the Sultan's Guest House with his presence. The Sultan, in turn, granted him a special banner (''liwāʿ'') and made him a noble (''sharīf'') and girded him with a sword. The Sultan wrote to all his walīs in Upper Egypt even the remotest ones, and to the ʿUrbān, ordering them to lend him (Samura) support and protection and to join him whenever he would go on a raid. Samura also received a decree (''manshūr'') stating that all the territories he conquered should become his own fief, and was proclaimed emir of the 'Urbān of Upper Egypt south of Qōs as far as the point where his banner is hoisted. In the official '''[p. 516]''' correspondence his protocol is: "The Excellent Emir", (''as-sāmī al-amīr''). (ibid., p. 77).

Miṣr is enclosed within four frontiers, i.e. the southern frontier beginning from the Red Sea at ‘Aydhāb, passes through the country of the Hadāriba and the Rūm of Nubia (''ilā ar-rūm min bilād an-nūba''), then stretches beyond the cataracts (''janādil'') which lie in the land where the Nile enters the mountains of the mines (''ilā jibāl al-ma'dan''), and further on to the desert of the Ḥabasha, etc. (ibid., p. 173).

From Qōs, the postal service (''barīd'') makes use of camels (''hujun'') as far as Aswān and 'Aydhāb and further on to Nubia and Sawākin, according to the circumstances. (ibid., pp. 187 - 189).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn al-Furat

2016-04-21T10:27:05Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 528-547]'''

IBN AL-FURĀT

''(1334-1405 A.D.)''

''Nāṣir ad-dīn Muḥ. A. Raḥīm al-Miṣrī Ibn al-Furāt, An Egyptian Historian.''

''EI (s.v.); GAL 2, 50 ''Ta'rīkh ad-duwal wa-l-mulūk'' ''

''Ed.: C. Ruzayq, ''Ta'rīkh Ibn al-Furāt'', 9 vols., Beirut 1936-42.''

''Exc.: Mus'ad 258-274.''

''T.: Beirut A:0''

[Stories about the Invasions in Nubia]

Nubia was invaded for the first time in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.]. 'Abdalla b. Sa'd carried out the raid with 5,000 cavalry, under the caliphate of 'Uthmān b. 'Affān - may God be pleased with him. In this raid Mu'āwiya b. Hudayj - may God be pleased with him! - and Abraha b. aṣ-Ṣabbāḥ lost an eye each. They nicknamed the Nubians "pupil-smitters". 'Abdalla b. Sa'd made a truce with them (''hādana-hum'') after he penetrated as far inside the country as Dunqula. The poet described that day with these verses:

'''[p. 529]''' "Never did my eye watch a day like Dunqula's.

The horses advanced in the early morning under

heavy breast-plates.

All around me I could see only warriors

As if nobody else existed I".

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥabīb related: The agreement (''muwādi'a'') made between the Egyptians (''ahl Miṣr'') and the Nūba is not an agreement of reconciliation (''muwādi’a hudna''), but a truce of safety (''hudnat amān''), under which we supply them with a certain quantity of wheat and lentils and they give us slaves (''raqīq''). They do not mind if they have to purchase the slaves among their own people.

Later on, Nubia was raided in the time of the Commander of the Faithful Hishām [724-743 A.D.], son of the Commander of the Faithful 'Abd al-Malik, son of the Commander of the Faithful Marwān the Omayyad. Nubia was not conquered on that occasion; there was only a fight resulting in plunder and the seizure of prisoners.

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥātim b. Qasayba b. al-Muhallab b. Abī Ṣafra<ref>Governor of Egypt [761-769 A.D.].</ref> sent a raiding expedition led by 'Abd al-A'lā b. Ḥamīd. Then Abū Manṣūr Tekin, the Turk, raided Nubia as well as Barqa, for one year, but did not subdue it.

Later on, Kāfūr the Ikhshīd carried out a raid with an army consisting mainly of Blacks (''sūdān''), as the poet said:

"When Kāfūr invaded Dunqula in the morning,

he went with an army so large as to cover the earth in length and width ;

The Black (''al-Aswad'') raided the Blacks (''sūdān'') in

the brightness of the morning;

When the two armies clashed in battle the earth

became as dark as the night."

'''[p. 530]''' Later on, the emir Nāṣir ad-Dawla b. Ḥamdān raided Nubia: he [?] crushed the Blacks (''wa-kabasa as-sūdān'')<ref>It is not clear from the Arabic text who was the winner and who was the loser. The editor of “Al-Maktaba” notes: “Probably the correct original reading was: ‘''fa-kabasa-hu ṣāḥib as-sūdān''’ (the Lord of the Sūdān crushed him, i.e. Ibn Ḥamdān. Cf. Nuwayrī’s reading. Also the sentence “he returned as a loser” (''khāsir'') seems to refer to Ibn Ḥamdān, who did not succeed to conquering Nubia. Yet the historians [e.g. Ibn Muyassar , q.v.] reported that in the year 459 H./1066 A.D. Ibn Ḥamdān vanquished the ''sūdān'' in more than one encounter in Lower Egypt and that he moved to Upper Egypt to with a 15,000 men strong army of ''sūdān''. This expedition [to Upper Egypt], however, is not described by the historians as a Turkish raid on Nubia.</ref> [they ?] plundered his army (''jaysha-hu''), seized all its luggage, took it with him (''ma’ a-hu'') and he returned defeated (''khāsir''). That happened in the year 459 H. [1066 A.D.] under the caliphate of al-Mustansir the ‘Ubaydī in Egypt.

A long time after this, Shams ad-Dawla Tūrānshāh b. Ayyūb Shādhī b. Marwān, the brother of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Saladin Yūsuf b. Najm ad-dīn Ayyūb, raided it, precisely in the year 568 H. [1172 A.D.]; he went only as far as Ibrīm. All these [campaigns] were just raids, the real conquest (''fatḥ'') being that which took place in the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars as-Sālihī, in this year [1275 A.D.] - which we are going to narrate.

... The cause for the invasion of Nubia, in that year [674 H./1275 A.D.] was that Dāwūd, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia had become exceedingly wicked in his deeds: he went on a raid up to near Aswan and burnt the sāqiyas; some time before he had raided 'Aydhāb. The governor (''wālī'') of Qōs hastened to Aswān, but could not catch him; he, however, defeated his [king Dāwūd's] representative (''nā'ib'') who bore the title of "Lord of the Mountain",<ref>Ibn al-Furāt’s text consistently has “''ṣāḥib al-khayl''” (Lord of the Horse), but this is surely a misreading for “''ṣāḥib al-jabāl''” (Lord of the Mountain).</ref> captured him and his men and sent them to the Citadel. When the Sultan returned from Syria to Egypt he ordered the Lord of the Mountain and his men to be cut in the middle ["quartered"].

'''[p. 531]''' [Meantime] The son of the sister of the Nubian king ''MRTSKR'' (tentative reading Murtashkur),<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref> whom Dāwūd had dispossessed of the kingdom and whose name was ''MSKD'', or, according to others, ''Sakanda'', came [to Cairo] complaining about his cousin (''ibn 'amm'') Dāwūd. He told the Sultan that [the right of accession to] the kingdom belonged only to him, to the exclusion of anyone else. The Sultan sent the emir Shams ad-din Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī, the ''ustād ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, the emir ''jandār'', with an army consisting of soldiers of the regular army (''ʿaskar''), soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'')<ref>''Ajnād'' = soldiers in charge of levying the tribute.</ref> of the provinces (''wilāyāt'') and nomads (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt. He added (a detachment of) grenadiers (''zarārīq'') artillery (''rumāt'') and flame-throwers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq''), and coats of mail (''zardakhānāt''), and ''MSKD'' to accompany the expedition. The Sultan ordered them, as soon as they conquered the country to hand it over to him (''MSKD''). They set out on the march on the 1st day of Sha'bān of this year [20 January 1276 A.D.].

At the frontier they were met by the Blacks (''sūdān'') armed with spears and wearing no other defence than black tunics (''aksiya'') called ''dikādik''; they came out mounted on dromedaries (''nujub aṣ-ṣuhub''). The expeditionary force Joined battle and they (''sūdān'') were defeated: a great number of them were slain and many were made prisoners.

On the 8th of Shawwāl of the same year [24 March 1276 A.D.], a letter was received at the court from emir Shams '''[p. 532]''' ad-dīn announcing that the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram had stormed the fortress of Daw (''qal’at ad-Daw'') and killed many and took prisoners; and that the emir Shams ad-dīn followed in his footsteps to suppress the revolt of those who had escaped. He deployed the sailors (''rijāl al-baḥr'') on land and river with strict orders to kill anyone they came across on land or river. They were given the ... (''mawās'' ?).<ref>Doubtful reading.</ref> The emir Shams ad-dīn landed on the island of Mikā'īl at the head of the cataract of Nubia, which is a place full of rocks rising in the middle of the river. There they slew some men and others they took prisoner: [all these were] the pilots who had escaped from the fortress of Daw [taking on board the Lord of the Mountain] and had sailed through the cataract. The Lord of the Mountain, however, had fled to the islands. The Lord of the Mountains has power over one-half of the Nubian territory; his name is Qamar ad-Dawla Kasī (?)<ref>Illegible in the Ibn al-Furāt. Mufaddal has “Kashī”.</ref>. [King] Dāwūd had appointed him in place of the one whom the Sultan had quartered in the middle in Egypt. The emirs gave him safe-conduct and allowed him to continue in office as ''nā’ib'' after he swore allegiance to king ''MShKD'', who was in the expedition, as long as [the king] was loyal to the Sultan. He rendered useful services in bringing back the men (''rijāl'') of al-Marīs and others to pilot the boats: he proved helpful, indeed.

The emir 'Izz ad-dīn waded across the river to a tower which he besieged, then he took it and slew 250 enemies. A letter arrived from emir Shams ad-dīn announcing that the army was short of supplies because of '''[p. 533]''' the delay of Awlād al-Kanz in piloting the boats; he and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn had marched forward and caught up with king Dāwūd: there ensued a carnage until all [the soldiers of Dāwūd] were killed. No one survived except those who threw themselves into the river. King Dāwūd took to flight, but his brother Shankū was captured. The emir sent a detachment of the army (''al-'askar al-manṣūr'') which marched for three days pursuing them with the sword until all were forced to accept obedience to the Sultan. The mother and the sister of King Dāwūd were captured.

The emirs imposed the tribute on King ''MShKD'', - who was in the expedition, - to pay every year: 3 elephants, 3 giraffes, 5 she-leopards, 100 good dromedaries (''ṣuhub''), 100 unblemished oxen. Also it was decided that the country be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to belong to the Sultan and the other to the local population (''ʿimāra'') so that they would guard it, for it was feared that some enemy<ref>Probably the much feared Arab nomads of Upper Egypt.</ref> might come to invade it (''yaṭruqa-ha''); the two provinces of ''al-'Alī'' and ''al-Jabāl'' - which accounted for one quarter of Nubia - were to belong to the Sultan because of their proximity to Aswān; all the cotton and dates produced in these two provinces should be handed over [to the Sultan] together with any other rights (''ḥuqūq''), which were reserved to the kings his predecessors, according to the tradition. Then the Nubians were offered a choice: either to embrace Islam, or to be killed, or to pay the ''jizya'' at the rate of one ''dinar'' per head per year. An oath formula specifying these conditions was drawn up and ''MShKD'' swore to it together with [some of] his men. Another formula was drawn up to be sworn to by the population, that they would obey '''[p. 534]''' the ''nā’ib'' of the Sultan as long as he should remain faithful and that they would pay one dinar per year per adult person.

Their country is the largest of all; it is more powerful because of the number of inhabitants and it is the longest as it stretches across [several] Climates.

The Church of ''Isūs'' (? Osus) was pulled down. It was the one about which Dāwūd boasted that it reminded him what he had to do. This Dāwūd had built, with the labour of the Moslems, a place (''makan'') which he called "'Aydhāb": it consisted of houses, churches and a square in which he had portrayed the Moslems whom he had slain at ‘Aydhāb or taken prisoner at Aswān. These paintings were erased and the walls were pulled down. It was imposed [on ''MShKD''] that he should hand over to the Sultan the private property of king Dāwūd and of his relatives, in slaves (''raqīq''), and cloth (''qumāsh''). The emir found some Nubian princes (''umarāʾ'') who were the seed of the rebellion in the country; they were twenty in number; he had them all mutilated in the nose (''jada'a-hum''). He freed the prisoners seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān, accompanied them and helped them to go back home. He also obliged ''MShKD'' to free any other prisoner who had been withheld. Then he crowned ''MShKD'' with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mamlaka'') according to their custom, and enthroned him in place of king Dāwūd. This is the formula of the oath which ''MShKD'' took.<ref>There follow the two formulas of oath. As the text is identical with that of Nuwayrī [q.v.], they have been omitted here.</ref>

... The above<ref>Mentioned in the oath.</ref> is the tribute imposed on the king on the occasion of the conquest (''fatḥ''). The ''baqṭ'', which '''[p. 535]''' is a fixed amount to be paid by the Nūba every year, was imposed on them long before, in the days of 'Alī b. Aḥmad aṣ-Ṣarfaynī, and consisted of 400 slaves and one giraffe; the slaves were to be distributed as follows: 360 to the Commandant of the Faithful and 40 to the Governor (''nā’ib'') of Egypt. As counterpart, according to the old tradition, the messengers of the Nubian king received, - on delivery of the whole amount of the ''baqṭ'' - 1,300 ardeb of wheat, of which 300 were for them.

Al-Balādhurī said in his "''Kitāb al-Futūḥāt''": "The tribute imposed on the Nūba is four hundred slaves, for which they received foodstuffs, i.e. cereals. The Commandant of the Faithful al-Madhī the Abbasid reduced it to three hundred and sixty slaves and one giraffe."

As for the Beja, their country is contiguous to Nubia; their king, called "''al-Ḥadrabī''", is recognised as the supreme chief (''khalīfa'') of the ''Sūdān''. In the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars the Sultan of Egypt, the Beja king was Bā(?)T(?)KS<ref>No diacritic dots in the original; many different readings are possible.</ref> and was called Ṣārim ad-dīn: he was the ''khalīfa'' of the ''Sūdān'', according to what they claim.

The Commandant of the Faithful al-Mutawakkil ‘alā Allah the Abbasid ordered his representative in Egypt to invade the Beja: the army arrived at 'Aydhāb and the boats, too, which were on the Red Sea, landed there; the army marched up to one of the Beja's strongholds (''qal’a munāhiḍā''). The Beja king (''al-bujāwī'') went out against them, mounted on camels (''ibil'') girt with straps. The chief (''nā’ib'') of the Moslem army noticed that and planned a stratagem: he had bells tied to the necks of the horses. When the camels heard the sound of the bells they '''[p. 536]''' fled in utter confusion. The Beja king was killed, the son of his brother took over and asked for a truce (''hudna''). The Commandant of the Faithful refused saying: I shall not grant it, until he will tread on my carpet. The Beja king went to see him and when he arrived at Surra-man-rā'a a peace treaty was made in the year 241 H. [= 855 A.D.] on condition that the Beja should give the ''baqṭ''. They complied with this condition. Al-Mutawakkil also put among the conditions that the Beja should not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold mine.

The emirs who conquered Nubia in that year [1276 A.D.] and pulled down the church of ''Sūs'' (Isus) - as we have already mentioned - found gold crosses and other objects amounting to 4640 1/2 dinars and silver vessels amounting to 8660 dinars. Our author (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm, better known as Ibn Duqmāq,<ref>Ibn Duqmāq’s history work is still unpublished.</ref> said: The Nubians who were slain were a great number and those who were made prisoner were an even greater number, so that a slave was sold for three dirhams, and those who remained after the massacre and the sale were ten thousand. This is what he said.

The Egyptian army (''al-'askar al-miṣrī'') stayed at Dunqula for 17 days until the situation became quiet in that country. The Sultan ordered the army to return to Cairo, the emirs to come by boat taking with them the captives, the soldiers to break into groups [and arrive overland]. The emir Shams ad-dīn, the ''ustāḍ ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn returned and the army arrived safely at Cairo, loaded with spoils. On the 5th Dhū-l-Hijja of that year [21 May 1276 A.D.] the emirs Shams ad-dīn and 'Izz ad-dīn had an audience with the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, '''[p. 537]''' at which the brother of king Dāwūd, the captive, was present. The Sultan thanked the emirs for their endeavours and bestowed on them robes of honour.

As for the fate of king Dāwūd, our source (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm Ibn Duqmāq, related approximately what follows: King Dāwūd, after his defeat by the [Egyptian] emirs, crossed the river to the west bank and escaped during the night to some strongholds (''ḥuṣūn''); no sooner had the news come to the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Shams ad-dīn al-Fāriqānī, than they mounted [on horses] together with the soldiers they had with them and marched in pursuit for three days, relentlessly day and night. Dāwūd, feeling that they were on his trail, abandoned his mother, his sister and the children of his brother; he and his son [alone] had a narrow escape. The emirs captured his women and on their return to Dunqula, they remained until they declared ''ash-Shakanda'' king [of Nubia] and established him on the throne. They held discussions<ref> Ar. “''qarrarū''”, which means “compelled [him] to acknowledge” or “they ascertained”, “wrote a statement”.</ref> with Kashi<ref>Cf. note 7.</ref> the lord of the Country of the Mountain to the effect that Daw and Ibrīm - the two strong-holds near Aswān, at seven days’ distance [from Aswān] — belong to the Sultan as private property, and they invested him with the authority of Representative of the Sultan. Then they returned to Cairo.

After a few days, the Lord of ''al-Abwāb'' - which is the country above Nubia - sent king Dāwūd captive to the Sultan, who put him in jail in the Citadel where he died. As regards king Dāwūd, after his country was conquered and he took to flight - as just mentioned - when he arrived at ''al-Abwāb'', king Ador of ''al-Abwāb'' fought him, '''[p. 538]''' killed his son, seized Dāwūd and sent him to the Sultan.

This is the story of the conquest, about which a poet said: "This is the Conquest, not what you have been told by eye-witnesses, nor what you have heard through chains of oral accounts". About this conquest, the qādī Muḥīy ad-dīn Ibn 'Abd aẓ-Ẓāhir, the biographer of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, said: "O day of Dunqula, in which its slaves (''ʿabīd'') were slaughtered on every side and in every place/every Nubian said to his mother: Lament! Because they have struck the nape of the Sūdān!"

The Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir instructed ''ṣāḥib'' Baha' ad-dīn b. Ḥannā, his minister (''wazīr''), to appoint agents to collect the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' at Dunqula and in its districts.

It is also said that the emirs, while they were in Dunqula, compelled king ''MShKD'' (Meshked) to take a second oath (''yamīn thāniya''), by which he undertook to report immediately to the Sultan's court whenever an order reached him, whether in the day time or by night, without no other delay except the time necessary to make the preparations for the journey. He [also undertook] not to allow any Arab nomad (''ʿurbān''), adult or young, to enter Nubia, and to seize any bedouin he might find on Nubian soil and send him to the Great Sultan - may God make his kingdom last for ever!

[Possessions of Sultan Baybars]

By means of him [Baybars], God Almighty conquered ... Nubia, where the following territories (''bilād'') are found: the island of Bilāq, Yawī,<ref>Uncertain reading. Cf. Mufaddal, n. 14.</ref> the Country of the Water [?] '''[p. 539]''' (''arḍ al-māʾ''), al-Fatiq [?], Damhīt, Hindū, Dartīn, al-Harya, the region (''iqlīm'') of al-Burayk, aso called the Seven Villages (''sab'a qurā''); after which there is the provinces of al-'Alī (‘Alā) which comprises the following villages; Lazima [?], Tamad [?], ad-Daw, Ibrīm, Dandāl, Būharās, the island of Mikā'īl on which there are also villages, the islands of the Cataract, Abkar, Dunqula, the region of Bashwā which is an island with towns ... So that the poet said: "The affairs of the State range from the Palace to Yemen and Iraq, to the land of the Rūm and to the Nubian (''an-nūbī'')." (Beirut VII, pp. 44 - 51).

[A Biographical Note on:]

Aqsonqor 'Abdalla al-Fāriqānī... Under the Sultan Baybars he was promoted ''ustāḍ dār''. Deputy [to the Sultan] to act during his absence and was also appointed commandant-in-chief of the any.

... As-Dafadī wrote about him: I think he is the one who was sent to raid Nubia and conquered it.

... In the month of Sha'bān, letters arrived from the ''wālī'' of Qōs announcing that clashes had taken place in the 'Aydhāb desert between nomads (''ʿurbān'') of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes, with many casualties on both sides, and that the fighters had sought shelter with the Lord of Sawākin, who, perhaps, aided them to continue the fight. He [Aqsonqor] wrote to the Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn as-Sam'ānī [?], Lord of Sawākin, to refrain from interferring in that quarrel and to abstain from helping them in any way, so that the desert route night be safe and good for the travellers. (Beirut VII, p. 101).

'''[p. 540]''' [The First invasion of Nubia (under Qalāwūn)]

Al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn, Lord of Egypt and Syria, sent on a military expedition the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, known as al-Khayyāt, governor of Cairo, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Kūrānī (al-Kawrānī) with order to march on Nubia. They left the Court on Monday 6th Dhū-l-Hijja of the year 686 H. [8 January 1288 A.D.]. He detailed [to go with them] a company of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') of the southern ''wilāyāt'', and the ''qarāghulāmiyya''; he also sent the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydamer as-Sayfī, the ''silāḥ dār'', governor of the provinces of Qōs with his own army (''ʿidda'') and the Sultan's own white slaves (''mamālik'') stationed at Qōs under his authority, and more soldiers (''ajnād'') from the district of Qōs and Arab nomads of that region, i.e. the Awlād Abū Bakr, Awlād ‘Umar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād al-Kanz and a number of bedouins (''ʿurbān'') from al-Burullus and the Banī Hilāl. The emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt with one half of the army took the way on the west bank, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydemer with the other half went on the east bank, on which the town of Dunqula is built.

The regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia at that time was one called Simāmūn (Samāmūn), a man more courageous and skilful than his equals. When the army arrived at the Nubian borders, Simāmūn evacuated the country and sent directives to his ''nā’ib'' in the island of Mikā’īl and the district or Daw (''ʿamal Daw''); the title of" the governor of this province (''wilāya'') in Nubia is "Lord of the Mountain". Simāmūn ordered him to evacuate the country under his jurisdiction as the army advanced. The countrymen withdrew before the army, station after station, until they joined the Regent of Nubia at Dunqula. The Regent stayed there until the arrival of the emir ’Izz ad-dīn '''[p. 541]''' with his army; then they fought a field battle in which Simāmūn was defeated and many or his men were killed while, on the Moslem side, only a few died (''istashhada'') (for God's sake). Simāmūn, beaten on the field, took to flight while the army pursued him for fifteen days beyond Dunqula. The army caught up with Jurays and seized him and the Regent’s cousin (''Ibn Khāla'' = son of the maternal aunt), who was one of the leading princes and had the right of succession to the throne. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn enthroned the son of the king's sister and appointed Jurays as his Representative (''nā'ib''), and assigned to them a detachment of the regular army to remain with them [as body-guard]. Then he fixed the tax (''qatī'a'') which the two of them were to bring to the Sultan's court every year. The army returned carrying off a booty of slaves, horses, camels and clothes. We shall narrate the remainder of the story later. (Beirut VIII, pp. 52 - 53).

On the 9th of Rajab of this year [10 August 1288 A.D.] the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī and his expeditionary force arrived from Dunqula at the court on the Citadel of Cairo. He brought with him the kings (''mulūk'') of Nubia, their women (''ḥarīm'') and their [kings'] crowns: it really was a wonderful day! The emir 'Izz ad-dīn briefed the Sultan telling him that they had conquered (''malakū'') the countries of Daw and Nubia and all those places (''amākin''), killing or taking prisoner the natives. They (emirs) presented the Sultan with a great number of prisoners; the Sultan took some to send to his private farms and houses, the others he distributed to the emirs. Emirs and soldiers exchanged gifts of prisoners; more prisoners were sold and their price was so cheap that the common people had some of them. The Sultan bestowed on the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī the insignia of '''[p. 542]''' ''wālī Mahmandār''<ref>Mahmandār, the officer in charge of receiving the guests.</ref> in place of the emir Sharaf ad-dīn the commander who had been sent to Alexandria as interim governor until a new one was appointed there in place of the emir Ḥisām ad-dīn, son of the emir Shams ad-dīn b. Bākhil, who had been arrested - his property and his women and his retinue being then transferred to Cairo. The foregoing has been referred to the emirs.

As for Simāmūn, king of Nubia, after the army left Nubia - as already mentioned - and after he made sure of the return of the army [to Egypt] he went back to Dunqula, fought the garrison which had been left there and defeated it, and eventually took the kingdom over gain. The king who had been appointed by the Sultan fled to Cairo accompanied by Jurays and the garrison; they told [the Sultan] what Simāmūn had done. The Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr was furious: he ordered that a corps of cavalry (''jarīda'') be ready to march on Nubia - as we shall describe in due time. (Beirut VIII, p. 6S).

[The Second Expedition of the Army to Nubia under Qalāwūn]

We have already mentioned that the king of Nubia, after he had made sure of the return of the Egyptian army, to Cairo, went back to Dunqula, expelled the king enthroned by the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt and recaptured the whole country. The king who had been appointee by the Sultan came to the Court for talks with the Sultan.

In this year [688 H./1289 A.D.] al-Malik al-Manṣūr despatched to Nubia the emir ’Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, '''[p. 543]''' the emir ''Jandār'', with an expeditionary force which consisted of [troops of] the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq al-Manṣūrī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer the Jūkandār and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer governor of Qōs. He also gave them some corps (''atlāb'') chosen from the troops of the emirs: a corps (''ṭilb'') of the emir Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī, one from the emir Sayf ad-dīn Bahāder the chief of the ''jamdāriyya'' guards (''nawba''), one from the emir 'Alā' ad-dīn aṭ-Ṭaybarsī, one from the emir Shams ad-dīn Sonqor aṭ-Ṭawīl and the remainder from the soldiers (''ajnād'') of the southern districts and the deputy-governors (''nuwwāb al-wulāt''). He added a force of forty thousand foot soldiers, taken from the bedouin troops in Egypt, both North and South. The regent of Nubia and his ''nā’ib'' Jurays joined this expedition. The army left the court of Cairo on Tuesday 8 Shawwāl 688 [25 October 1289 A.D.]. More than five hundred boats, small and large, including flame-throwing boats (''ḥarārīq''), and transport boats loaded with coats of mail, supplies and equipment, sailed with the expeditionary force. When the army arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the Regent of Nubia, sent by al-Malik al-Manṣūr to accompany the army, died and was buried at Aswān. The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Afram informed the Sultan, who sent one of the sons of king Dāwūd's sister - a man who was- at the Sultan's court - and nominated him King of Nubia. This man took post horses and reached the army before it left Aswān. After his arrival there, the army divided, as usual, into two expeditionary forces. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq and one half of the army and one half of the Arabs marched along the west bank, the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer, governor of Qōs with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer al-Jūkandār and the other half of the army and Arabs, along the east bank. '''[p. 544]''' They directed al-Jurays, the ''nā’ib'' of Nubia, to go ahead of them, station by station, accompanied by Awlād al-Kanz emir of Aswan, in order to restore the confidence of the population, give them safe-conduct and prepare the halting places for the army. Whenever the army arrived at a village (''balad''), the old men (''mashā'ikh'') and the prominent villagers (''a'yān'') came to meet them, kissed the ground before the emirs and were given safe-conduct, after which they settled in the village. This was done in all villages between Daw and the inlands of Mikā'īl- which is the territory under the jurisdiction of Jurays the Lord of the Mountain. In the rest of the country, which was not under the jurisdiction of Jurays, the population fled in obedience to the order of the Regent of Nubia. There the array plundered whatever they could carry off, killed all the natives who had remained behind, pastured the horses in the cultivated fields, burnt the sāqiyas and the houses as far as Dunqula. Here they realized that the king had left and had also evacuated the population. The emirs found only one old man and an old woman whom they questioned about the king. They answered: "He has gone to an island fifteen days from Dunqula the island itself is three days' journey in width." The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn governor of Qōs with his men immediately left for the said island, but no ''ḥarrāqa'' boat, nor any other boat accompanied him because of the many rocks in the river. We shall describe the rest of the story later. (Beirut VIII, p. 82).

'''[p. 545]''' [An Account of What Happened to the Egyptian Army in Nubia; The Enthronement of the Son of the Sister of Dāwūd and Other Events After the Return of the Army to Egypt]

We have previously mentioned that the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr had despatched an expeditionary force to Nubia and that on their arrival to Dunqula they found that Simāmūn, the king of Nubia, had fled to an island in the middle of the Nile and they pursued him there.

When they arrived opposite the island, they noticed many Nubian boats and a crowd of people. They enquired from them about the king. The Nubians answered that he actually was on the said island. They sent proposals to the king to make allegiance and to come out, and offered him safe-conduct in exchange, but he refused. The army remained there three days. They [Nubians] hinted [to the king] that the army had sent for the ''ḥarārīq'' to come in order to cross to the island and attack him. He then withdrew from the island towards ''al-Abwāb'', three days' distance from the island and out of the territory of his kingdom.

The ''sawākira'' - as the princes are called in Nubia - abandoned him; so did also the bishop (''usquf'') and the priests (''qusūs'') who parted from him taking with them the silver cross which is held over the head of the king, and the coronation crown (''tāj al-mamlaka''); they asked for safe-conduct and swore allegiance. 'Izz ad-dīn gave them safe-conduct and presented the most prominent (''akābir'') of them with robes of honour; then they went back with him to Dunqula accompanied by a great multitude. When they arrived there the emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq crossed the river to the east bank, without their soldiers and held a meeting of emirs in Dunqula. The soldiers put on the battle uniform and '''[p. 546]''' paraded on both banks: the ''ḥarārīq'' boats were decorated on the river and the ''zarrāqūn'' gave a firework display with naphtha. All the brother emirs (''al-umarā’ al-Ikhwān'')<ref>Probably the emirs [princes] of the Nubian royal house were attending the banquet.</ref> held a banquet in the church of Isūs (Osus), which is the largest church of Dunqula. After the banquet was over, they proclaimed as king the one who had been sent from the Sultan's court and crowned him with the crown. They had him take an oath of allegiance to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn al-Alfī as-Sālihī an-Najmī, Lord of Egypt and Syria; the population, too, was compelled to swear allegiance to him [the king]. The ''baqṭ'', i.e. the customary tribute, was renewed. A garrison from the army was seconded to the Nubian king as bodyguard, under the command of Rukn ad-dīn Baybars al-'Azzī, one of the mamālīk of the emir 'Izz ad-dīn the governor of Qōs. Then the Egyptian army went home after it had been away for six month since the day it left Aswān until its return there. They carried off a great booty and arrived at Cairo in the month of Jumadā al-Wulā of the year 689 H. [May 1290 A.D.]. This is the story about the emirs.

We shall now tell about the newly established king (''malik mutawallī'') and the deposed (''ma’zūl'') king, Simāmūn. After the Egyptian army returned from Dunqula, as already mentioned, Simāmūn went back to Dunqula during the night, knocked at the door of every ''Sawkarī'' - i.e. the princes - and asked them to come out; as soon as they saw him, kissed the ground before him and swore allegiance to him. Before sunrise, all the Nubian army (''al-ʿaskar an-nūbī'') had joined him. He went to the residence of the king who had usurped the Nubian kingdom and allowed Rukn ad-dīn al-'Azzī to go back to his Master, ''''[p. 547]''' in order to avoid clashes with him. Rukn ad-dīn and his men left for Qōs and Simāmūn settled in Dunqula. He seized the king who had been enthroned by the army, stripped him of his garments, slaughtered a bull and cut its skin into strips; then he fastened the king with the strips still raw and tied him to a log; when the strips dried, he died. Simāmūn also executed Jurays, then he wrote to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn asking to be reconciled with him; he asked his pardon and promised to pay the regular ''baqṭ'' every year - and even more. He sent a big present of slaves and other gifts, which arrived towards the end of the life of al-Manṣūr. But, by this time, the Sultan began being worried over other things than the Nubian affair. Simāmūn remained in possession of the kingdom until the time of al-Malik al-Adil Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī [1290-1293 A.D.]. (Beirut VIII, pp. 91 - 92).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-'Umari

2016-04-08T13:58:56Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 507-516]'''

AL-‘UMARĪ

''(1300-1348 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-'Abbās 'Alī b. Yaḥyā Ibn Faḍlalla Shihāb ad-dīn al-'Umarī. First qāḍī in Cairo, then State Secretary; he died of the plague at Damascus.''

''Brockelmann 2, 141; EI (s.v.)''

''1.) ''Masālik al-abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār'', 20 vols., (The Ways of the Eyes in the Realms of the Great Cities; An encyclopaedia)''

''MSS: Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS ar. 5S67 and 5866.''

''Ed.: partly: Aḥmed Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1924 (Geographical section only); and French transl.: G. Demombynes, ''L'Afrique moins l'Egypte'', Paris 1927.''

''Exc.: MC 1236-1241 (from Paris MSS, Zaki Pasha and Demombynes); Mus'ad 241-246.''

''T.: MC, Mus'ad and Demombynes A: l''

''2.) ''At-ta'rīf li-l-muṣṭalaḥ ash-sharīf'' (A Handbook on Epistolography)''

''Ed.: Cairo 1884.''

''T.: Cairo A: 0''

1.) From "''Masālik al-abṣār''"

Ch. VI - The first of the countries [of Islam, from east to west] is al-Hind and as-Sind...<ref> Ibn Faḍlalla mentions first the Islamic territories in Asia, then Egypt, Syria and al-Ḥijāz – the last three being the bulwark and the heart of the Islamic world.</ref> Next comes the [whole of the] Islamic countries known as al-Ḥabasha. Al-Ḥabasha borders the territory of the Oases (''al-wāhāt'') and extends southwards to the Sea of the Ḥabasha '''[p. 508]''' on the east, the countries of the Christian and pagan Ḥabasha on the south, then the barren deserts on the west side and the Oases of the north. Next comes Kanem (''al-Kanām''), situated on the banks of the Nile at the same latitude as Dunqula. Next comes the country of Barqa, the country of Ifrīqiya which, on its southern frontiers, is contiguous with the country of the sūdān. (MS Paris 5868, fols. 2 r - 3 r; MC 1238 v).

The following information is from 'Abd ar-Raḥīm, a former chancellor in the region of the mines. He said that the distance between the mine and Qōs may be covered in eight days travelling at a moderate speed. The territory around the mine is inhabited by the Buja, who have the control of the mine and act as its guardians. The mine is situated on a mountain on the east bank of the Nile [looking] in the direction of the north. A large part of this mountain is known as Qarsanda. There is no other mountain in the vicinity. This mountain rises in an isolated plain, where no cultivation can be seen. Water is found at half-a-day's distance. This watering place is formed by the seasonal rains and is called ''Ghadīr A’yan'' and the water is more or less plentiful according to the rainfall. The mine lies in a long stretch of desert land, where a kind of white stone is found, from which the emerald is extracted. (MS 5868, fols. 166 v - 167 r; MC 1238 v).

Qōs ... is the first halting place for the trade caravans going to al-Hind, al-Ḥabasha, al-Yaman and al-Ḥijāz ... From Qōs one can proceed to Aswān and thence to the Nūba country. From Aswān a branch route turns eastwards across the desert and leads to 'Aydhāb, whence one sails to Judda. (Paris, MS 5868, fols. 201 r - 202 r; MC 1238 v).

'''[p. 509]''' Ch. VIII - Now we are going to give a general description of the countries of the Ḥabasha, both Moslems and infidels.

... It is said that on the eastern frontier turning a little towards the north, this country [Ḥabasha] begins from the Sea of al-Hind and Yemen. In this country the river Sayḥūn flows, the river with sweet water (''an-nahr al-ḥilū'') from which the Nile of Egypt parts... The extreme part of the eastern frontier is in a desert land called Wādī Baraka. It is said that this wādī leads to a region called Sahart, formerly called Tigrāy. Here there was the ancient capital of the kingdom, called Akshum (sic!) in one of their languages, or Zarfartā, which was another name for it. It was the residence of the earliest ''najāshī'', who was the king of the entire country. Next is the territory (''iqlīm'') of Amḥara, where is the capital of the kingdom nowadays, called Mar'adī; next is the territory of Shāwa, Damūt, Sanū... (MS 5067, fol. 19 v; MC 1240 r-v).

Ch. IX — [Chapter Nine deals with the Moslem kingdoms of the Blacks (''sūdān'') who dwell along the Nile, It is divided into two sections, the one dealing with the Kanem (''al-Kanām''), the other with the Nūba.]

Section One: The Kanem. The king of the Kanem is a Muslim and is Independent. His country is at a great distance from Māllī. The capital of his kingdom la a place called Jīmī; his empire begins at a place called Zella (''Zalla'') on the frontier of Egypt, and ends at a place called Kākā, three months away from Jimi. His troops wear a muffler (''lithām'').

... Instead of coins, they make use of a locally woven cloth, called ''dandī''. Each piece is 10 cubits long and is divided into smaller pieces, the least of which is half-a-cubit. In their transactions they make '''[p. 510]''' use also of cowries, glass-ware, fragments of copper and silver coins; but the value of these wares is calculated on the basis of the cloth. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 23 v; MC 1240 v).

Section Two: The Nūba (''an-nūba''). They dwell next to Egypt in the extreme south, on the banks of the Nile of Egypt. Their capital is Dunqula and their towns are more like villages and hamlets than towns, poor in resources (''khayr'') and agricultural products (''khiṣb'') and with a dry climate. The Ayyubids found it inhospitable at the time of Saladin, when his brother Tūrānshāh led an army to conquer it, but [later] directed it towards al-Yaman. They were afraid that Shahīd Nūraddīn Maḥmud ibn Zankī might attack them in Cairo and take their power away from them which they exercised. So they decided to occupy a country in their rear, which might become their refuge. That is why they went to Nubia. When they realized it was not a country suitable for such people as they were, they turned to Al-Yaman. The religion (''adyān'') of the population of this country is Christianity (''dīn an-naṣrāniyya''). Their king is a man like the others (''ka'anna-hu wāḥid min al-'āmma'').

The wise man Luqmān comes from their country... Also from Nubia came Dhū-l-Νūn, the Egyptian, and Abū-l-Fīḍ (Fayyiḍ) Tūbān (Thūbān) b. Ibrāhīm, whose father was a Nubian slave, freed by the Qurayshites. When any one discussed about asceticism in his presence [the Caliph] Ja'far al-Mutawakkil used to say: - 'Go and make yourself another Dhū-l-Nūn'. His name has been mentioned among the pious beggars. He was called "the Egyptian" because he lived in Egypt and his tomb can be seen at Qarāfa.

'''[p. 511]'''… The king of this country is at present a Muslim<ref>Dr. Mus’ad says that the first member of the Kanz family who reigned in Dongola was Kanz-ad-Dawla b. Shujā’ ad-Dīn Naṣr Fakhr ad-Dīn Mālik b. al-Kanz, whom the Nubians proclaimed their king after the killing of ‘Abdalla Barshanbō, 717 H./1317 A.D..</ref> of the family of Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla. These Awlād al-Kanz are descendants of a family about which we have already spoken. Nowadays, no king can reign there without the consent of the Sultanian Court of Cairo. The kings of Dunqula owe a certain tribute (''ḥiml muqarrar'') to the Sovereign of Egypt. This tribute (''itāwa'') does not consist of gold or silver, but of a certain number of slaves (''ʿabīd''), male and female, spears (''ḥirāb'') and wild animals of Nubia.

I was told by more than one person who had travelled in Nubia that Dunqula is a town on the bank of the Nile. Its inhabitants live a very hard life, yet they are more honest than many other sūdān. The town has a great mosque (''masjad jāmiʿ''), where travellers can stay. The messengers of the king come to invite them to the audience. When they are in his presence, he treats them as guests; both he and his emirs (''umaraʾ'') generously give them presents. The most prized present consists of a slave, male or female, but more often it consists of ''dakādīk'', which are rough, thick tunics, generally of a black dye.

Meat, milk products and fish are plentiful in their country, but cereals are rare, except for dhurra. The most exquisite dish is that made with ''lūbiyā'' bean's soaked in a broth of meat (''maraq''); bread is soaked In the broth and is then dressed with meat and ''lūbiyā'' beans together with leaves and roots. They are strongly inclined to get drunk with wheat alcohol (''mizr''). They have also a strong inclination for singing (''ṭarab''). Aḥmad b. al-Mu'aẓẓamī, who visited that country and others beyond it several times while accompanying his father on expeditions '''[p. 512]''' (''rasliyya''), told me that the kings of the sūdān raise dogs and clothe them; such dogs spend the night at their masters' side, sitting on beds, and act as their bodyguard (''kal-ḥurrās'').

The Nūba wage war (''la-hum qitāl'') and show a great prowess among themselves, despite their physical weakness and their little strength. (Mus'ad, pp. 241 - 244).

From Masālik, Vol. I, Part II (Geography)

The First Climate (''iqlīm''), includes the countries and islands, known and inhabited, facing the Indian Sea or any of its branches, or any other branch of the ocean connected with it [the Indian Sea], whether in the east or in the west. Among these countries there are:

... The country of Kanem (''bilād Kanām''). One of their towns is Jīmī, a small town neighbouring the Nūba, and the town of Zaghāwa (''madīna Z.''); their capital is a town [called] Mānān (''madīna Mānān'') where their king has his residence.

... The country of the Tajūwīn. - The natives (''qawm'') are pagans (''majūs'') without any revealed religion (''dīn'').

... The country of the Nūba. - Their capital is Dunqula; one of their towns is Kūsha<ref>The original has “''Karsha''”, which the editor of ''Al-Maktaba'' corrected into “''Kūsha''”. Mus’ad, p. 127, mentions that O.G.S. Crawford, ''The Fung Kingdom of Sennar'' (p. 27, n. 29) proposed the identification of Kūsa (Kūsha) with Zankor (Zānkur) in Wādī al-Milk.</ref>, the town of 'Alwa, the town of Bāliq (Bilāq ?), the country (''bilād'') of the Buja, the country of the Ḥabasha, whose chief town is Janbayta, a great town, densely populated but situated in a desert far from cultivation. This town is connected with the river which ends in the Nile flowing through the country of the Ḥabasha. On this river '''[p. 513]''' there is the town of Marrakata (Markaṭa) and the town of Mayjā'a. The sharīf [Idrīsī] claimed that this river flows north-west towards the land of the Nūba and flows into the Nile; its banks are cultivated in the land of the Ḥabasha. He also said that the majority of travellers were mistaken about this river as they identified it with the Nile of Egypt simply because they observed the occurrence of the flood and the decrease at the same time in both rivers. He also said that Ptolemy Claudius himself made this statement in his "Jughrāfiyā".

... The Red Sea Islands. - ... The island of Sawākin is not a great kingdom, nor has it any large commercial depot. All its natives are Muslims, who practice Islam. Sheep of high quality are exported from this island to Egypt, not for food or for breeding, but just for show.

The islands of Dahlak were mentioned in the time of Abū-s-Sadād Malik b. Abī-l-Fayyīḍ, who had some talent as a prose writer and a poet. He was mentioned by A'azz b. Qalāqis in one of his poems. The Lord of Sawākin is Sharīf Zayd b. Abī Namī al-Ḥasanī who is subject to Egypt. (Mus’ad, pp. 245 - 246).

The Ethiopian sheep are very similar to the sheep of 'Aydhāb and Yemen.

The Nile flows down from Jabal al-Qamar ... through ten streams, five of which flow into one lake and the other five into another. From the eastern lake a small river rises, flowing along the foot of the Qāqūlī Mountain. This river passes through some towns of that country and empties itself into the Hindi Sea. From these two lakes, six rivers rise, three from each lake, and end all in one lake.

... In the place where the six rivers end in one lake which someone called "The Swamp" (''batīha'') we notice a '''[p. 514]''' mountain (''jabāl'') protruding into the lake, thus dividing its waters into two streams. One half of the waters flow out from the west side of the lake and this [river] is called the Nile of the blacks (''Nīl as-sūdān''). It becomes a river completely independent and is [also] called "the river of the Damādim". It flows westwards between Samghara and Ghāna, passing south of Samghara and north of Ghāna. A branch turns south, touches the town of Barnīsa, flowing along the foot of a mountain (''ya'khud taḥt jabāl''), south of that town beyond the equator as far as Ruqayla. Then it forms a lake. The other branch continues flowing westwards through the countries of Māllī, Takrūr until it ends in the ocean, north of the town of Qalbatū.

The other stream leaves the lake from the northern aide, flows towards the town of Jīmī. Here a branch parts from the main watercourse flowing towards the town of Saharta, then it turns southwards and bends south-east again towards Saharta, then towards the town of Marka and ends [upstream] on the equator at Long. 65° - which is marked on the map with this figure "65". The main bed of the Nile, however, continues [to receive the aforementioned branch] near the town of Shīmī and turns towards the north passing through the country of the Ḥabasha; it traverses the country of the Sūdān flowing in a northerly direction, and then it touches the town of Dunqula, and thence it flows through the cataract. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 210 r; Demombynes, p. 69).

2.) From "''At-Ta’rīf''"

The protocol of the Lord of Dunqula (''Ṣāḥib D.'').

He is subject (''ra'īyya'') of the Lord of Egypt. He must bring every year a tribute (''ḥiml'') which was imposed on him. In his country the ''khutba'' is made in the name of '''[p. 515]''' the reigning Caliph and in the name of the Lord of Egypt. The protocol to be used in the official correspondence with him is the following:

This letter is addressed to the Great Throne (''majlis''), the Magnificent (''ghāzī'') Sultan, the unparalleled Fighter and Champion (''mujāhid''), the Protector of the Glory of Islam, the Ornament of Mankind, Glory of the Fighters, Column of the Kings and the Sultans. This is said if he is a Muslim. If he is not a Muslim, he is addressed with the same protocol in use for the King of Sīs, who is not called ‘Sultan’.<ref>The protocol of the King of Sīs: This letter is addressed to the Majesty of the Magnificent King, the Valiant Champion (''baṭal''), the Magnanimous as-Sargham, al-Ghafandar Lighon (Leo), son of Washīn, Glory of the Christian people (''al-millat an-naṣrāniyya''), Column of the Children of Baptism, Friend of Kings and Sultans. (ed. Cairo, p. 52). (Cairo, p. 29).</ref>

The shaykh of the Ḥawāriba (Ḥadāriba) Samura b. Malik rules over innumerable people and has a considerable power (''shawka''). He carries out raids in al-Ḥabasha and among the peoples (''umam'') of ''Sūdān'', and comes back with booty and prisoners. He plays a very good role. He once came on a visit to the Sultan and honoured the Sultan's Guest House with his presence. The Sultan, in turn, granted him a special banner (''liwāʿ'') and made him a noble (''sharīf'') and girded him with a sword. The Sultan wrote to all his walls in Upper Egypt even the remotest ones, and to the ʿUrbān, ordering them to lend him (Samura) support and protection and to join him whenever he would go on a raid. Samura also received a decree (''manshūr'') stating that all the territories he conquered should become his own fief, and was proclaimed emir of the 'Urbān of Upper Egypt south of Qōs as far as the point where his banner is hoisted. In the official '''[p. 516]''' correspondence his protocol is: "The Excellent Emir", (''as-sāmī al-amīr''). (ibid., p. 77).

Miṣr is enclosed within four frontiers, i.e. the southern frontier beginning from the Red Sea at ‘Aydhāb, passes through the country of the Hadāriba and the Rūm of Nubia (''ilā ar-rūm min bilād an-nūba''), then stretches beyond the cataracts (''janādil'') which lie in the land where the Nile enters the mountains of the mines (''ilā jibāl al-ma'dan''), and further on to the desert of the Ḥabasha, etc. (ibid., p. 173).

From Qōs, the postal service (''barīd'') makes use of camels (''hujun'') as far as Aswān and 'Aydhāb and further on to Nubia and Sawākin, according to the circumstances. (ibid., pp. 187 - 189).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-05T15:21:34Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Rajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash-Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector (''shādd'') of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 787 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the walī took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-04T14:59:20Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Rajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash-Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 787 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the walī took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-03T22:26:01Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Rajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 787 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the walī took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-03T22:25:27Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Rajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 787 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-03T19:14:01Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Rajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-03T18:24:19Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

2. as-Suluk

2016-04-03T16:08:37Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtaine from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Maqrizi's Suluk

2016-02-16T14:45:41Z

Seignobos:

'''[p. 673-704]'''

2.) From: "Kitāb as-sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia (568 H./1172 A.D.)]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswan, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswan, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswan. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the am-bassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He (the messenger) went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food whis is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> (...). The king goes out (almost) naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: (when I saw him) he was wrapped only in a silk rope (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-Abdel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhaba al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswan and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year (568 H. = 1172 A.D.) and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year (5)69 (=1173). Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year (569 H./1173 A.D.) a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of (the late) al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the (Fatimid) Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswan. Maqrizi's report does not differ from that of earlier writers (e.g. Ibn al-Athir)</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year (570 H./1174 A.D.) the Sultan (Saladin) abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to (such a torture as) hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr (q.v.)</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity (after the abolition of the tax), besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' (= the Turks).

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They (the Turks) are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa (in the Delta). The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn (was to) fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of (the district of) Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year (656 H./1253 A.D.) Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī'').' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they (the grooms and sūdān) began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziala 1,1, p. 414).

In this year (662 H./1263 A.D.) the Sultan (Baybars I.) also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year (662 H./1263 A.D.) news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan (Baybars) sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziala I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month (Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.) messengers went to king Baraka (?). A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da (October 1265 A.D.) a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswan, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received (at Cairo) from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal (q.v.).</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda (674 H./1275-76 A.D.)]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Kitat''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D. may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Suluk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him (Meshked) the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a (regular) army and (other) troops belonging to the Walis and Arabs. There were (in the army) with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (az-zardakhānāh). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'ban (b. January 1275 A.D.), and advanced beyond Aswan. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: (Aqsonqor) routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed (some) and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he (Aqsonqor) attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved (for the Nubians ?). The (district known as) ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district (known as) ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswan, were to belong to the Sultan: (also) all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them (the Nubians) three options from which to choose: either (to embrace) Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these (above mentioned) conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another (formula) for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal (to the Sultan) and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>THis passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswan. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswan and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The (Arab) army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') (as prisoners?). The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja (= 19 May 1275 A.D.) with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over (among other towns) the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria (etc.), about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalawun decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. (They were) dissatisfied with their armour: (in fact they were) mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''atla''s) of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on (poor) mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month (Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.) a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharif 'Alan ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route (to ’Aydhāb). (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> (684 Η./1285-86 A.D.)]
On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khawyyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, (ordering him) to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were (stationed) in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to (the clans of) the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank (of the Nile) with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his (men) were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned (to Egypt) with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun (685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.)]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā (26 June 1286 A.D.) a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture (of this town) as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk'') , their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with (a detachment of) the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn (should) return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab (1 September 1286 A.D.), the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan (Qalqashandī)</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those (of his enemies) who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun (Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.)]

On the last day of Sha'bān (17 September 1289 A.D.), the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram (who was) the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl (= 26 October 1285 A.D.); to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswan, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswan. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed (the Sultan) about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This (prince) taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswan and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins (marched) on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with
the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the (Nubian) population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This (kind of submission) began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala
O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!
From all directions,
From every quarter,
Every Nubian said to his sister: -
Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')
All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira (June-July 1290 A.D.), the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that (on the island) there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the (Nubian) emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, (and came back) carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuhmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath (of allegiance) and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswan, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā (6 May 1291 A.D.), with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (r''a'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men (whom) he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed (on that day).

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (raqīq) and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, (of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.), the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should (henceforth) be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: (704 H./1304 A.D.)]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived (at Cairo) bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed (to accompany him) with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered (arriving) by land and river, at Qos; (then) Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year (706 H./1306 A.D.), the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing (the Sultan) that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large (stores of) provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (Sūdān). The reply came instructing Karāy to report (to Cairo) immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides (of the Nile). (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year (711 H./1311 A.D.) Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal (29 December 1315 A.D.). (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

(The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished) ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: (before it was abolished) a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.) (the Sultan) decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr (...) b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. (July-August 1317 A.D.). Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He (Abrām) promised (the Sultan) to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then (the Sultan) freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived (at Dongola), Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; (Abrām) seized him (intending) to deport him (to Cairo). Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.), the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl (4th January 1317 A.D.). They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. (= March 1317 A.D.) heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' (another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''),<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. (The nomads) could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows (which were discharged at them): so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. (= August 1317 A.D.), after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year (716 H./1316 A.D.) eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Sa'īd (i.e. Persia); of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. ZIada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtaine from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj (Georgia): all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number (of ambassadors) ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir (Baybars I.) was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. (August- September 1319 A.D.), news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash (al-Manṣūrī), the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He (then) rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswan, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhu-l-Hijja (= 1 December 1323 A.D.) the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen (in amount) (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrestled power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān (724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.), the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned (to Egypt) after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab (July 1325 A.D.), news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmim, Asiut and Aswan and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

[Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month (Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.) a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Sa'īd (Persia), those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

(741 H./1340 A.D.): The Sultan Nāṣir (Ibn Qalāwūn) also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some (of his) servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring (from the farms) the best specimen. He also sent (agents) to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. (to take charge of it)<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him (Ibn Qalawun) from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram (749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.) news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom (of the ''Sūdān''); but they (the Sūdān) fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year (752 H./1351 A.D.), the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out (to war) by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other (nomads) rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women (on the battlefield). The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they (also) seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He (Ezdemur) then wrote to the Sultan (Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun) telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 693]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased (at the news) and he (the Sultan) awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' (vols. VII-X) have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

(In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.) news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswan and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswan, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes (Kirinbis),<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived (at the Court), accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter (the Regent reported that) his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought (at Dongola) in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswan, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet (walīma) in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them (Banī Ja'd). He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared (of their occupants) and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew (of the late king) mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder (of the Arabs) took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700}''' (led by) the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector (''shādd'') of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal (1 December 1365 A.D.), they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month (8 December 1365 A.D.) they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz (to come to Qos) to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos (towards Nubia) and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswan. He campted outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed (the emir) that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until (he reached) the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the (Second) Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed (Egyptian) help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he (Aqtemer) bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, (both gifts) consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other (valuable) objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswan for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswan for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab (13 March 1366 A.D.) with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift (of the Nubian king) was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. (1365/66 A.D.), [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswan in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') (to the pillory ?); then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswan, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves (of the Kanz family), who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswan. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they (Kanz and ’Akārima) fell on the inhabitants of Aswan, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswan citizens, seized their women and did in Aswan what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. (1378 A.D.), the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswan, sent to Cairo (as a present) eleven heads (he had beheaded) of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram (781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.) Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' (Chief of the Sultan's Laundry) was arrested (a second time) after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil (1218 A.D.) was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswan had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came (to Cairo). On the 17th day (6 May), two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswan and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. (1385 A.D.), a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswan and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested (with the governorship of Aswan) and settled there. (On that occasion) an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Suluk", vol. X:

In this month (Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.), the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wali of Aswan, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The (men of the) mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched (against him) with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd (of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.), Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan (''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq'') honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswan and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him (Ṣārim) (to regain Aswan). (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

2. as-Suluk

2016-02-10T11:45:37Z

Seignobos:

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

'''[pp. 673-704]'''

''2.) From: "Kitāb as-Sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")''

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia [568 H./1172 A.D.]]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswān, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswān, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswān. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the ambassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He [the messenger] went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food is is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> [...]. The king goes out [almost] naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: [when I saw him] he was wrapped only in a silk robe (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-'Adel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhahab al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs'' yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year [568 H. = 1172 A.D.] and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year [5]69 [=1173]. Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year [569 H./1173 A.D.] a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of [the late] al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the [Fatimid] Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswān. Maqrīzī's report does not differ from that of earlier writers [e.g. Ibn al-Athir]</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year [570 H./1174 A.D.] the Sultan [Saladin] abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to [such a torture as] hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr [q.v.]</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity [after the abolition of the tax], besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' [= the Turks].

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They [the Turks] are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa [in the Delta]. The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn [was to] fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of [the district of] Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year ([656 H./1253 A.D.] Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).'' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they [the grooms and sūdān] began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziada 1,1, p. 414).

In this year [662 H./1263 A.D.] the Sultan [Baybars I.] also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year [662 H./1263 A.D.] news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan [Baybars] sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziada I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month [Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.] messengers went to king Baraka [?]. A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da [October 1265 A.D.] a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswān, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received [at Cairo] from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal [q.v.].</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda [674 H./1275-76 A.D.]]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Khiṭaṭ''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D.'' may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Sulūk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him [Meshked] the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a [regular] army and [other] troops belonging to the Wālīs and Arabs. There were [in the army] with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (''az-zardakhānāh''). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'bān [b. January 1275 A.D.], and advanced beyond Aswān. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: [Aqsonqor] routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed [some] and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he [Aqsonqor] attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved [for the Nubians ?]. The [district known as] ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district [known as] ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswān, were to belong to the Sultan: [also] all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them [the Nubians] three options from which to choose: either [to embrace] Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these [above mentioned] conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another [formula] for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal [to the Sultan] and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>This passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswān. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The [Arab] army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') [as prisoners?]. The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 19 May 1275 A.D.] with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over [among other towns] the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria [etc.], about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalāwūn decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. [They were] dissatisfied with their armour: [in fact they were] mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''aṭlas'') of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on [poor] mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month [Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.] a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route [to ’Aydhāb]. (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> [684 Η./1285-86 A.D.]]

On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khayyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, [ordering him] to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were [stationed] in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to [the clans of] the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank [of the Nile] with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his [men] were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned [to Egypt] with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun [685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.]]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā [26 June 1286 A.D.] a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture [of this town] as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk''), their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with [a detachment of] the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn [should] return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab [1 September 1286 A.D.], the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan [Qalqashandī]</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those [of his enemies] who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun [Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.]]

On the last day of Sha'bān [17 September 1289 A.D.], the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram [who was] the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl [= 26 October 1285 A.D.]; to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswān. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed [the Sultan] about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This [prince] taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswān and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins [marched] on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the [Nubian] population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This [kind of submission] began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala

O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!

From all directions,

From every quarter,

Every Nubian said to his sister: -

Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')

All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira [June-July 1290 A.D.], the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that [on the island] there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the [Nubian] emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, [and came back] carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuḥmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath [of allegiance] and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswān, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā [6 May 1291 A.D.], with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (''ra'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men [whom] he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed [on that day].

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (''raqīq'') and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, [of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.], the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should [henceforth] be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: [704 H./1304 A.D.]]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived [at Cairo] bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed [to accompany him] with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered [arriving] by land and river, at Qos; [then] Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year [706 H./1306 A.D.], the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing [the Sultan] that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large [stores of] provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). The reply came instructing Karāy to report [to Cairo] immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides [of the Nile]. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year [711 H./1311 A.D.] Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal [29 December 1315 A.D.]. (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

[The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished] ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: [before it was abolished] a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.] [the Sultan] decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr [...] b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. [July-August 1317 A.D.]. Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He [Abrām] promised [the Sultan] to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then [the Sultan] freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived [at Dongola], Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; [Abrām] seized him [intending] to deport him [to Cairo]. Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref>

In this year [716 H./1316 A.D.], the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl [4th January 1317 A.D.]. They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [= March 1317 A.D.] heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' [another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''],<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. [The nomads] could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows [which were discharged at them]: so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. [= August 1317 A.D.], after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year [716 H./1316 A.D.] eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Ṣa'īd [i.e. Persia]; of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. Ziada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtaine from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj [Georgia]: all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number [of ambassadors] ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir [Baybars I.] was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. [August- September 1319 A.D.], news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash [al-Manṣūrī], the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He [then] rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswān, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhū-l-Hijja [= 1 December 1323 A.D.] the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen [in amount] (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrested power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān [724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.], the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned [to Egypt] after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab [July 1325 A.D.], news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmīm, Asiut and Aswān and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

'''[p. 696]''' [Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month [Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.] a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Ṣa'īd [Persia], those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

[741 H./1340 A.D.]: The Sultan Nāṣir [Ibn Qalāwūn] also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some [of his] servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring [from the farms] the best specimen. He also sent [agents] to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. [to take charge of it]<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him [Ibn Qalāwūn] from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram [749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.] news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom [of the ''Sūdān'']; but they [the Sūdān] fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year [752 H./1351 A.D.], the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out [to war] by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other [nomads] rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women [on the battlefield]. The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they [also] seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He [Ezdemur] then wrote to the Sultan [Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun] telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 698]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased [at the news] and he [the Sultan] awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' [vols. VII-X] have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

[In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.] news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswān and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswān, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes [Kirinbis],<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived [at the Court], accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter [the Regent reported that] his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought [at Dongola] in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswān, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet [alīma] in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them [Banī Ja'd]. He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared [of their occupants] and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew [of the late king] mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder [of the Arabs] took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700]''' [led by] the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector ('""shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal [1 December 1365 A.D.], they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month [8 December 1365 A.D.] they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz [to come to Qos] to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos [towards Nubia] and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswān. He camped outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed [the emir] that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until [he reached] the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the [Second] Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed [Egyptian] help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he [Aqtemer] bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, [both gifts] consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other [valuable] objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswān for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswān for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab [13 March 1366 A.D.] with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift [of the Nubian king] was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. [1365/66 A.D.], [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswān in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') [to the pillory ?]; then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswān, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves [of the Kanz family], who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswān. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they [Kanz and ’Akārima] fell on the inhabitants of Aswān, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswān citizens, seized their women and did in Aswān what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. [1378 A.D.], the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswān, sent to Cairo [as a present] eleven heads [he had beheaded] of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram [781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.] Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' [Chief of the Sultan's Laundry] was arrested [a second time] after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil [1218 A.D.] was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswān had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came [to Cairo]. On the 17th day [6 May], two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswān and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. [1385 A.D.], a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswān and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested [with the governorship of Aswān] and settled there. [On that occasion] an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Sulūk", vol. X:

In this month [Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.], the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wālī of Aswān, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The [men of the] mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, [''al-wajh al-qiblī''] went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched [against him] with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd [of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.], Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan [''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq''] honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswān and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him [Ṣārim] [to regain Aswān]. (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Maqrizi's Suluk

2016-01-20T13:07:16Z

Seignobos:

'''[p. 673-704]'''

2.) From: "Kitāb as-sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia (568 H./1172 A.D.)]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswan, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswan, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswan. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the am-bassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He (the messenger) went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food whis is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> (...). The king goes out (almost) naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: (when I saw him) he was wrapped only in a silk rope (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-Abdel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhaba al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswan and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year (568 H. = 1172 A.D.) and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year (5)69 (=1173). Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year (569 H./1173 A.D.) a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of (the late) al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the (Fatimid) Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswan. Maqrizi's report does not differ from that of earlier writers (e.g. Ibn al-Athir)</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year (570 H./1174 A.D.) the Sultan (Saladin) abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to (such a torture as) hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr (q.v.)</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity (after the abolition of the tax), besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' (= the Turks).

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They (the Turks) are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa (in the Delta). The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn (was to) fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of (the district of) Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year (656 H./1253 A.D.) Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they (the grooms and sūdān) began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziala 1,1, p. 414).

In this year (662 H./1263 A.D.) the Sultan (Baybars I.) also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year (662 H./1263 A.D.) news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan (Baybars) sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziala I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month (Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.) messengers went to king Baraka (?). A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da (October 1265 A.D.) a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswan, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received (at Cairo) from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal (q.v.).</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda (674 H./1275-76 A.D.)]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Kitat''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D. may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Suluk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him (Meshked) the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a (regular) army and (other) troops belonging to the Walis and Arabs. There were (in the army) with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (az-zardakhānāh). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'ban (b. January 1275 A.D.), and advanced beyond Aswan. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: (Aqsonqor) routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed (some) and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he (Aqsonqor) attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved (for the Nubians ?). The (district known as) ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district (known as) ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswan, were to belong to the Sultan: (also) all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them (the Nubians) three options from which to choose: either (to embrace) Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these (above mentioned) conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another (formula) for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal (to the Sultan) and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>THis passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswan. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswan and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The (Arab) army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') (as prisoners?). The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja (= 19 May 1275 A.D.) with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over (among other towns) the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria (etc.), about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalawun decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. (They were) dissatisfied with their armour: (in fact they were) mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''atla''s) of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on (poor) mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month (Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.) a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharif 'Alan ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route (to ’Aydhāb). (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> (684 Η./1285-86 A.D.)]
On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khawyyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, (ordering him) to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were (stationed) in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to (the clans of) the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank (of the Nile) with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his (men) were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned (to Egypt) with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun (685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.)]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā (26 June 1286 A.D.) a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture (of this town) as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk'') , their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with (a detachment of) the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn (should) return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab (1 September 1286 A.D.), the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan (Qalqashandī)</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those (of his enemies) who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun (Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.)]

On the last day of Sha'bān (17 September 1289 A.D.), the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram (who was) the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl (= 26 October 1285 A.D.); to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswan, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswan. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed (the Sultan) about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This (prince) taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswan and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins (marched) on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with
the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the (Nubian) population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This (kind of submission) began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala
O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!
From all directions,
From every quarter,
Every Nubian said to his sister: -
Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')
All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira (June-July 1290 A.D.), the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that (on the island) there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the (Nubian) emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, (and came back) carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuhmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath (of allegiance) and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswan, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā (6 May 1291 A.D.), with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (r''a'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men (whom) he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed (on that day).

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (raqīq) and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, (of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.), the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should (henceforth) be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: (704 H./1304 A.D.)]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived (at Cairo) bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed (to accompany him) with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered (arriving) by land and river, at Qos; (then) Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year (706 H./1306 A.D.), the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing (the Sultan) that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large (stores of) provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (Sūdān). The reply came instructing Karāy to report (to Cairo) immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides (of the Nile). (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year (711 H./1311 A.D.) Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal (29 December 1315 A.D.). (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

(The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished) ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: (before it was abolished) a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.) (the Sultan) decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr (...) b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. (July-August 1317 A.D.). Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He (Abrām) promised (the Sultan) to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then (the Sultan) freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived (at Dongola), Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; (Abrām) seized him (intending) to deport him (to Cairo). Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.), the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl (4th January 1317 A.D.). They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. (= March 1317 A.D.) heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' (another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''),<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. (The nomads) could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows (which were discharged at them): so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. (= August 1317 A.D.), after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year (716 H./1316 A.D.) eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Sa'īd (i.e. Persia); of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. ZIada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtaine from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj (Georgia): all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number (of ambassadors) ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir (Baybars I.) was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. (August- September 1319 A.D.), news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash (al-Manṣūrī), the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He (then) rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswan, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhu-l-Hijja (= 1 December 1323 A.D.) the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen (in amount) (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrestled power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān (724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.), the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned (to Egypt) after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab (July 1325 A.D.), news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmim, Asiut and Aswan and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

[Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month (Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.) a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Sa'īd (Persia), those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

(741 H./1340 A.D.): The Sultan Nāṣir (Ibn Qalāwūn) also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some (of his) servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring (from the farms) the best specimen. He also sent (agents) to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. (to take charge of it)<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him (Ibn Qalawun) from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram (749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.) news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom (of the ''Sūdān''); but they (the Sūdān) fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year (752 H./1351 A.D.), the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out (to war) by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other (nomads) rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women (on the battlefield). The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they (also) seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He (Ezdemur) then wrote to the Sultan (Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun) telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 693]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased (at the news) and he (the Sultan) awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' (vols. VII-X) have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

(In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.) news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswan and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswan, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes (Kirinbis),<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived (at the Court), accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter (the Regent reported that) his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought (at Dongola) in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswan, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet (walīma) in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them (Banī Ja'd). He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared (of their occupants) and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew (of the late king) mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder (of the Arabs) took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700}''' (led by) the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector (''shādd'') of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal (1 December 1365 A.D.), they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month (8 December 1365 A.D.) they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz (to come to Qos) to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos (towards Nubia) and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswan. He campted outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed (the emir) that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until (he reached) the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the (Second) Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed (Egyptian) help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he (Aqtemer) bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, (both gifts) consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other (valuable) objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswan for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswan for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab (13 March 1366 A.D.) with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift (of the Nubian king) was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. (1365/66 A.D.), [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswan in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') (to the pillory ?); then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswan, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves (of the Kanz family), who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswan. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they (Kanz and ’Akārima) fell on the inhabitants of Aswan, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswan citizens, seized their women and did in Aswan what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. (1378 A.D.), the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswan, sent to Cairo (as a present) eleven heads (he had beheaded) of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram (781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.) Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' (Chief of the Sultan's Laundry) was arrested (a second time) after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil (1218 A.D.) was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswan had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came (to Cairo). On the 17th day (6 May), two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswan and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. (1385 A.D.), a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswan and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested (with the governorship of Aswan) and settled there. (On that occasion) an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Suluk", vol. X:

In this month (Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.), the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wali of Aswan, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The (men of the) mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched (against him) with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd (of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.), Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan (''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq'') honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswan and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him (Ṣārim) (to regain Aswan). (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

Al-Qalqashandi

2016-01-19T23:36:35Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 566-584]'''

AL-QALQASHANDĪ

''(d. 1418 A.D.)''

''Shihāb ad-dīn Abū-l-‘Abbās b. Aḥmad b. 'Abdalla al-Qalqashandī al-Miṣrī b. A. Judda. An Egyptian Jurist and later a Secretary in the Chancery of the Sultan, whose archives he used.''

''Brockelmann 2, 134; EI (s.v. Ḳalḳashandi).''

''Subḥ al-a'shā fī ṣina'at al-inshāʾ'' (The Dawn Light to the Blind in the Art of Letter-writing)''

''Ed.: Publ. de la Bibl. Khédiv. 17, 14 vols., Cairo 1913-1919; Repr. Cairo 1945-1963.''

''T.: Cairo 1913 ss A: 0''

'''[p. 567]''' [The Red Sea]

Then [the Sea of Qulzum] widens up to 90 miles towards the south and east. That part is called "Pool of Gharundul" (''birka Gharundul''), where God drowned the Pharaoh; then it stretches southwards, inclining a little to the west until [it reaches] 'Aydhāb, which is also the port of Qōs. Along the opposite shore lies the land of Ḥejāz with its bay (''farḍa'') called after Jedda, the port of the noble Mecca. Then it extends in a southerly direction (''samt'') along the coast of the country of Blacks (''Sūdān'') as far as near ''Sawākin'', which is in the country of the Beja (''al-Buja''). Then it also encircles the island of Dahlak, which is near the western coast and is inhabited by [a race of] Moslem Ḥabasha.

The Gulf of Barbar is a branch of the Indian Sea south of Jabal al-Mandib. It stretches south of the country of the Ḥabasha inclining towards the west till it reaches the town of Barbar, Long. 68°, Lat. 6° 30', which is the capital of the Zaghāwah, a branch of the Sūdān. (Cairo I, p. 244).

[The Sūdān]<ref>A quotation from Ibn Sa’īd al-Andalusī (q.v.).</ref>

All their tribes (''aḥiāʾ'') are descendants of Hām b. Noah. Ṭabarī, quoting Ibn Isḥāq, said: The Ḥabasha are children of Kūsh, son of Hām; the Nūba, the Zinj [or Zanj] and the Zaghāwa are children of Kana'ān son of Hām. Ibn Sa’īd mentioned that the Ḥabasha are descendants of Ḥabash (''banī Ḥabash''); the Nūba are descendants of ''Nūbah'' or Banī Nūbī, and the Zinj are from the Banī Zinj; but the does not advance further in their genealogies. It is probable that they are the children of Hām or of other [similar] ancestors. (ibid. I, p. 368).

'''[p. 568]''' [The Emerald Mines]

The emerald mines (''az-zumurrud'') are found in the border area (''tukhūm'') between Miṣr and the Sūdān, behind the town of Aswān, on Egyptian soil. They are on a mountain which protrudes like a bridge. (ibid. II, pp. 107 - 108).<ref>The passage which follows may have some connection with Nubian archaeology: “The insignia of the [Muslim] kings (''al-alāt al-mulūkīyya'')… The umbrella (''mizallah''): its Persian name is al-Khepez (?), it consists of a dome (''qubba'') and the bird (''at-tā’ir''). The dome is made of yellow silk fabrics and carried over the head of the king, on a pole held by an emir who rides behind the king and protects him when he rides in the sun during solemn processions. We shall describe it better, when we shall talk about the organisation of the Fatimid dynasty. (Cairo II, p. 133). Cf. also Monneret, Storia, p. 178 s.</ref>

['Aydhāb]

The first<ref>The other sea ports, were Kosair, Tor Sinā and Suez.</ref> port (''ṣāhil'') is 'Aydhāb. It is the favourite landing place for ship captains crossing over to it from Jedda. It has abundant waters and guaranteed safety from drowning and from becoming stuck in the sea-weed growing out from the sea bed. From this coast one can transport one's goods to Qōs and from Qōs to the caravanserai of the merchants (''funduq al-kārim'') at Fusṭāṭ, by the river Nile. (ibid. III, p. 468).

They [the Sultans] also kept a fleet at 'Aydhāb, which guarded the merchants (''al-kārim'') travelling between 'Aydhāb and Sawākin and the area surrounding it, from attacks made by the inhabitants of the islands of the Red Sea who used to attack the ships. This fleet originally consisted of five ships but was later reduced to three. The wālī of Qōs was the commandant of this department (''mutawallī al-amr''): an emir from the court (''al-bāb'') might take over the command: he received from the arsenal whatever he needed in the way of arms. (ibid. III, p. 524).

'''[p. 569]''' [Nomad Arabs in Upper Egypt]

The author, Shihābaddīn ibn Faḍlalla al-‘Umarī, said that the prefecture (''imrah'') of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') in his time which was the period of Sultan Nāṣir ibn Qalāwūn and his slave lieutenants (''mawālī'') - was held by one Nāṣir ad-dīn 'Umar ibn Faḍl. The author did not mention his [Nāṣireddīn's] residence, nor the branch of Arabs to which he belonged. He also said that the prefecture above Aswān belonged to [some] Arabs called al-Ḥadāriyya [sic! in the Arabic text, but it must be read al-Ḥadāriba] of the [branch of] Samura ibn Mālik. He [Faḍlalla] said: He [Samura ibn Mālik] rules over many subjects and possesses a strong body of warriors, carries out raids against the Ḥabasha and returns with spoils and prisoners. He enjoys a high reputation; he sent a delegation to the Sultan who honoured their dwelling by ordering a flag to be hoisted over it. He [Samura] was also awarded (''qullida'') honours and insignia. Letters were sent [from the Sultan's diwān] to all the wālīs of Upper Egypt and to other Arab Bedouins [ordering them] to help and protect [Samura] and to join him whenever he decided to go on a raid. An official decree (''manshūr'') was sent to him concerning the countries which he would conquer and to assign to him the prefecture (''imra'') of the Bedouin Arabs of Upper Egypt, beyond Qos, up to the extreme end of the land over which his [Samura] flag is unfurled.

I add: - As for the present time, since the Ḥawwāra Arabs moved from the district of Buḥaira (''ʿamal al-buḥaira'') to Upper Egypt and settled there, they have spread over those territories (''arjāʾ'') like locusts and occupied the districts from Bahnasa to the frontier of Aswān and its dependencies. All the Bedouin Arabs (''ʿurbān'') were completely subjected to them all throughout Upper Egypt. (ibid. IV, p. 69).

'''[p. 570]''' [The Kingdoms of the Sūdān. The First Kingdom: The Buja Country]

The correct pronunciation is ''al-Bujā''. They have the lightest complexion of all the ''Sūdān''.<ref>The other sūdān kingdoms are: III – The kingdom of Barnū (Cairo V, p. 279), IV – Kānim (ibid., p. 280), V – Mallī and its dependencies (''muḍafat'') viz. Sūsū, Ghāna, Kawkaw, and Takrūr (ibid., pp. 282-286), VI - Ḥabasha (Ethiopia) (ibid., pp. 302-227).</ref> Their homeland is the south-eastern part of the Ṣa'īd, between the Nile end the sea, near Egypt (''ad-diyār al-miṣriyya''). Their capital is Sawākin.

The author of ''Taqwīm al-buldān'' (Abū-l-fidā'), where he deals with the Sea of Qulzum, says that [Sawākin] is a small country (''bulayda'') belonging to the Blacks (''li-s-sūdān'').

I add: - I was told by someone who visited Sawākin, that it is an island near the west coast of the Red Sea (''baḥr al-Qulzum'') very close to the mainland (''al-barr''); it is inhabited by traders. Its ruler is now an Arab [of the tribe] known under the name of Ḥadāriba. He exchanges letters with the court of the Sultan of Egypt. In his protocol (''ta'rīf'') he is called ''Ḥudrubī''; as will be mentioned in the fourth treatise (''maqāla'') dealing with the official correspondence. (ibid. V, p. 274).

[Abū-l-fidā'] said in ''Taqwīm al-buldān'' that al-'Allāqī ... is near the Read Sea ... it has bad anchorage (''maqhās''). On the mountain near it is a gold mine but the output is so small as barely to cover the mining expenses. Al-Muhallabī said: - From Aswān, if you turn right to the east, you arrive at 'Allāqī in 12 days. Between 'Allāqī and 'Aydhāb the journey takes 8 days. From ‘Allāqī one enters into the land of the Bujā. (ibid. V, p. 274).

'''[p. 571]''' [The Second Kingdom: The Nūba Country]

Some of them are of a light complexion; some others are very dark. The author of ''Masālik al-abṣār'' said: - Their country lies next to Egypt on the extreme south and adjoins the Maghrib, extending on both sides of the Nile of Egypt. The author of ''Taqwīm al-Buldān'' speaking about the countries lying on the southern borders, says that between them and the country of the Nūba there are impregnable mountains. Their capital is ''Dunqula''. The same author says that this is its correct spelling, based on the current pronunciation of the Egyptians. I noticed in ''Rawḍ al-Mi’ṭār'' that it is spelt ''Damqula'' and a verse was quoted in support of this spelling. Its position is in the First of the Seven Climates. (Qalqashandī, quoting Ibn Sa’īd, gives its position: Long. 58° 10' Lat. 14° 15').

He [Ibn Sa'īd] said: - South and west of the Nūba there are the homes (''majālāt'') of the Zanj branch of the Nūba, whose capital is ''Kūsha'', beyond the equator and west of Dunqula. Al-Idrīsī said that [Dunqula] is situated on the west bank of the Nile, built on its bank, and the population drinks its water. The inhabitants are Sūdān, the best race among the Sūdān for [their] features and build. Their main food is barley and dhurra: dates are imported from outside; they eat meat from camel, which they consume either fresh (''ṭariyya''), or dried in the sun (''mu'addada'') and later boiled (''matbūkh'') [other reading: ''maṭḥūn'', crushed]. In their territories are elephants, giraffes and gazelles, (ibid. V, p. 275).

Because the Ayyubids feared for their lives if Nūraddīn ash-Shahīd, the Lord of Syria, attacked them, the Sultan Saladin sent his brother, Shams ad-Dawla, to Nubia to conquer it, to make it their refuge if attacked. But they [Ayyubids] found [Nubia] inhospitable to people '''[p. 572]''' like themselves, so they changed [their direction] towards Yemen, occupied it and made it their stronghold, (ibid. V, pp. 276 - 277).

Ibn Sa'īd said: - The religion of the inhabitants or this country is Christianity. (ibid. V, p. 276).

[The Last Nubian Kings]

Both the kings and the people of Nubia were in the olden days Christians. When 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ conquered Egypt, he carried out raids against them.

It is said in ''Rawd al-Mi'ṭār'' that he ['Abdalla b. Sa'īd] saw that they were able to shoot the eyes [of their enemies] with arrows; therefore, he imposed on them a yearly tribute (''itāwah'').

The author of ''Al-'Ibar'' said: - After him ['Abdalla], the kings of Egypt applied that [treaty]; but sometimes, either because [the Nubians] delayed the payment or because they plainly refused [to pay], the armies of the Muslims of Egypt invaded them to enforce obedience, until, in the time of aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars there rose to power a man called M.R. Qshankuz<ref>Only the last two vowels are notated in Arabic. No doubt this is the same person whom Maqrīzī calls Sh.K.N.D.H (Shekandah) and Ibn Khaldūn M.R.T.Sh.K.N. (Mertshekin ?). </ref> (Shekanda?). He had a nephew (''ibn akh''), the son of his brother, by name David (''Dāwūd'') who vanquished him [Mrqshankuz] and took the kingdom from him. He became powerful and crossed the frontier of his kingdom near Aswān into the extreme part of the Ṣa'īd of Egypt. The above mentioned M.rq.shankuz came to aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars in Egypt asking for help against his nephew (''ibn akhīhi''), the said David. [The Sultan] despatched an army to the country of the Nūba. David was defeated and escaped to the kingdom of al-Abwāb, a '''[p. 573]''' country of the Sūdān, but that king arrested him and sent him in irons to aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars, who imprisoned him in the fortress (''al-qal'a'') until he died. Then M.rq.shankuz reigned without any rival in Nubia, paying the ''jizya'' every year, until the reign of al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn. Later on, during the reign of al-Manṣūr, a man called Simāmūn occupied the kingdom of Dunqula and the army of Qalāwūn invaded it in the year 680 H. (begun 22 April 1281 A.D.).

Later, under an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwūn, a man by name Amāy reigned, until he died in the year 716 H. [1316 A.D.]. After him his brother K.R.N.B.S. (Kerenbes?)<ref>Printed without vowels in the Arabic edition. But Monneret (''Storia'', p. 219) proved from a Coptic inscription that his name was “Kudanbes”.</ref> reigned in Dunqulah.

Then a man called Nashlī rose from their royal house. He fled to Egypt, embraced Islam sincerely and stayed at the court of the Sultan in Egypt. The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir assigned him a revenue (''rizq''), and continued doing so until Kerenbes stopped paying the ''jizya'' in the year 716 H. [1316 A.D.]. The Sultan sent against Kerenbes an army accompanied by the above mentioned Nashlī, who had taken the name of 'Abdalla. Kerenbes fled to the country of al-Abwāb and 'Abdalla Nashlī reigned in the kingdom of Dongola as a Muslim and the army returned to Egypt. Al-Malik an-Nāṣir sent to the king of al-Abwāb for Kerenbes, and the king of al-Abwāb sent him to al-Malik an-Nāṣir. He [Kerenbes] embraced Islam and stayed at the court of the Sultan, while Nashlī reigned until the people of his country killed him in the year 719 H. [1319 A.D.]. Then the Sultan sent Kerenbes to reign over them. The ''jizya'' ceased being collected since their kings had become Muslims. (ibid. V, pp. 276 - 277).

'''[p. 574]''' [The author of] ''Al-‘Ibar'' said: - Then the clans (''aḥjāʾ'') or the Juhayna Arabs spread over the Nubian country, settled there and caused damage and destruction; the kings [of the Nubians] were unable to ward them [the Arabs] off; they therefore gave their daughters in marriage [to the Arabs] in an attempt to flatter them. Eventually, their [Nubian] kingdom collapsed. For, the [Nubian] kingdom passed to some Juhayna through the fact that their mothers [inherited the right of succession], according to the custom of these foreigners (''ra'ī al-'ajam'') which is to enthrone (''tamlīk'')<ref>Or: “to make one in possession”.</ref> either the sister or the sister's son (''wa-ibn al-ukht'') [of the deceased king]. That is how their kingdom broke in pieces, and the Juhayna became the masters of the country. But they [the Juhayna] were incapable of ruling, because each one thought only of his own interest and they split [the kingdom] into many fractions. No vestige (''rasm'') of monarchic rule (''mulk'') remained: they became nomads (''rahhāla bādiya'') like the Arabs, to the present day. (ibid. V, pp. 277 - 278).

[The Awlād Kanz]

[The author of] ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' mentioned that their present king [of Dongola] was a Muslim from Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla. He said that these Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla were descendants of a family (''bayt'') which led revolts on several occasions. It is believed that Awlād Kanz are a branch of the Juhayna... He also mentioned in ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' that their [the Nubians'] Sultan is like one of the common folk and gives shelter to the foreign visitors in the mosque (''jamiʿ'') of Dunqula: he sends for them and they come to him, he treats them as guests; he, as '''[p. 575]''' well as his emirs, present them with gifts which, in most instances, consist of ''dikādik'', which are thick tunics (''aksiya''), usually black in colour; sometimes he gives them a slave man or a girl as a present.

The author of ''Rawḍ al-Mi’ṭār'' mentioned that 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ was eager to wage war against the Nūba, but he noticed that they were very skillful in shooting the eyes with arrows; therefore, he gave up and imposed upon them an annual tribute (''itāwa'') consisting of slaves. The kings of Egypt used to levy this tribute from them most of the time, so that the author of ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' said that in his time the Nubians had to pay annually to the kings of Egypt a fixed tribute (''muqarrar'') consisting of slaves (''ʿabīd''), girls (''imāʾ'') [= maidservants], spears (''ḥirāb'') and Nubian wild game (''wuḥūsh nūbiyya'').

I add: - Now, all this tribute has completely ceased [being paid]. (ibid. V, pp. 275 - 278).

[The Coming of Nubia under Jacobite Jurisdiction]

After the death of Patriarch Benjamin [661 A.D.], the [seat] of the Patriarchate remained in the sole hands of the Jacobites, who prevailed all over Egypt (''Miṣr''). They appointed Jacobite bishops to all their sees and sent their bishops to the Nūba and the Ḥabasha so that these became Jacobites...

In this [Patriarch Agathon's, 661 - 677 A.D.] time, the churches of the Melkites were taken over by the Jacobites... A patriarch was [later] appointed for the Melkites, after they had been without a patriarch about one hundred years, since the time of the caliphate of Omar. [But] the supreme patriarchal power (''ri'āsat al-Batrak'') remained in the hands of the Jacobites; it was they who sent bishops to the districts (''an-nawāḥī'') and '''[p. 376]''' since that time (''min hunā'')<ref>Or: “therefore”.</ref> the Nubians and chose Ḥabasha who live beyond them became Jacobites. (ibid. V, p. 314).

[The Nā’ib of Al-Abwāb]

The formula (''ṣūrah'') [of titles] [to use when addressing the viceroys (''nuwwāb'')] is the one mentioned in ''at-Tathqīf'' among the titles (''alqāb'') of the viceroy (''Nā’ib'') of al-Abwāb: ‘The Excellent (''jalīl'') Nā’ib, the Honoured, the Respectable, the Holy (''al-qiddīs''), the Spiritual (''ar-rūhānī'')’, and the other epithets are the same as those given to the king (''mutamallik'') of Sīs...

The protocol [of the king of Sīs] is the same as that mentioned in “''at-Tathqīf''” among the titles of the Lord of Dongola (''Ṣāḥib Dunqulah''): ’The Excellent Nā’ib, the Honoured, the Respectable, the Lion (''al-asad''), the Gallant (''al-bāsil'') N.N. ... Glory of the Christian Community (''majd al-millat al-masīḥiyya''), the Great One in the Nation of the Cross (''Kabīr aṭ-ṭā’ifat aṣ-ṣalībīyya''), the Shoot of the Kings and Sultans (''ghars al-mulūk wa-s-salāṭīn'').' (ibid. VI, p. 180).

[Samura - The Chief of the Arabs in Upper Egypt]

As for the Arabs in Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī''), "''at-Ta’rīf''" mentioned two... the second one is Samura b. Mālik. He said: - This man commands an innumerable multitude and has considerable power. He raids the Ḥabasha and the nations of the Blacks (''umam as-sūdān'') and brings back spoils and captives. (ibid. VII, p. 162).

'''[p. 577]''' [The Official Correspondence with the Arab Princes of the Southern Territories]

Among those with whom official correspondence is kept, there are some who live along the routes (''ṭuruqāt'') which link Egypt with the countries of the Ḥabasha and others. The author of ''at-Ta’rīf'' said:- Perhaps there are also Arab nomads (''ʿurbān'') [who are] subjects of Egypt (''al-mamālik al-maḥrūsa''), but they have no fixed residence. Among them the following eight persons are mentioned. Some of them were addressed as "Throne" (''majlis''), some others as "Princes" (''amīr''):

1. Samura b. Kāmil al-'āmirī.

2. Abbād b. Qāsim.

3. Kamāl b. Suwār. He [al-'Umarī] added: - This is new in the official correspondence, [as the first letter] dates back to the first decade of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 763 H. [February 1362 A.D.].

4. Junayd, shaykh of the Jawābra, a branch of the Hakāriyya, in the [territory of] Abwāb of Nubia (''Abwāb an-Nūba''). He added: - He is new in the correspondence, [the first letter] dating from the year 769 H. [= 1367 A.D.].

5. Sharīf, shaykh of the Namānima, he too in the territory of Abwāb of Nubia; his correspondence was resumed at that time.

6. 'Alī, shaykh of the Dughaym.

7. Zāmil ath-thānī.

8. Abū Muhannā al-‘Umrānī. (ibid. VIII, pp. 5-6).

[The Official Correspondence with the Four Muslim Kings of the Sūdān]

The first is the king of the Nūba. He is the Lord of the town of Dunqula. [The correspondence with him] is exhaustively dealt with in the Second Treatise (''maqālah'') '''[p. 578]''' of "''al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik''". The author of “''at-Ta’rīf''” said: - He has to pay a fixed annual tribute (''ḥiml'') imposed on him. In his country the ''khuṭbah'' is made in the name of the reigning Caliph and in the name of the Lord of Egypt.

I add: - This was true under the reign of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad Ibn Qalāwūn; this tribute (''itāwa'') had been imposed on them from the time of the conquest under the emirate of 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ. Later on, it was interrupted, at times, and resumed, according to the prevailing state of obedience or rebellion. Today, Nubia is an independent kingdom. Therefore, I placed the [protocol of the] correspondence of its lord in the chapter dealing with the kings. If he is a Muslim, the correspondence with him adopts the titles shown in ''at-Ta'rīf'': e.g. "This letter is sent to the High Throne (''al-majlis al-jalīl'') the Great, the Ghāzi,<ref>Lit.: “the Champion (of Islam)”, a title currently given to sultans.</ref> the Fighter of the Holy War (''al-mujāhid''), the Helper (''al-mu'ayyid''), the Unique (''al-awhad''), the Protector, the Glory of Islam, the Ornament of Mankind, the Honour of the Fighters of the Holy War, the Column of the Kings and Sultans." This (protocol) has been quoted from ''Tathqīf''.<ref>The first of the list is the Lord of Amḥarah (VIII, pp. 39-41).</ref> The author (of ''Tathqīf'') added: - I did not find any correspondence actually exchanged between the [two] parties (''jamā'a''). During my tenure of office no correspondence was exchanged with him. I have seen in the register, attributed to the Secretary al-'Alā'ī ibn Faḍlalla, that this is his protocol, and that after "Column of the Kings and Sultans" one must add: "God make his happiness eternal and bring him to the abodes of His Will!". Then he added: - The correspondence with him is [written on] '''[p. 579]''' paper of ordinary size and the appellative used is: "His brother (''akhūhu'')". It is also well known that the titles (''alqāb'') roust appear in the address (''ʿunwān''), together with his specific title "Lord of Dongola" (''Ṣāḥib Dunqula''). (ibid. VIII, pp. 7-8).

[The Official Correspondence with the Kings of the Infidels (''Kuffār'') who Dwell South of Egypt]

The second is the Lord of Dunqula (''Ṣāḥib Dunqula''). It has already been mentioned in ''al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik'' that Dunqula is the capital of the kingdom of the Nūba and that in the beginning its king was a Christian from the Nubian people, and their belief was that of the Jacobites; probably some Muslim Arabs overpowered [Nubia] and occupied it. We have already explained how one should write to the Lord of Nubia if he is a Muslim. But if he is a Christian, the author of ''Tathqīf'' said that he is addressed in this way: "To the ''Nā’ib'' (Representative), the Honoured, the Respectable, the Lion, the Gallant N.N. etc." His address and specific title is: "The Nā'ib [who resides] at Dunqula." (ibid. VIII, pp. 41 - 42).

[Letters Originating from the Kings of Ḥabasha]

The custom concerning them was that they be written on paper of a size (''qatʿ'') ... [lacuna] ... in the language ... [lacuna] ... I did not find any copy of this correspondence except one letter, addressed to the king aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars together with correspondence to and from the Lord of Yemen, which I picked out from some registers (''muṣsanafā''t).<ref>Qalqashandī wrote the following note about the Ethiopian King [Dawit I, 1380-1411 A.D., abdicated]: “I can add that al-Ḥaṭī, who is the king of the Christian Ḥabasha, has invaded most of the [neighbouring] kingdoms since the year 800 [=1396 A.D.]… and that he forced the majority of their populations to embrace Christianity. The only kings who resisted so far are Ibn Mismār, whose realm is situated opposite the Dahlak island, but is under the authority of the Ethiopian king…, and the Sultan Sa’d ad-Dīn, the Lord of Zayla’ and Dependencies who does not recognise the Christian king at all, but stands in arms against him. (V, 335, 337). </ref>

'''[p. 580]''' I add: - The reply to this letter has been given above. It was written by ''qāḍī'' Muhīy ad-dīn ibn 'Abd aẓ-Ẓāhir [and is found] in the Treatise (''Kalām'') dealing with the letters despatched by the court of the Sultan to the infidels of the southern lands. But the contents of the said letter do not agree with his claims of grandeur. In fact, were he [the king of Ḥabasha] not so dependant [on Egypt] so that he accepts the archbishop sent him by the Patriarch of Egypt, his pride would have exalted him to the stars, in his letter; but this may have happened in the past. (ibid. VIII, pp. 119 - 120).

[Recommendations (''Waṣāyā'') to the Patriarchs<ref>These and the other letters send to the Oriental Christian Patriarchs mirror the situation of the time of the Crusades.</ref>]

The Secretary (''kātib''), when sending letters to holders of any office, should add some appropriate orders (''waṣāyā'') according to each post. (ibid. XI, p. 92).

If [the addressee] is the Patriarch of the Melkite Christians (''Baṭraq an-naṣārā al-malikāniyya''),<ref>Here (and XI, p. 85) Qalqashandī wrote “''al-malikāniyya''” (with vowels notated), further on (XI, p. 392 ff) he wrote “''batriqiyya an-naṣārā al-malikiyya''” meaning the same as “''malikāniyya''”.</ref> he [the secretary] should enjoin him to observe his religious law (''shir'atu-hu'') in matters of mercy, and to give no shelter to foreigners (''al-ghurabāʾ'') who come to him, if they are suspects. He should neither pass on to him any information he may have heard from the Sultan, nor conceal any letter that he [the Patriarch] may receive from a king, nor send a reply to the same: He should keep away from the sea (''yatajannab al-baḥr'') and from anything coming from overseas, about which suspicions could arise.

'''[p. 581]''' If the addressee is the Patriarch of the Jacobites (''Baṭraq al-ya'āqiba''), instead of warning him to keep away from the sea, [the secretary] should warn him to beware of anything that might come secretly from the Ḥabasha (''min tulqā’ al-Ḥabasha''). (ibid. XI, p. 100).

This is the copy of a decree (''tawqīʿ'')<ref>This decree if quoted without its date.</ref> to the Patriarch of the Melkites: [omitted].

You should strongly advise those Christians who belong to your community (''jama'āti-ka'') and dwell in the frontier towns (''thughūr''), not to engage in any suspicious affair or in any doubtful deal, nor to approach any foreign traveller (''gharīb'') who belongs to their [Melkites] own people (''jinsi-him''): A standing warning is that they [Melkites] should never quarrel with any messenger (''rasūl'') arriving, or any envoy leaving. (ibid. XI, pp. 292 - 293).

This is an order (''waṣiyya'') to the Patriarch of the Melkites as recorded by ''at-Ta'rīf'':

... [omitted] He should absolutely beware (''iyyā-hu wa iyyā-hu'') of offering shelter to any suspect foreigner coming to him, or of concealing any affair [of a man] who arrives whether from near or from far. [He should be solemnly warned against concealing any letter that comes to him from a king and also] should be solemnly warned against writing to any kind or doing anything similar. Let him avoid [contact with] the sea (''yatajannab al-baḥr'') and take this matter seriously, for it could cause him an irreparable loss; or if he receives anything from the wing of a crow, for "it will crow bad omen to him" ... (ibid. XI, p. 293).<ref>More specimens of letters to the Patriarch of the Jacobites are recorded by Qalqashandī (XI, pp. 293-397). Some letters contain recommendations about charities, mercy, the Prophet and other theological controversies with the Moslems.</ref>

'''[p. 582]''' If the order (''waṣiyya'') is addressed to the Patriarch of the Jacobites, ... the words "Let him avoid the sea" should be replaced by the following: "Let him avoid what may cause him trouble and beware of what may come to him secretly from the side of al-Ḥabasha; if possible he should even avoid breathing the breeze of the south. Let him know well that that matter, though [apparently] safe, is dangerous' [lit.: "though plentiful, is short"] and that he should not rely upon the power of the Blacks (''su'dud as-sūdān''), because Allah created the sign of the night to be dark and the sign of the day to be bright.” (ibid. XI, pp. 404 - 405).

[Dioscorus]

[Quoting Ibn al-'Amīd] Dioscorus was ordered to leave [the Council of Chalcedon] and went to Jerusalem (''al-Quds'') and stayed there. He gathered followers from the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Palestine, from the people of Miṣr and Alexandria. He was followed also by the Nūba and the Ḥabasha, who have remained in the same way until today. (ibid. XIII, pp. 279 - 280).

[The Formula of Oath of the Nubian King]<ref>This seems to be a summary of the formula which Nuwayrī (q.v.) quoted in full.</ref>

This is the formula (''nuskhat yamīn'') of the oath of allegiance taken by the king of Nubia to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn on his confirmation (''istiqrār'') as Representative (''nā’ib'') of the Sultan in Nubia. "By God! By God! By God! By the truth of the Holy Trinity and '''[p. 583]''' the pure Gospel! By the Pure (''ṭāhira'') Lady, the Virgin Mother of the Light! By the Baptism (''ma’mūdiyya''), the Prophets, the Heavenly Messengers (''rusul''), the Apostles (''hawāriyyīn''), the Saints (''qiddīsīn'') and the innocent Martyrs. If I do not keep [my oath], may I deny Christ as Judas (''Yudās'') denied Him; may I utter against Him such words as the Jews say and may I believe about Him what the Jews believe. If I do not keep [my oath], I will become another Judas who pierced Christ (sic!) with a lance. From this very moment, my will (''niyya'') and my intention (''ṭawiyya'') are totally devoted to the Sultan, the King N.N. (''fulān''). I shall direct all my efforts to do what pleases the Sultan. As long as I shall be his Representative (''nā‘ib'') I shall never discontinue the payment of what has been imposed on me for every year, i.e. after the division of the country, all the revenues which were collected by the Nubian kings my predecessors: one half of [these] revenues will be given, free of any deduction, to the Sultan, and the other half will be reserved to the population (''ʿimāra'') of the country and for the upkeep against any enemy (''ḥifẓi-ha min 'aduw'') who might attack it. I shall also pay such and such amount ... every year. I shall impose on every adult person (''al-'uqalā’ al-bālighīn'') among my subjects in my country one dinar per head. I shall not permit the use of any weapons (''silāb''), nor shall I conceal them or allow anybody to conceal them. If I transgress all these obligations or any part of them, may I be rejected by God Almighty, by Christ and by the Pure Lady; may I reject the Christian religion and pray turned in a direction other then the east; may I break the Cross and share the beliefs of the Jews.

Whatever news I may hear, bad or good, I shall report to the Sultan, at once. I shall be concerned solely with his interests. I shall be loyal to him who is loyal '''[p. 584]''' to the Sultan and be an enemy to all his enemies. May God be the Guarantor of what I say!" (ibid. XIII, p. 290)

[The Sultan's Mail (''Barīd'')]

Beyond Qōs [the mail service] branches off into several districts (''marākiz''): the routes part, one towards Aswān and to the country of the Nūba, and another towards 'Aydhāb and Sawākin. He who wants to go to Aswān, mounts camels (''hujn'') from Qōs to Aswān, thence to the Nūba country. He who wants to go to 'Aydhāb goes from Qōs to the Hills of Qifṭ, near Qōs. I add: - Then he traverses deserts and mountains from the Hills of Qifṭ as far as a water [station] called Layqa (?) (Layṭa?, Dayqa) at one day's distance from the Hills.

There is a spring, but the water is not flowing. From there he goes to a water station called ''ad-Darīh'' near the emerald mine (''ma'dan az-zumurrud''); there is round a little spring where he can find water according to God’s will: the water never increases nor decreases. Then he goes to Humaythira, where there is the tomb of Sīdī-Abū-l-Ḥasan ash-Shādhilī: there is found a spring from which water is drawn. Thence he goes to 'Aydhāb, which is a small village on the northwest coast of the Sea of Qulzum. Near it there is a spring from which water can be drawn. The estimated total distance between the Hills and 'Aydhāb is about ten days' if there are loads; but in the ''Masālik al-abṣār'' the author said that the route to 'Aydhāb is [the one that starts] from the road junction near Aswān and then continues through the country of the Arabs called Banī 'Āmir to Sawākin, which is the main village on the sea coast. Its chieftain is an Arab. The letters of the Sultan are brought to him as described in the previous chapter dealing with the mail. (ibid. XIV, p. 373).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn al-Furat

2016-01-19T11:36:07Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 528-547]'''

IBN AL-FURĀT

''(1334-1405 A.D.)''

''Nāṣir ad-dīn Muḥ. A. Raḥīm al-Miṣrī Ibn al-Furāt, An Egyptian Historian.''

''EI (s.v.); GAL 2, 50 ''Ta'rīkh ad-duwal wa-l-mulūk'' ''

''Ed.: C. Ruzayq, ''Ta'rīkh Ibn al-Furāt'', 9 vols., Beirut 1936-42.''

''Exc.: Mus'ad 258-274.''

''T.: Beirut A:0''

[Stories about the Invasions in Nubia]

Nubia was invaded for the first time in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.]. 'Abdalla b. Sa'd carried out the raid with 5,000 cavalry, under the caliphate of 'Uthmān b. 'Affān - may God be pleased with him. In this raid Mu'āwiya b. Hudayj - may God be pleased with him! - and Abraha b. aṣ-Ṣabbāḥ lost an eye each. They nicknamed the Nubians "pupil-smitters". 'Abdalla b. Sa'd made a truce with them (''hādana-hum'') after he penetrated as far inside the country as Dunqula. The poet described that day with these verses:

'''[p. 529]''' "Never did my eye watch a day like Dunqula's.

The horses advanced in the early morning under

heavy breast-plates.

All around me I could see only warriors

As if nobody else existed I".

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥabīb related: The agreement (''muwādi'a'') made between the Egyptians (''ahl Miṣr'') and the Nūba is not an agreement of reconciliation (''muwādi’a hudna''), but a truce of safety (''hudnat amān''), under which we supply them with a certain quantity of wheat and lentils and they give us slaves (''raqīq''). They do not mind if they have to purchase the slaves among their own people.

Later on, Nubia was raided in the time of the Commander of the Faithful Hishām [724-743 A.D.], son of the Commander of the Faithful 'Abd al-Malik, son of the Commander of the Faithful Marwān the Omayyad. Nubia was not conquered on that occasion; there was only a fight resulting in plunder and the seizure of prisoners.

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥātim b. Qasayba b. al-Muhallab b. Abī Ṣafra<ref>Governor of Egypt [761-769 A.D.].</ref> sent a raiding expedition led by 'Abd al-A'lā b. Ḥamīd. Then Abū Manṣūr Tekin, the Turk, raided Nubia as well as Barqa, for one year, but did not subdue it.

Later on, Kāfūr the Ikhshīd carried out a raid with an army consisting mainly of Blacks (''sūdān''), as the poet said:

"When Kāfūr invaded Dunqula in the morning,

he went with an army so large as to cover the earth in length and width ;

The Black (''al-Aswad'') raided the Blacks (''sūdān'') in

the brightness of the morning;

When the two armies clashed in battle the earth

became as dark as the night."

'''[p. 530]''' Later on, the emir Nāṣir ad-Dawla b. Ḥamdān raided Nubia: he [?] crushed the Blacks (''wa-kabasa as-sūdān'')<ref>It is not clear from the Arabic text who was the winner and who was the loser. The editor of “Al-Maktaba” notes: “Probably the correct original reading was: ‘''fa-kabasa-hu ṣāḥib as-sūdān''’ (the Lord of the Sūdān crushed him, i.e. Ibn Ḥamdān. Cf. Nuwayrī’s reading. Also the sentence “he returned as a loser” (''khāsir'') seems to refer to Ibn Ḥamdān, who did not succeed to conquering Nubia. Yet the historians [e.g. Ibn Muyassar , q.v.] reported that in the year 459 H./1066 A.D. Ibn Ḥamdān vanquished the ''sūdān'' in more than one encounter in Lower Egypt and that he moved to Upper Egypt to with a 15,000 men strong army of ''sūdān''. This expedition [to Upper Egypt], however, is not described by the historians as a Turkish raid on Nubia.</ref> [they ?] plundered his army (''jaysha-hu''), seized all its luggage, took it with him (''ma’ a-hu'') and he returned defeated (''khāsir''). That happened in the year 459 H. [1066 A.D.] under the caliphate of al-Mustansir the ‘Ubaydī in Egypt.

A long time after this, Shams ad-Dawla Tūrānshāh b. Ayyūb Shādhī b. Marwān, the brother of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Saladin Yūsuf b. Najm ad-dīn Ayyūb, raided it, precisely in the year 568 H. [1172 A.D.]; he went only as far as Ibrīm. All these [campaigns] were just raids, the real conquest (''fatḥ'') being that which took place in the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars as-Sālihī, in this year [1275 A.D.] - which we are going to narrate.

... The cause for the invasion of Nubia, in that year [674 H./1275 A.D.] was that Dāwūd, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia had become exceedingly wicked in his deeds: he went on a raid up to near Aswan and burnt the sāqiyas; some time before he had raided 'Aydhāb. The governor (''wālī'') of Qōs hastened to Aswān, but could not catch him; he, however, defeated his [king Dāwūd's] representative (''nā'ib'') who bore the title of "Lord of the Mountain",<ref>Ibn al-Furāt’s text consistently has “''ṣāḥib al-khayl''” (Lord of the Horse), but this is surely a misreading for “''ṣāḥib al-jabāl''” (Lord of the Mountain).</ref> captured him and his men and sent them to the Citadel. When the Sultan returned from Syria to Egypt he ordered the Lord of the Mountain and his men to be cut in the middle ["quartered"].

'''[p. 531]''' [Meantime] The son of the sister of the Nubian king ''MRTSKR'' (tentative reading Murtashkur),<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref> whom Dāwūd had dispossessed of the kingdom and whose name was ''MSKD'', or, according to others, ''Sakanda'', came [to Cairo] complaining about his cousin (''ibn 'amm'') Dāwūd. He told the Sultan that [the right of accession to] the kingdom belonged only to him, to the exclusion of anyone else. The Sultan sent the emir Shams ad-din Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī, the ''ustād ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, the emir ''jandār'', with an army consisting of soldiers of the regular army (''ʿaskar''), soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'')<ref>''Ajnād'' = soldiers in charge of levying the tribute.</ref> of the provinces (''wilāyāt'') and nomads (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt. He added (a detachment of) grenadiers (''zarārīq'') artillery (''rumāt'') and flame-throwers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq''), and coats of mail (''zardakhānāt''), and ''MSKD'' to accompany the expedition. The Sultan ordered them, as soon as they conquered the country to hand it over to him (''MSKD''). They set out on the march on the 1st day of Sha'bān of this year [20 January 1276 A.D.].

At the frontier they were met by the Blacks (''sūdān'') armed with spears and wearing no other defence than black tunics (''aksiya'') called ''dikādik''; they came out mounted on dromedaries (''nujub aṣ-ṣuhub''). The expeditionary force Joined battle and they (''sūdān'') were defeated: a great number of them were slain and many were made prisoners.

On the 8th of Shawwāl of the same year [24 March 1276 A.D.], a letter was received at the court from emir Shams '''[p. 532]''' ad-dīn announcing that the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram had stormed the fortress of Daw (''qal’at ad-Daw'') and killed many and took prisoners; and that the emir Shams ad-dīn followed in his footsteps to suppress the revolt of those who had escaped. He deployed the sailors (''rijāl al-baḥr'') on land and river with strict orders to kill anyone they came across on land or river. They were given the ... (''mawās'' ?).<ref>Doubtful reading.</ref> The emir Shams ad-dīn landed on the island of Mikā'īl at the head of the cataract of Nubia, which is a place full of rocks rising in the middle of the river. There they slew some men and others they took prisoner: [all these were] the pilots who had escaped from the fortress of Daw [taking on board the Lord of the Mountain] and had sailed through the cataract. The Lord of the Mountain, however, had fled to the islands. The Lord of the Mountains has power over one-half of the Nubian territory; his name is Qamar ad-Dawla Kasī (?)<ref>Illegible in the Ibn al-Furāt. Mufaddal has “Kashī”.</ref>. [King] Dāwūd had appointed him in place of the one whom the Sultan had quartered in the middle in Egypt. The emirs gave him safe-conduct and allowed him to continue in office as ''nā’ib'' after he swore allegiance to king ''MShKD'', who was in the expedition, as long as [the king] was loyal to the Sultan. He rendered useful services in bringing back the men (''rijāl'') of al-Marīs and others to pilot the boats: he proved helpful, indeed.

The emir 'Izz ad-dīn waded across the river to a tower which he besieged, then he took it and slew 250 enemies. A letter arrived from emir Shams ad-dīn announcing that the army was short of supplies because of '''[p. 533]''' the delay of Awlād al-Kanz in piloting the boats; he and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn had marched forward and caught up with king Dāwūd: there ensued a carnage until all [the soldiers of Dāwūd] were killed. No one survived except those who threw themselves into the river. King Dāwūd took to flight, but his brother Shankū was captured. The emir sent a detachment of the army (''al-'askar al-manṣūr'') which marched for three days pursuing them with the sword until all were forced to accept obedience to the Sultan. The mother and the sister of King Dāwūd were captured.

The emirs imposed the tribute on King ''MShKD'', - who was in the expedition, - to pay every year: 3 elephants, 3 giraffes, 5 she-leopards, 100 good dromedaries (''ṣuhub''), 100 unblemished oxen. Also it was decided that the country be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to belong to the Sultan and the other to the local population (''ʿimāra'') so that they would guard it, for it was feared that some enemy<ref>Probably the much feared Arab nomads of Upper Egypt.</ref> might come to invade it (''yaṭruqa-ha''); the two provinces of ''al-'Alī'' and ''al-Jabāl'' - which accounted for one quarter of Nubia - were to belong to the Sultan because of their proximity to Aswān; all the cotton and dates produced in these two provinces should be handed over [to the Sultan] together with any other rights (''ḥuqūq''), which were reserved to the kings his predecessors, according to the tradition. Then the Nubians were offered a choice: either to embrace Islam, or to be killed, or to pay the ''jizya'' at the rate of one ''dinar'' per head per year. An oath formula specifying these conditions was drawn up and ''MShKD'' swore to it together with [some of] his men. Another formula was drawn up to be sworn to by the population, that they would obey '''[p. 534]''' the ''nā’ib'' of the Sultan as long as he should remain faithful and that they would pay one dinar per year per adult person.

Their country is the largest of all; it is more powerful because of the number of inhabitants and it is the longest as it stretches across [several] Climates.

The Church of ''Isūs'' (? Osus) was pulled down. It was the one about which Dāwūd boasted that it reminded him what he had to do. This Dāwūd had built, with the labour of the Moslems, a place (''makan'') which he called "'Aydhāb": it consisted of houses, churches and a square in which he had portrayed the Moslems whom he had slain at ‘Aydhāb or taken prisoner at Aswān. These paintings were erased and the walls were pulled down. It was imposed [on ''MShKD''] that he should hand over to the Sultan the private property of king Dāwūd and of his relatives, in slaves (''raqīq''), and cloth (''qumāsh''). The emir found some Nubian princes (''umarāʾ'') who were the seed of the rebellion in the country; they were twenty in number; he had them all mutilated in the nose (''jada'a-hum''). He freed the prisoners seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān, accompanied them and helped them to go back home. He also obliged ''MShKD'' to free any other prisoner who had been withheld. Then he crowned ''MShKD'' with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mamlaka'') according to their custom, and enthroned him in place of king Dāwūd. This is the formula of the oath which ''MShKD'' took.<ref>There follow the two formulas of oath. As the text is identical with that of Nuwayrī [q.v.], they have been omitted here.</ref>

... The above<ref>Mentioned in the oath.</ref> is the tribute imposed on the king on the occasion of the conquest (''fatḥ''). The ''baqṭ'', which '''[p. 535]''' is a fixed amount to be paid by the Nūba every year, was imposed on them long before, in the days of 'Alī b. Aḥmad aṣ-Ṣarfaynī, and consisted of 400 slaves and one giraffe; the slaves were to be distributed as follows: 360 to the Commandant of the Faithful and 40 to the Governor (''nā’ib'') of Egypt. As counterpart, according to the old tradition, the messengers of the Nubian king received, - on delivery of the whole amount of the ''baqṭ'' - 1,300 ardeb of wheat, of which 300 were for them.

Al-Balādhurī said in his "''Kitāb al-Futūḥāt''": "The tribute imposed on the Nūba is four hundred slaves, for which they received foodstuffs, i.e. cereals. The Commandant of the Faithful al-Madhī the Abbasid reduced it to three hundred and sixty slaves and one giraffe."

As for the Beja, their country is contiguous to Nubia; their king, called "''al-Ḥadrabī''", is recognised as the supreme chief (''khalīfa'') of the ''Sūdān''. In the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars the Sultan of Egypt, the Beja king was Bā(?)T(?)KS<ref>No diacritic dots in the original; many different readings are possible.</ref> and was called Ṣārim ad-dīn: he was the ''khalīfa'' of the ''Sūdān'', according to what they claim.

The Commandant of the Faithful al-Mutawakkil ‘alā Allah the Abbasid ordered his representative in Egypt to invade the Beja: the army arrived at 'Aydhāb and the boats, too, which were on the Red Sea, landed there; the army marched up to one of the Beja's strongholds (''qal’a munāhiḍā''). The Beja king (''al-bujāwī'') went out against them, mounted on camels (''ibil'') girt with straps. The chief (''nā’ib'') of the Moslem army noticed that and planned a stratagem: he had bells tied to the necks of the horses. When the camels heard the sound of the bells they '''[p. 536]''' fled in utter confusion. The Beja king was killed, the son of his brother took over and asked for a truce (''hudna''). The Commandant of the Faithful refused saying: I shall not grant it, until he will tread on my carpet. The Beja king went to see him and when he arrived at Surra-man-rā'a a peace treaty was made in the year 241 H. [= 555 A.D.] on condition that the Beja should give the ''baqṭ''. They complied with this condition. Al-Mutawakkil also put among the conditions that the Beja should not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold mine.

The emirs who conquered Nubia in that year [1276 A.D.] and pulled down the church of ''Sūs'' (Isus) - as we have already mentioned - found gold crosses and other objects amounting to 4640 1/2 dinars and silver vessels amounting to 8660 dinars. Our author (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm, better known as Ibn Duqmāq,<ref>Ibn Duqmāq’s history work is still unpublished.</ref> said: The Nubians who were slain were a great number and those who were made prisoner were an even greater number, so that a slave was sold for three dirhams, and those who remained after the massacre and the sale were ten thousand. This is what he said.

The Egyptian army (''al-'askar al-miṣrī'') stayed at Dunqula for 17 days until the situation became quiet in that country. The Sultan ordered the army to return to Cairo, the emirs to come by boat taking with them the captives, the soldiers to break into groups [and arrive overland]. The emir Shams ad-dīn, the ''ustāḍ ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn returned and the army arrived safely at Cairo, loaded with spoils. On the 5th Dhū-l-Hijja of that year [21 May 1276 A.D.] the emirs Shams ad-dīn and 'Izz ad-dīn had an audience with the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, '''[p. 537]''' at which the brother of king Dāwūd, the captive, was present. The Sultan thanked the emirs for their endeavours and bestowed on them robes of honour.

As for the fate of king Dāwūd, our source (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm Ibn Duqmāq, related approximately what follows: King Dāwūd, after his defeat by the [Egyptian] emirs, crossed the river to the west bank and escaped during the night to some strongholds (''ḥuṣūn''); no sooner had the news come to the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Shams ad-dīn al-Fāriqānī, than they mounted [on horses] together with the soldiers they had with them and marched in pursuit for three days, relentlessly day and night. Dāwūd, feeling that they were on his trail, abandoned his mother, his sister and the children of his brother; he and his son [alone] had a narrow escape. The emirs captured his women and on their return to Dunqula, they remained until they declared ''ash-Shakanda'' king [of Nubia] and established him on the throne. They held discussions<ref> Ar. “''qarrarū''”, which means “compelled [him] to acknowledge” or “they ascertained”, “wrote a statement”.</ref> with Kashi<ref>Cf. note 7.</ref> the lord of the Country of the Mountain to the effect that Daw and Ibrīm - the two strong-holds near Aswān, at seven days’ distance [from Aswān] — belong to the Sultan as private property, and they invested him with the authority of Representative of the Sultan. Then they returned to Cairo.

After a few days, the Lord of ''al-Abwāb'' - which is the country above Nubia - sent king Dāwūd captive to the Sultan, who put him in jail in the Citadel where he died. As regards king Dāwūd, after his country was conquered and he took to flight - as just mentioned - when he arrived at ''al-Abwāb'', king Ador of ''al-Abwāb'' fought him, '''[p. 538]''' killed his son, seized Dāwūd and sent him to the Sultan.

This is the story of the conquest, about which a poet said: "This is the Conquest, not what you have been told by eye-witnesses, nor what you have heard through chains of oral accounts". About this conquest, the qādī Muḥīy ad-dīn Ibn 'Abd aẓ-Ẓāhir, the biographer of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, said: "O day of Dunqula, in which its slaves (''ʿabīd'') were slaughtered on every side and in every place/every Nubian said to his mother: Lament! Because they have struck the nape of the Sūdān!"

The Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir instructed ''ṣāḥib'' Baha' ad-dīn b. Ḥannā, his minister (''wazīr''), to appoint agents to collect the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' at Dunqula and in its districts.

It is also said that the emirs, while they were in Dunqula, compelled king ''MShKD'' (Meshked) to take a second oath (''yamīn thāniya''), by which he undertook to report immediately to the Sultan's court whenever an order reached him, whether in the day time or by night, without no other delay except the time necessary to make the preparations for the journey. He [also undertook] not to allow any Arab nomad (''ʿurbān''), adult or young, to enter Nubia, and to seize any bedouin he might find on Nubian soil and send him to the Great Sultan - may God make his kingdom last for ever!

[Possessions of Sultan Baybars]

By means of him [Baybars], God Almighty conquered ... Nubia, where the following territories (''bilād'') are found: the island of Bilāq, Yawī,<ref>Uncertain reading. Cf. Mufaddal, n. 14.</ref> the Country of the Water [?] '''[p. 539]''' (''arḍ al-māʾ''), al-Fatiq [?], Damhīt, Hindū, Dartīn, al-Harya, the region (''iqlīm'') of al-Burayk, aso called the Seven Villages (''sab'a qurā''); after which there is the provinces of al-'Alī (‘Alā) which comprises the following villages; Lazima [?], Tamad [?], ad-Daw, Ibrīm, Dandāl, Būharās, the island of Mikā'īl on which there are also villages, the islands of the Cataract, Abkar, Dunqula, the region of Bashwā which is an island with towns ... So that the poet said: "The affairs of the State range from the Palace to Yemen and Iraq, to the land of the Rūm and to the Nubian (''an-nūbī'')." (Beirut VII, pp. 44 - 51).

[A Biographical Note on:]

Aqsonqor 'Abdalla al-Fāriqānī... Under the Sultan Baybars he was promoted ''ustāḍ dār''. Deputy [to the Sultan] to act during his absence and was also appointed commandant-in-chief of the any.

... As-Dafadī wrote about him: I think he is the one who was sent to raid Nubia and conquered it.

... In the month of Sha'bān, letters arrived from the ''wālī'' of Qōs announcing that clashes had taken place in the 'Aydhāb desert between nomads (''ʿurbān'') of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes, with many casualties on both sides, and that the fighters had sought shelter with the Lord of Sawākin, who, perhaps, aided them to continue the fight. He [Aqsonqor] wrote to the Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn as-Sam'ānī [?], Lord of Sawākin, to refrain from interferring in that quarrel and to abstain from helping them in any way, so that the desert route night be safe and good for the travellers. (Beirut VII, p. 101).

'''[p. 540]''' [The First invasion of Nubia (under Qalāwūn)]

Al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn, Lord of Egypt and Syria, sent on a military expedition the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, known as al-Khayyāt, governor of Cairo, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Kūrānī (al-Kawrānī) with order to march on Nubia. They left the Court on Monday 6th Dhū-l-Hijja of the year 686 H. [8 January 1288 A.D.]. He detailed [to go with them] a company of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') of the southern ''wilāyāt'', and the ''qarāghulāmiyya''; he also sent the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydamer as-Sayfī, the ''silāḥ dār'', governor of the provinces of Qōs with his own army (''ʿidda'') and the Sultan's own white slaves (''mamālik'') stationed at Qōs under his authority, and more soldiers (''ajnād'') from the district of Qōs and Arab nomads of that region, i.e. the Awlād Abū Bakr, Awlād ‘Umar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād al-Kanz and a number of bedouins (''ʿurbān'') from al-Burullus and the Banī Hilāl. The emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt with one half of the army took the way on the west bank, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydemer with the other half went on the east bank, on which the town of Dunqula is built.

The regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia at that time was one called Simāmūn (Samāmūn), a man more courageous and skilful than his equals. When the army arrived at the Nubian borders, Simāmūn evacuated the country and sent directives to his ''nā’ib'' in the island of Mikā’īl and the district or Daw (''ʿamal Daw''); the title of" the governor of this province (''wilāya'') in Nubia is "Lord of the Mountain". Simāmūn ordered him to evacuate the country under his jurisdiction as the army advanced. The countrymen withdrew before the army, station after station, until they joined the Regent of Nubia at Dunqula. The Regent stayed there until the arrival of the emir ’Izz ad-dīn '''[p. 541]''' with his army; then they fought a field battle in which Simāmūn was defeated and many or his men were killed while, on the Moslem side, only a few died (''istashhada'') (for God's sake). Simāmūn, beaten on the field, took to flight while the army pursued him for fifteen days beyond Dunqula. The army caught up with Jurays and seized him and the Regent’s cousin (''Ibn Khāla'' = son of the maternal aunt), who was one of the leading princes and had the right of succession to the throne. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn enthroned the son of the king's sister and appointed Jurays as his Representative (''nā'ib''), and assigned to them a detachment of the regular army to remain with them [as body-guard]. Then he fixed the tax (''qatī'a'') which the two of them were to bring to the Sultan's court every year. The army returned carrying off a booty of slaves, horses, camels and clothes. We shall narrate the remainder of the story later. (Beirut VIII, pp. 52 - 53).

On the 9th of Rajab of this year [10 August 1288 A.D.] the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī and his expeditionary force arrived from Dunqula at the court on the Citadel of Cairo. He brought with him the kings (''mulūk'') of Nubia, their women (''ḥarīm'') and their [kings'] crowns: it really was a wonderful day! The emir 'Izz ad-dīn briefed the Sultan telling him that they had conquered (''malakū'') the countries of Daw and Nubia and all those places (''amākin''), killing or taking prisoner the natives. They (emirs) presented the Sultan with a great number of prisoners; the Sultan took some to send to his private farms and houses, the others he distributed to the emirs. Emirs and soldiers exchanged gifts of prisoners; more prisoners were sold and their price was so cheap that the common people had some of them. The Sultan bestowed on the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī the insignia of '''[p. 542]''' ''wālī Mahmandār''<ref>Mahmandār, the officer in charge of receiving the guests.</ref> in place of the emir Sharaf ad-dīn the commander who had been sent to Alexandria as interim governor until a new one was appointed there in place of the emir Ḥisām ad-dīn, son of the emir Shams ad-dīn b. Bākhil, who had been arrested - his property and his women and his retinue being then transferred to Cairo. The foregoing has been referred to the emirs.

As for Simāmūn, king of Nubia, after the army left Nubia - as already mentioned - and after he made sure of the return of the army [to Egypt] he went back to Dunqula, fought the garrison which had been left there and defeated it, and eventually took the kingdom over gain. The king who had been appointed by the Sultan fled to Cairo accompanied by Jurays and the garrison; they told [the Sultan] what Simāmūn had done. The Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr was furious: he ordered that a corps of cavalry (''jarīda'') be ready to march on Nubia - as we shall describe in due time. (Beirut VIII, p. 6S).

[The Second Expedition of the Army to Nubia under Qalāwūn]

We have already mentioned that the king of Nubia, after he had made sure of the return of the Egyptian army, to Cairo, went back to Dunqula, expelled the king enthroned by the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt and recaptured the whole country. The king who had been appointee by the Sultan came to the Court for talks with the Sultan.

In this year [688 H./1289 A.D.] al-Malik al-Manṣūr despatched to Nubia the emir ’Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, '''[p. 543]''' the emir ''Jandār'', with an expeditionary force which consisted of [troops of] the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq al-Manṣūrī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer the Jūkandār and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer governor of Qōs. He also gave them some corps (''atlāb'') chosen from the troops of the emirs: a corps (''ṭilb'') of the emir Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī, one from the emir Sayf ad-dīn Bahāder the chief of the ''jamdāriyya'' guards (''nawba''), one from the emir 'Alā' ad-dīn aṭ-Ṭaybarsī, one from the emir Shams ad-dīn Sonqor aṭ-Ṭawīl and the remainder from the soldiers (''ajnād'') of the southern districts and the deputy-governors (''nuwwāb al-wulāt''). He added a force of forty thousand foot soldiers, taken from the bedouin troops in Egypt, both North and South. The regent of Nubia and his ''nā’ib'' Jurays joined this expedition. The army left the court of Cairo on Tuesday 8 Shawwāl 688 [25 October 1289 A.D.]. More than five hundred boats, small and large, including flame-throwing boats (''ḥarārīq''), and transport boats loaded with coats of mail, supplies and equipment, sailed with the expeditionary force. When the army arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the Regent of Nubia, sent by al-Malik al-Manṣūr to accompany the army, died and was buried at Aswān. The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Afram informed the Sultan, who sent one of the sons of king Dāwūd's sister - a man who was- at the Sultan's court - and nominated him King of Nubia. This man took post horses and reached the army before it left Aswān. After his arrival there, the army divided, as usual, into two expeditionary forces. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq and one half of the army and one half of the Arabs marched along the west bank, the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer, governor of Qōs with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer al-Jūkandār and the other half of the army and Arabs, along the east bank. '''[p. 544]''' They directed al-Jurays, the ''nā’ib'' of Nubia, to go ahead of them, station by station, accompanied by Awlād al-Kanz emir of Aswan, in order to restore the confidence of the population, give them safe-conduct and prepare the halting places for the army. Whenever the army arrived at a village (''balad''), the old men (''mashā'ikh'') and the prominent villagers (''a'yān'') came to meet them, kissed the ground before the emirs and were given safe-conduct, after which they settled in the village. This was done in all villages between Daw and the inlands of Mikā'īl- which is the territory under the jurisdiction of Jurays the Lord of the Mountain. In the rest of the country, which was not under the jurisdiction of Jurays, the population fled in obedience to the order of the Regent of Nubia. There the array plundered whatever they could carry off, killed all the natives who had remained behind, pastured the horses in the cultivated fields, burnt the sāqiyas and the houses as far as Dunqula. Here they realized that the king had left and had also evacuated the population. The emirs found only one old man and an old woman whom they questioned about the king. They answered: "He has gone to an island fifteen days from Dunqula the island itself is three days' journey in width." The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn governor of Qōs with his men immediately left for the said island, but no ''ḥarrāqa'' boat, nor any other boat accompanied him because of the many rocks in the river. We shall describe the rest of the story later. (Beirut VIII, p. 82).

'''[p. 545]''' [An Account of What Happened to the Egyptian Army in Nubia; The Enthronement of the Son of the Sister of Dāwūd and Other Events After the Return of the Army to Egypt]

We have previously mentioned that the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr had despatched an expeditionary force to Nubia and that on their arrival to Dunqula they found that Simāmūn, the king of Nubia, had fled to an island in the middle of the Nile and they pursued him there.

When they arrived opposite the island, they noticed many Nubian boats and a crowd of people. They enquired from them about the king. The Nubians answered that he actually was on the said island. They sent proposals to the king to make allegiance and to come out, and offered him safe-conduct in exchange, but he refused. The army remained there three days. They [Nubians] hinted [to the king] that the army had sent for the ''ḥarārīq'' to come in order to cross to the island and attack him. He then withdrew from the island towards ''al-Abwāb'', three days' distance from the island and out of the territory of his kingdom.

The ''sawākira'' - as the princes are called in Nubia - abandoned him; so did also the bishop (''usquf'') and the priests (''qusūs'') who parted from him taking with them the silver cross which is held over the head of the king, and the coronation crown (''tāj al-mamlaka''); they asked for safe-conduct and swore allegiance. 'Izz ad-dīn gave them safe-conduct and presented the most prominent (''akābir'') of them with robes of honour; then they went back with him to Dunqula accompanied by a great multitude. When they arrived there the emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq crossed the river to the east bank, without their soldiers and held a meeting of emirs in Dunqula. The soldiers put on the battle uniform and '''[p. 546]''' paraded on both banks: the ''ḥarārīq'' boats were decorated on the river and the ''zarrāqūn'' gave a firework display with naphtha. All the brother emirs (''al-umarā’ al-Ikhwān'')<ref>Probably the emirs [princes] of the Nubian royal house were attending the banquet.</ref> held a banquet in the church of Isūs (Osus), which is the largest church of Dunqula. After the banquet was over, they proclaimed as king the one who had been sent from the Sultan's court and crowned him with the crown. They had him take an oath of allegiance to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn al-Alfī as-Sālihī an-Najmī, Lord of Egypt and Syria; the population, too, was compelled to swear allegiance to him [the king]. The ''baqṭ'', i.e. the customary tribute, was renewed. A garrison from the army was seconded to the Nubian king as bodyguard, under the command of Rukn ad-dīn Baybars al-'Azzī, one of the mamālīk of the emir 'Izz ad-dīn the governor of Qōs. Then the Egyptian army went home after it had been away for six month since the day it left Aswān until its return there. They carried off a great booty and arrived at Cairo in the month of Jumadā al-Wulā of the year 689 H. [May 1290 A.D.]. This is the story about the emirs.

We shall now tell about the newly established king (''malik mutawallī'') and the deposed (''ma’zūl'') king, Simāmūn. After the Egyptian army returned from Dunqula, as already mentioned, Simāmūn went back to Dunqula during the night, knocked at the door of every ''Sawkarī'' - i.e. the princes - and asked them to come out; as soon as they saw him, kissed the ground before him and swore allegiance to him. Before sunrise, all the Nubian army (''al-ʿaskar an-nūbī'') had joined him. He went to the residence of the king who had usurped the Nubian kingdom and allowed Rukn ad-dīn al-'Azzī to go back to his Master, ''''[p. 547]''' in order to avoid clashes with him. Rukn ad-dīn and his men left for Qōs and Simāmūn settled in Dunqula. He seized the king who had been enthroned by the army, stripped him of his garments, slaughtered a bull and cut its skin into strips; then he fastened the king with the strips still raw and tied him to a log; when the strips dried, he died. Simāmūn also executed Jurays, then he wrote to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn asking to be reconciled with him; he asked his pardon and promised to pay the regular ''baqṭ'' every year - and even more. He sent a big present of slaves and other gifts, which arrived towards the end of the life of al-Manṣūr. But, by this time, the Sultan began being worried over other things than the Nubian affair. Simāmūn remained in possession of the kingdom until the time of al-Malik al-Adil Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī [1290-1293 A.D.]. (Beirut VIII, pp. 91 - 92).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn al-Furat

2016-01-19T11:16:53Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 528-547]'''

IBN AL-FURĀT

''(1334-1405 A.D.)''

''Nāṣir ad-dīn Muḥ. A. Raḥīm al-Miṣrī Ibn al-Furāt, An Egyptian Historian.''

''EI (s.v.); GAL 2, 50 ''Ta'rīkh ad-duwal wa-l-mulūk'' ''

''Ed.: C. Ruzayq, ''Ta'rīkh Ibn al-Furāt'', 9 vols., Beirut 1936-42.''

''Exc.: Mus'ad 258-274.''

''T.: Beirut A:0''

[Stories about the Invasions in Nubia]

Nubia was invaded for the first time in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.]. 'Abdalla b. Sa'd carried out the raid with 5,000 cavalry, under the caliphate of 'Uthmān b. 'Affān - may God be pleased with him. In this raid Mu'āwiya b. Hudayj - may God be pleased with him! - and Abraha b. aṣ-Ṣabbāḥ lost an eye each. They nicknamed the Nubians "pupil-smitters". 'Abdalla b. Sa'd made a truce with them (''hādana-hum'') after he penetrated as far inside the country as Dunqula. The poet described that day with these verses:

'''[p. 529]''' "Never did my eye watch a day like Dunqula's.

The horses advanced in the early morning under

heavy breast-plates.

All around me I could see only warriors

As if nobody else existed I".

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥabīb related: The agreement (''muwādi'a'') made between the Egyptians (''ahl Miṣr'') and the Nūba is not an agreement of reconciliation (''muwādi’a hudna''), but a truce of safety (''hudnat amān''), under which we supply them with a certain quantity of wheat and lentils and they give us slaves (''raqīq''). They do not mind if they have to purchase the slaves among their own people.

Later on, Nubia was raided in the time of the Commander of the Faithful Hishām [724-743 A.D.], son of the Commander of the Faithful 'Abd al-Malik, son of the Commander of the Faithful Marwān the Omayyad. Nubia was not conquered on that occasion; there was only a fight resulting in plunder and the seizure of prisoners.

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥātim b. Qasayba b. al-Muhallab b. Abī Ṣafra<ref>Governor of Egypt [761-769 A.D.].</ref> sent a raiding expedition led by 'Abd al-A'lā b. Ḥamīd. Then Abū Manṣūr Tekin, the Turk, raided Nubia as well as Barqa, for one year, but did not subdue it.

Later on, Kāfūr the Ikhshīd carried out a raid with an army consisting mainly of Blacks (''sūdān''), as the poet said:

"When Kāfūr invaded Dunqula in the morning,

he went with an army so large as to cover the earth in length and width ;

The Black (''al-Aswad'') raided the Blacks (''sūdān'') in

the brightness of the morning;

When the two armies clashed in battle the earth

became as dark as the night."

'''[p. 530]''' Later on, the emir Nāṣir ad-Dawla b. Ḥamdān raided Nubia: he [?] crushed the Blacks (''wa-kabasa as-sūdān'')<ref>It is not clear from the Arabic text who was the winner and who was the loser. The editor of “Al-Maktaba” notes: “Probably the correct original reading was: ‘''fa-kabasa-hu ṣāḥib as-sūdān''’ (the Lord of the Sūdān crushed him, i.e. Ibn Ḥamdān. Cf. Nuwayrī’s reading. Also the sentence “he returned as a loser” (''khāsir'') seems to refer to Ibn Ḥamdān, who did not succeed to conquering Nubia. Yet the historians [e.g. Ibn Muyassar , q.v.] reported that in the year 459 H./1066 A.D. Ibn Ḥamdān vanquished the ''sūdān'' in more than one encounter in Lower Egypt and that he moved to Upper Egypt to with a 15,000 men strong army of ''sūdān''. This expedition [to Upper Egypt], however, is not described by the historians as a Turkish raid on Nubia.</ref> [they ?] plundered his army (''jaysha-hu''), seized all its luggage, took it with him (''ma’ a-hu'') and he returned defeated (''khāsir''). That happened in the year 459 H. [1066 A.D.] under the caliphate of al-Mustansir the ‘Ubaydī in Egypt.

A long time after this, Shams ad-Dawla Tūrānshāh b. Ayyūb Shādhī b. Marwān, the brother of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Saladin Yūsuf b. Najm ad-dīn Ayyūb, raided it, precisely in the year 568 H. [1172 A.D.]; he went only as far as Ibrīm. All these [campaigns] were just raids, the real conquest (''fatḥ'') being that which took place in the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars as-Sālihī, in this year [1275 A.D.] - which we are going to narrate.

... The cause for the invasion of Nubia, in that year [674 H./1275 A.D.] was that Dāwūd, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia had become exceedingly wicked in his deeds: he went on a raid up to near Aswan and burnt the sāqiyas; some time before he had raided 'Aydhāb. The governor (''wālī'') of Qōs hastened to Aswān, but could not catch him; he, however, defeated his [king Dāwūd's] representative (''nā'ib'') who bore the title of "Lord of the Mountain",<ref>Ibn al-Furāt’s text consistently has “''ṣāḥib al-khayl''” (Lord of the Horse), but this is surely a misreading for “''ṣāḥib al-jabāl''” (Lord of the Mountain).</ref> captured him and his men and sent them to the Citadel. When the Sultan returned from Syria to Egypt he ordered the Lord of the Mountain and his men to be cut in the middle ["quartered"].

'''[p. 531]''' [Meantime] The son of the sister of the Nubian king ''MRTSKR'' (tentative reading Murtashkur),<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī [q.v.].</ref> whom Dāwūd had dispossessed of the kingdom and whose name was ''MSKD'', or, according to others, ''Sakanda'', came [to Cairo] complaining about his cousin (''ibn 'amm'') Dāwūd. He told the Sultan that [the right of accession to] the kingdom belonged only to him, to the exclusion of anyone else. The Sultan sent the emir Shams ad-din Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī, the ''ustād ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, the emir ''jandār'', with an army consisting of soldiers of the regular army (''ʿaskar''), soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'')<ref>''Ajnād'' = soldiers in charge of levying the tribute.</ref> of the provinces (''wilāyāt'') and nomads (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt. He added (a detachment of) grenadiers (''zarārīq'') artillery (''rumāt'') and flame-throwers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq''), and coats of mail (''zardakhānāt''), and ''MSKD'' to accompany the expedition. The Sultan ordered them, as soon as they conquered the country to hand it over to him (''MSKD''). They set out on the march on the 1st day of Sha'bān of this year [20 January 1276 A.D.].

At the frontier they were met by the Blacks (''sūdān'') armed with spears and wearing no other defence than black tunics (''aksiya'') called ''dikādik''; they came out mounted on dromedaries (''nujub aṣ-ṣuhub''). The expeditionary force Joined battle and they (''sūdān'') were defeated: a great number of them were slain and many were made prisoners.

On the 8th of Shawwāl of the same year [24 March 1276 A.D.], a letter was received at the court from emir Shams '''[p. 532]''' ad-dīn announcing that the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram had stormed the fortress of Daw (''qal’at ad-Daw'') and killed many and took prisoners; and that the emir Shams ad-dīn followed in his footsteps to suppress the revolt of those who had escaped. He deployed the sailors (''rijāl al-baḥr'') on land and river with strict orders to kill anyone they came across on land or river. They were given the ... (''mawās'' ?).<ref>Doubtful reading.</ref> The emir Shams ad-dīn landed on the island of Mikā'īl at the head of the cataract of Nubia, which is a place full of rocks rising in the middle of the river. There they slew some men and others they took prisoner: [all these were] the pilots who had escaped from the fortress of Daw [taking on board the Lord of the Mountain] and had sailed through the cataract. The Lord of the Mountain, however, had fled to the islands. The Lord of the Mountains has power over one-half of the Nubian territory; his name is Qamar ad-Dawla Kasī (?)<ref>Illegible in the Ibn al-Furāt. Mufaddal has “Kashī”.</ref>. [King] Dāwūd had appointed him in place of the one whom the Sultan had quartered in the middle in Egypt. The emirs gave him safe-conduct and allowed him to continue in office as ''nā’ib'' after he swore allegiance to king ''MShKD'', who was in the expedition, as long as [the king] was loyal to the Sultan. He rendered useful services in bringing back the men (''rijāl'') of al-Marīs and others to pilot the boats: he proved helpful, indeed.

The emir 'Izz ad-dīn waded across the river to a tower which he besieged, then he took it and slew 250 enemies. A letter arrived from emir Shams ad-dīn announcing that the army was short of supplies because of '''[p. 533]''' the delay of Awlād al-Kanz in piloting the boats; he and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn had marched forward and caught up with king Dāwūd: there ensued a carnage until all [the soldiers of Dāwūd] were killed. No one survived except those who threw themselves into the river. King Dāwūd took to flight, but his brother Shankū was captured. The emir sent a detachment of the army (''al-'askar al-manṣūr'') which marched for three days pursuing them with the sword until all were forced to accept obedience to the Sultan. The mother and the sister of King Dāwūd were captured.

The emirs imposed the tribute on King ''MShKD'', - who was in the expedition, - to pay every year: 3 elephants, 3 giraffes, 5 she-leopards, 100 good dromedaries (''ṣuhub''), 100 unblemished oxen. Also it was decided that the country be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to belong to the Sultan and the other to the local population (''ʿimāra'') so that they would guard it, for it was feared that some enemy<ref>Probably the much feared Arab nomads of Upper Egypt.</ref> might come to invade it (''yaṭruqa-ha''); the two provinces of ''al-'Alī'' and ''al-Jabāl'' - which accounted for one quarter of Nubia - were to belong to the Sultan because of their proximity to Aswān; all the cotton and dates produced in these two provinces should be handed over [to the Sultan] together with any other rights (''ḥuqūq''), which were reserved to the kings his predecessors, according to the tradition. Then the Nubians were offered a choice: either to embrace Islam, or to be killed, or to pay the ''jizya'' at the rate of one ''dinar'' per head per year. An oath formula specifying these conditions was drawn up and ''MShKD'' swore to it together with [some of] his men. Another formula was drawn up to be sworn to by the population, that they would obey '''[p. 534]''' the ''nā’ib'' of the Sultan as long as he should remain faithful and that they would pay one dinar per year per adult person.

Their country is the largest of all; it is more powerful because of the number of inhabitants and it is the longest as it stretches across [several] Climates.

The Church of ''Isūs'' (? Osus) was pulled down. It was the one about which Dāwūd boasted that it reminded him what he had to do. This Dāwūd had built, with the labour of the Moslems, a place (''makan'') which he called "'Aydhāb": it consisted of houses, churches and a square in which he had portrayed the Moslems whom he had slain at ‘Aydhāb or taken prisoner at Aswān. These paintings were erased and the walls were pulled down. It was imposed [on ''MShKD''] that he should hand over to the Sultan the private property of king Dāwūd and of his relatives, in slaves (''raqīq''), and cloth (''qumāsh''). The emir found some Nubian princes (''umarāʾ'') who were the seed of the rebellion in the country; they were twenty in number; he had them all mutilated in the nose (''jada'a-hum''). He freed the prisoners seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswān, accompanied them and helped them to go back home. He also obliged ''MShKD'' to free any other prisoner who had been withheld. Then he crowned ''MShKD'' with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mamlaka'') according to their custom, and enthroned him in place of king Dāwūd. This is the formula of the oath which ''MShKD'' took.<ref>There follow the two formulas of oath. As the text is identical with that of Nuwayrī [q.v.], they have been omitted here.</ref>

... The above<ref>Mentioned in the oath.</ref> is the tribute imposed on the king on the occasion of the conquest (''fatḥ''). The ''baqṭ'', which '''[p. 535]''' is a fixed amount to be paid by the Nūba every year, was imposed on them long before, in the days of 'Alī b. Aḥmad aṣ-Ṣarfaynī, and consisted of 400 slaves and one giraffe; the slaves were to be distributed as follows: 360 to the Commandant of the Faithful and 40 to the Governor (''nā’ib'') of Egypt. As counterpart, according to the old tradition, the messengers of the Nubian king received, - on delivery of the whole amount of the ''baqṭ'' - 1,300 ardeb of wheat, of which 300 were for them.

Al-Balādhurī said in his "''Kitāb ai-Futūḥāt''": "The tribute imposed on the Nūba is four hundred slaves, for which they received foodstuffs, i.e. cereals. The Commandant of the Faithful al-Madhī the Abbasid reduced it to three hundred and sixty slaves and one giraffe."

As for the Beja, their country is contiguous to Nubia; their king, called "''al-Ḥadrabī''", is recognised as the supreme chief (''khalīfa'') of the ''Sūdān''. In the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dīn Baybars the Sultan of Egypt, the Beja king was Bā(?)T(?)KS<ref>No diacritic dots in the original; many different readings are possible.</ref> and was called Ṣārim ad-dīn: he was the ''khalīfa'' of the ''Sūdān'', according to what they claim.

The Commandant of the Faithful al-Mutawakkil ‘alā Allah the Abbasid ordered his representative in Egypt to invade the Beja: the army arrived at 'Aydhāb and the boats, too, which were on the Red Sea, landed there; the army marched up to one of the Beja's strongholds (''qal’a munāhiḍā''). The Beja king (''al-bujāwī'') went out against them, mounted on camels (''ibil'') girt with straps. The chief (''nā’ib'') of the Moslem army noticed that and planned a stratagem: he had bells tied to the necks of the horses. When the camels heard the sound of the bells they '''[p. 536]''' fled in utter confusion. The Beja king was killed, the son of his brother took over and asked for a truce (''hudna''). The Commandant of the Faithful refused saying: I shall not grant it, until he will tread on my carpet. The Beja king went to see him and when he arrived at Surra-man-rā'a a peace treaty was made in the year 241 H. [= 555 A.D.] on condition that the Beja should give the ''baqṭ''. They complied with this condition. Al-Mutawakkil also put among the conditions that the Beja should not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold mine.

The emirs who conquered Nubia in that year [1276 A.D.] and pulled down the church of ''Sūs'' (Isus) - as we have already mentioned - found gold crosses and other objects amounting to 4640 1/2 dinars and silver vessels amounting to 8660 dinars. Our author (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm, better known as Ibn Duqmāq,<ref>Ibn Duqmāq’s history work is still unpublished.</ref> said: The Nubians who were slain were a great number and those who were made prisoner were an even greater number, so that a slave was sold for three dirhams, and those who remained after the massacre and the sale were ten thousand. This is what he said.

The Egyptian army (''al-'askar al-miṣrī'') stayed at Dunqula for 17 days until the situation became quiet in that country. The Sultan ordered the army to return to Cairo, the emirs to come by boat taking with them the captives, the soldiers to break into groups [and arrive overland]. The emir Shams ad-dīn, the ''ustāḍ ad-dār'', and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn returned and the army arrived safely at Cairo, loaded with spoils. On the 5th Dhū-l-Hijja of that year [21 May 1276 A.D.] the emirs Shams ad-dīn and 'Izz ad-dīn had an audience with the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, '''[p. 537]''' at which the brother of king Dāwūd, the captive, was present. The Sultan thanked the emirs for their endeavours and bestowed on them robes of honour.

As for the fate of king Dāwūd, our source (''ṣāḥib'') the emir Ṣārim ad-dīn Ibrāhīm Ibn Duqmāq, related approximately what follows: King Dāwūd, after his defeat by the [Egyptian] emirs, crossed the river to the west bank and escaped during the night to some strongholds (''ḥuṣūn''); no sooner had the news come to the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Shams ad-dīn al-Fāriqānī, than they mounted [on horses] together with the soldiers they had with them and marched in pursuit for three days, relentlessly day and night. Dāwūd, feeling that they were on his trail, abandoned his mother, his sister and the children of his brother; he and his son [alone] had a narrow escape. The emirs captured his women and on their return to Dunqula, they remained until they declared ''ash-Shakanda'' king [of Nubia] and established him on the throne. They held discussions<ref> Ar. “''qarrarū''”, which means “compelled [him] to acknowledge” or “they ascertained”, “wrote a statement”.</ref> with Kashi<ref>Cf. note 7.</ref> the lord of the Country of the Mountain to the effect that Daw and Ibrīm - the two strong-holds near Aswān, at seven days’ distance [from Aswān] — belong to the Sultan as private property, and they invested him with the authority of Representative of the Sultan. Then they returned to Cairo.

After a few days, the Lord of ''al-Abwāb'' - which is the country above Nubia - sent king Dāwūd captive to the Sultan, who put him in jail in the Citadel where he died. As regards king Dāwūd, after his country was conquered and he took to flight - as just mentioned - when he arrived at ''al-Abwāb'', king Ador of ''al-Abwāb'' fought him, '''[p. 538]''' killed his son, seized Dāwūd and sent him to the Sultan.

This is the story of the conquest, about which a poet said: "This is the Conquest, not what you have been told by eye-witnesses, nor what you have heard through chains of oral accounts". About this conquest, the qādī Muḥīy ad-dīn Ibn 'Abd aẓ-Ẓāhir, the biographer of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, said: "O day of Dunqula, in which its slaves (''ʿabīd'') were slaughtered on every side and in every place/every Nubian said to his mother: Lament! Because they have struck the nape of the Sūdān!"

The Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir instructed ''ṣāḥib'' Baha' ad-dīn b. Ḥannā, his minister (''wazīr''), to appoint agents to collect the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' at Dunqula and in its districts.

It is also said that the emirs, while they were in Dunqula, compelled king ''MShKD'' (Meshked) to take a second oath (''yamīn thāniya''), by which he undertook to report immediately to the Sultan's court whenever an order reached him, whether in the day time or by night, without no other delay except the time necessary to make the preparations for the journey. He [also undertook] not to allow any Arab nomad (''ʿurbān''), adult or young, to enter Nubia, and to seize any bedouin he might find on Nubian soil and send him to the Great Sultan - may God make his kingdom last for ever!

[Possessions of Sultan Baybars]

By means of him [Baybars], God Almighty conquered ... Nubia, where the following territories (''bilād'') are found: the island of Bilāq, Yawī,<ref>Uncertain reading. Cf. Mufaddal, n. 14.</ref> the Country of the Water [?] '''[p. 539]''' (''arḍ al-māʾ''), al-Fatiq [?], Damhīt, Hindū, Dartīn, al-Harya, the region (''iqlīm'') of al-Burayk, aso called the Seven Villages (''sab'a qurā''); after which there is the provinces of al-'Alī (‘Alā) which comprises the following villages; Lazima [?], Tamad [?], ad-Daw, Ibrīm, Dandāl, Būharās, the island of Mikā'īl on which there are also villages, the islands of the Cataract, Abkar, Dunqula, the region of Bashwā which is an island with towns ... So that the poet said: "The affairs of the State range from the Palace to Yemen and Iraq, to the land of the Rūm and to the Nubian (''an-nūbī'')." (Beirut VII, pp. 44 - 51).

[A Biographical Note on:]

Aqsonqor 'Abdalla al-Fāriqānī... Under the Sultan Baybars he was promoted ''ustāḍ dār''. Deputy [to the Sultan] to act during his absence and was also appointed commandant-in-chief of the any.

... As-Dafadī wrote about him: I think he is the one who was sent to raid Nubia and conquered it.

... In the month of Sha'bān, letters arrived from the ''wālī'' of Qōs announcing that clashes had taken place in the 'Aydhāb desert between nomads (''ʿurbān'') of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes, with many casualties on both sides, and that the fighters had sought shelter with the Lord of Sawākin, who, perhaps, aided them to continue the fight. He [Aqsonqor] wrote to the Sharīf 'Alam ad-dīn as-Sam'ānī [?], Lord of Sawākin, to refrain from interferring in that quarrel and to abstain from helping them in any way, so that the desert route night be safe and good for the travellers. (Beirut VII, p. 101).

'''[p. 540]''' [The First invasion of Nubia (under Qalāwūn)]

Al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn, Lord of Egypt and Syria, sent on a military expedition the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, known as al-Khayyāt, governor of Cairo, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn al-Kūrānī (al-Kawrānī) with order to march on Nubia. They left the Court on Monday 6th Dhū-l-Hijja of the year 686 H. [8 January 1288 A.D.]. He detailed [to go with them] a company of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') of the southern ''wilāyāt'', and the ''qarāghulāmiyya''; he also sent the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydamer as-Sayfī, the ''silāḥ dār'', governor of the provinces of Qōs with his own army (''ʿidda'') and the Sultan's own white slaves (''mamālik'') stationed at Qōs under his authority, and more soldiers (''ajnād'') from the district of Qōs and Arab nomads of that region, i.e. the Awlād Abū Bakr, Awlād ‘Umar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād al-Kanz and a number of bedouins (''ʿurbān'') from al-Burullus and the Banī Hilāl. The emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt with one half of the army took the way on the west bank, and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydemer with the other half went on the east bank, on which the town of Dunqula is built.

The regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia at that time was one called Simāmūn (Samāmūn), a man more courageous and skilful than his equals. When the army arrived at the Nubian borders, Simāmūn evacuated the country and sent directives to his ''nā’ib'' in the island of Mikā’īl and the district or Daw (''ʿamal Daw''); the title of" the governor of this province (''wilāya'') in Nubia is "Lord of the Mountain". Simāmūn ordered him to evacuate the country under his jurisdiction as the army advanced. The countrymen withdrew before the army, station after station, until they joined the Regent of Nubia at Dunqula. The Regent stayed there until the arrival of the emir ’Izz ad-dīn '''[p. 541]''' with his army; then they fought a field battle in which Simāmūn was defeated and many or his men were killed while, on the Moslem side, only a few died (''istashhada'') (for God's sake). Simāmūn, beaten on the field, took to flight while the army pursued him for fifteen days beyond Dunqula. The army caught up with Jurays and seized him and the Regent’s cousin (''Ibn Khāla'' = son of the maternal aunt), who was one of the leading princes and had the right of succession to the throne. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn enthroned the son of the king's sister and appointed Jurays as his Representative (''nā'ib''), and assigned to them a detachment of the regular army to remain with them [as body-guard]. Then he fixed the tax (''qatī'a'') which the two of them were to bring to the Sultan's court every year. The army returned carrying off a booty of slaves, horses, camels and clothes. We shall narrate the remainder of the story later. (Beirut VIII, pp. 52 - 53).

On the 9th of Rajab of this year [10 August 1288 A.D.] the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī and his expeditionary force arrived from Dunqula at the court on the Citadel of Cairo. He brought with him the kings (''mulūk'') of Nubia, their women (''ḥarīm'') and their [kings'] crowns: it really was a wonderful day! The emir 'Izz ad-dīn briefed the Sultan telling him that they had conquered (''malakū'') the countries of Daw and Nubia and all those places (''amākin''), killing or taking prisoner the natives. They (emirs) presented the Sultan with a great number of prisoners; the Sultan took some to send to his private farms and houses, the others he distributed to the emirs. Emirs and soldiers exchanged gifts of prisoners; more prisoners were sold and their price was so cheap that the common people had some of them. The Sultan bestowed on the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī the insignia of '''[p. 542]''' ''wālī Mahmandār''<ref>Mahmandār, the officer in charge of receiving the guests.</ref> in place of the emir Sharaf ad-dīn the commander who had been sent to Alexandria as interim governor until a new one was appointed there in place of the emir Ḥisām ad-dīn, son of the emir Shams ad-dīn b. Bākhil, who had been arrested - his property and his women and his retinue being then transferred to Cairo. The foregoing has been referred to the emirs.

As for Simāmūn, king of Nubia, after the army left Nubia - as already mentioned - and after he made sure of the return of the army [to Egypt] he went back to Dunqula, fought the garrison which had been left there and defeated it, and eventually took the kingdom over gain. The king who had been appointed by the Sultan fled to Cairo accompanied by Jurays and the garrison; they told [the Sultan] what Simāmūn had done. The Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr was furious: he ordered that a corps of cavalry (''jarīda'') be ready to march on Nubia - as we shall describe in due time. (Beirut VIII, p. 6S).

[The Second Expedition of the Army to Nubia under Qalāwūn]

We have already mentioned that the king of Nubia, after he had made sure of the return of the Egyptian army, to Cairo, went back to Dunqula, expelled the king enthroned by the emir ‘Alam ad-dīn al-Khayyāt and recaptured the whole country. The king who had been appointee by the Sultan came to the Court for talks with the Sultan.

In this year [688 H./1289 A.D.] al-Malik al-Manṣūr despatched to Nubia the emir ’Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, '''[p. 543]''' the emir ''Jandār'', with an expeditionary force which consisted of [troops of] the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq al-Manṣūrī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer the Jūkandār and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer governor of Qōs. He also gave them some corps (''atlāb'') chosen from the troops of the emirs: a corps (''ṭilb'') of the emir Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī, one from the emir Sayf ad-dīn Bahāder the chief of the ''jamdāriyya'' guards (''nawba''), one from the emir 'Alā' ad-dīn aṭ-Ṭaybarsī, one from the emir Shams ad-dīn Sonqor aṭ-Ṭawīl and the remainder from the soldiers (''ajnād'') of the southern districts and the deputy-governors (''nuwwāb al-wulāt''). He added a force of forty thousand foot soldiers, taken from the bedouin troops in Egypt, both North and South. The regent of Nubia and his ''nā’ib'' Jurays joined this expedition. The army left the court of Cairo on Tuesday 8 Shawwāl 688 [25 October 1289 A.D.]. More than five hundred boats, small and large, including flame-throwing boats (''ḥarārīq''), and transport boats loaded with coats of mail, supplies and equipment, sailed with the expeditionary force. When the army arrived at the frontier town of Aswān, the Regent of Nubia, sent by al-Malik al-Manṣūr to accompany the army, died and was buried at Aswān. The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Afram informed the Sultan, who sent one of the sons of king Dāwūd's sister - a man who was- at the Sultan's court - and nominated him King of Nubia. This man took post horses and reached the army before it left Aswān. After his arrival there, the army divided, as usual, into two expeditionary forces. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq and one half of the army and one half of the Arabs marched along the west bank, the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer, governor of Qōs with the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer al-Jūkandār and the other half of the army and Arabs, along the east bank. '''[p. 544]''' They directed al-Jurays, the ''nā’ib'' of Nubia, to go ahead of them, station by station, accompanied by Awlād al-Kanz emir of Aswan, in order to restore the confidence of the population, give them safe-conduct and prepare the halting places for the army. Whenever the army arrived at a village (''balad''), the old men (''mashā'ikh'') and the prominent villagers (''a'yān'') came to meet them, kissed the ground before the emirs and were given safe-conduct, after which they settled in the village. This was done in all villages between Daw and the inlands of Mikā'īl- which is the territory under the jurisdiction of Jurays the Lord of the Mountain. In the rest of the country, which was not under the jurisdiction of Jurays, the population fled in obedience to the order of the Regent of Nubia. There the array plundered whatever they could carry off, killed all the natives who had remained behind, pastured the horses in the cultivated fields, burnt the sāqiyas and the houses as far as Dunqula. Here they realized that the king had left and had also evacuated the population. The emirs found only one old man and an old woman whom they questioned about the king. They answered: "He has gone to an island fifteen days from Dunqula the island itself is three days' journey in width." The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn governor of Qōs with his men immediately left for the said island, but no ''ḥarrāqa'' boat, nor any other boat accompanied him because of the many rocks in the river. We shall describe the rest of the story later. (Beirut VIII, p. 82).

'''[p. 545]''' [An Account of What Happened to the Egyptian Army in Nubia; The Enthronement of the Son of the Sister of Dāwūd and Other Events After the Return of the Army to Egypt]

We have previously mentioned that the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr had despatched an expeditionary force to Nubia and that on their arrival to Dunqula they found that Simāmūn, the king of Nubia, had fled to an island in the middle of the Nile and they pursued him there.

When they arrived opposite the island, they noticed many Nubian boats and a crowd of people. They enquired from them about the king. The Nubians answered that he actually was on the said island. They sent proposals to the king to make allegiance and to come out, and offered him safe-conduct in exchange, but he refused. The army remained there three days. They [Nubians] hinted [to the king] that the army had sent for the ''ḥarārīq'' to come in order to cross to the island and attack him. He then withdrew from the island towards ''al-Abwāb'', three days' distance from the island and out of the territory of his kingdom.

The ''sawākira'' - as the princes are called in Nubia - abandoned him; so did also the bishop (''usquf'') and the priests (''qusūs'') who parted from him taking with them the silver cross which is held over the head of the king, and the coronation crown (''tāj al-mamlaka''); they asked for safe-conduct and swore allegiance. 'Izz ad-dīn gave them safe-conduct and presented the most prominent (''akābir'') of them with robes of honour; then they went back with him to Dunqula accompanied by a great multitude. When they arrived there the emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq crossed the river to the east bank, without their soldiers and held a meeting of emirs in Dunqula. The soldiers put on the battle uniform and '''[p. 546]''' paraded on both banks: the ''ḥarārīq'' boats were decorated on the river and the ''zarrāqūn'' gave a firework display with naphtha. All the brother emirs (''al-umarā’ al-Ikhwān'')<ref>Probably the emirs [princes] of the Nubian royal house were attending the banquet.</ref> held a banquet in the church of Isūs (Osus), which is the largest church of Dunqula. After the banquet was over, they proclaimed as king the one who had been sent from the Sultan's court and crowned him with the crown. They had him take an oath of allegiance to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn al-Alfī as-Sālihī an-Najmī, Lord of Egypt and Syria; the population, too, was compelled to swear allegiance to him [the king]. The ''baqṭ'', i.e. the customary tribute, was renewed. A garrison from the army was seconded to the Nubian king as bodyguard, under the command of Rukn ad-dīn Baybars al-'Azzī, one of the mamālīk of the emir 'Izz ad-dīn the governor of Qōs. Then the Egyptian army went home after it had been away for six month since the day it left Aswān until its return there. They carried off a great booty and arrived at Cairo in the month of Jumadā al-Wulā of the year 689 H. [May 1290 A.D.]. This is the story about the emirs.

We shall now tell about the newly established king (''malik mutawallī'') and the deposed (''ma’zūl'') king, Simāmūn. After the Egyptian army returned from Dunqula, as already mentioned, Simāmūn went back to Dunqula during the night, knocked at the door of every ''Sawkarī'' - i.e. the princes - and asked them to come out; as soon as they saw him, kissed the ground before him and swore allegiance to him. Before sunrise, all the Nubian army (''al-ʿaskar an-nūbī'') had joined him. He went to the residence of the king who had usurped the Nubian kingdom and allowed Rukn ad-dīn al-'Azzī to go back to his Master, ''''[p. 547]''' in order to avoid clashes with him. Rukn ad-dīn and his men left for Qōs and Simāmūn settled in Dunqula. He seized the king who had been enthroned by the army, stripped him of his garments, slaughtered a bull and cut its skin into strips; then he fastened the king with the strips still raw and tied him to a log; when the strips dried, he died. Simāmūn also executed Jurays, then he wrote to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Sayf ad-dīn Qalāwūn asking to be reconciled with him; he asked his pardon and promised to pay the regular ''baqṭ'' every year - and even more. He sent a big present of slaves and other gifts, which arrived towards the end of the life of al-Manṣūr. But, by this time, the Sultan began being worried over other things than the Nubian affair. Simāmūn remained in possession of the kingdom until the time of al-Malik al-Adil Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī [1290-1293 A.D.]. (Beirut VIII, pp. 91 - 92).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

An-Nuwayri

2016-01-17T23:02:12Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 467-492]'''

AN-NUWAYRĪ

''(d. 1332 A.D.)''

''Shibab ad-dīn Aḥmad ‘Abd al-Wahhāb an-Nuwayrī. An Egyptian who was sometime inspector of the Sultan’s army.''

''EI (s-v.); GAL 2, 139 s''

''Nihayat al-arab fī funūn al-adab (An Encyclopaedia), 30 vols.''

''MS: Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS ar. 1578 and 1579; Cairo, Dār al-Kutub (Bibl. Nat.), MS 549: 30 vols.
Ed.: (partly) Dār al-Kutub, Cairo 1923 (up to vol. XVIII).''

''Exc.: (from the Cairo MS) Mus'ad, Al-Maktaba 217-235.''

''T.: Paris MSS, Mus'ad and Cairo ed. A: 0''

'''[p. 468]''' [Geographical Data]

In the country of the Nūba there is Dunqula, and in the country of the Sūdān, Ghāna. Then [the First Climate] reaches the ocean. Some scientists are of the opinion that the inhabited Earth begins at Lat. 12° 45’. The territory between this latitude and the equator is inhabited by tribes of Blacks (''Sūdān'') who live a life very similar to that of wild animals. The natives of that territory are black, but [their land] is little populated because of the excessive heat.

... As for the Second Climate, it begins in the country of ''Sīn''... it includes the kingdom (''mamlaka'') of the Ḥabasha, the land (''arḍ'') of the Beja, Aswān, Qōs and the Upper Ṣa'īd. (Cairo I, pp. 209 - 210).

Beginning from Qulzum, the coast turns southwards, passes by Qosair, which is the port of Qōs, then 'Aydhāb, the port of the Beja. (ibid. I, p. 242).

In this sea [Red Sea] there are fifteen islands four of which are inhabited, viz. the Dahlak [Archipelago], which measures 200 miles all around, and is inhabited by a race of Ḥabasha (''Ḥubush''), moslems; the island of Sawākin which is less than one-mile in length and width; between this island and the Ethiopian Sea, the water is so shallow that it can be waded across; the natives [of Sawākin] are a Beja tribe called ''al-Khasid'', who are Moslems and have a king of their own; the island of ''Nu'man'' where a kind of dwarf people (''nuways'') dwell and live on the flesh of the sea-turtles; the island of ''as-Sāmir'' inhabited by a branch of Samaritan Jews who live a very miserable life. (ibid. I, p. 244).

On the side of Upper Egypt, the export trade tends towards the countries of the Nūba, the Beja, the Ḥabasha, Ḥejāz and Yemen. (ibid. I, p. 354).

'''[p. 469]''' [The story of the Conquest of Sawākin]

Its conquest took place in the year 604 H. [b. 13 Oct. 1265 A.D.]. The cause was that its Lord (''ṣāḥib'') 'Alamaddīn Asbaghānī was molesting the merchants, and seized the inheritance of those merchants who had died at sea and prevented their children from being heirs. He had received letters [from the Sultan's Court] about this affair, warning him not to molest the merchants, but it was all useless. The emir 'Alamaddīn, the Khāzindār, governor (''mutawallī'') of the districts of Qōs and Akhmim received orders to march against him. ['Alamaddīn sent] a letter announcing that he had arrived at the frontier post (''thaghr'') of 'Aydhāb; he had sent a force (''ʿaskar'') to Sawākin and that the Lord of Sawākin had fled. The aforesaid 'Alamaddīn went [by sea] to that town, sailing from 'Aydhāb, in ten days. He had with him more than forty boats, big and small; the artillery (''muqātila'') had arrived from Qosair in five barges (?) (''kalālīn''). The emir entered Sawākin, stayed there and inspected it carefully, then he returned to Qōs. When he left Sawākin, the Lord of this town came back, but the soldiers who had remained there fought fiercely against him, so that he withdrew from the town. (Mus'ad, pp. 217 - 218).<ref>A note on the margin of MS 1578, in ungrammatical Arabic, says: “A rebel, by name of Maḥmūd, rose at Sawākin in the year 1066 H. [1655/56 A.D.]. He was one of the followers of our Sultan and expelled the Pasha governor (''mutawallī'') of Sawākin. An army (''ʿaskar'') marched against him from Egypt, the commandant of the army was one Aḥmad al-‘Aqīd (al-Faqīd?) [some illegible words]… after he fled to Ethiopia (''ḥabasha''); Aḥmad sent to Ethiopia a number of people (''ajnās'') to ask for his extradition and frightened and threatened them [Ethiopians] so that they handed him over. The Pasha got hold of Sawākin, then returned to Egypt and Instanbul; at present, which is the year 1068 H. [1657/78 A.D.] he is living in Egypt. Some soldiers of the Egyptian army decided to flee to this Maḥmūd (May God afflict him with some calamity!) … [lacuna] … a party of Egyptian troops [fled?] to Ethiopia and some to Yemen. Mustafa, who was in the war office (''diwān'') told me that he saw two letters which arrived from the Christian king of Ethopia saying that [the following words almost illegible are tentatively read and translated] in his country there is a great number of Moslems professing their own religion … [lacuna] … the other saying that… the lord of Sennār and king (''makk'') of the Nūba, a Moslem … [lacuna] … with his son Māy and Adūmīr. He said: ‘We answered [later?]… his letter; the lord of Sennār kept correspondence [lacuna] Maḥmūd the qādī … [lacuna]. May God be praised for ever!’.</ref>

'''[p. 470]''' [The Story of Invasion (''ghazwa'') of Nubia]

In the year 674 H. [b. 27 June 1275 A.D.], Dāwūd, king (''mutamallik'' = Regent? of Nubia) carried out audacious raids (''ta'addā''): he advanced towards Aswān and burnt the ''sāqiyas''. Before this raid he had attacked 'Aydhāb and committed hideous actions. [The emir Alā' ad-dīn, the ''khāzindār'']<ref>The words between brackets are taken from Ibn al-Furāt (q.v.).</ref> ''wālī'' of Qōs marched against him but could not catch up with him. He, however, defeated his representative (''nā’ib'') who had his residence at Daw and was also called 'Lord of Mountain' (''ṣāḥib al-jabāl'')<ref>As the MSS has no diacritic dots, someone read it as “''khayl''” (Lord of the Horse), but we refer to read “''jabāl''” (Lord of the Mountain). Cf. Monneret, ''Storia'', pp. 135-142. </ref> and captured his men: he sent them to the Sultan. When the Sultan returned from Syria, he ordered that they be cut asunder. The Sultan ordered the emir Sayf ad-dīn Sonqor, the ''ustādh dār'', and the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, emir ''jandār'', to wage war [against the Nubians] and assigned to them a detachment of the army consisting of troops (''ajnāb'') of the provinces (''wilāyāt'') and bedouins (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt. The sister's son (''ibn ukht'') of the king of Nubia, whose name was'' M R M Shi S K D''<ref>As the Mss do not show the vowels, various readings are possible. Nuwayrī himself is not consistent (see below). Mufaddal, Ibn Khaldūn, Qalqashandī and Maqrīzī had each a different lettering. The Paris MSS have Ma R T S K R. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 213, adopted the spelling “''Shekanda''” given by Maqrīzī and Mufaḍḍal.</ref> whom king Dāwūd had dispossessed of [his accession to] the kingdom, had come '''[p. 471]''' [to Cairo]. [The Sultan] sent out the army (''al-‘askar al-manṣūr'') and their auxiliaries. They left on the 1st day of Sha'bān of this year [20 January 1276 A.D.] for Nubia. When they were about to enter the country of the Blacks (''sūdān''), the natives, mounted on tawny dromedaries and armed with spears (''ḥirāb''), without any other protection than black tunics called ''dikādik'', attacked them. The array fought a battle in which the natives were defeated, many were slain and a greater number were captured. The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn stormed the fortress of Daw and took many prisoners; the emir Shams ad-dīn marched on his footsteps sowing destruction and exterminating those who remained in the country.

[On the 8th of Shawwal of this year [24 March 1276 A.D.] a letter was received at the Court from emir Shams ad-dīn announcing that]<ref>The passage between brackets is from the Paris MSS.</ref> he had landed on the island of Mikā'īl, at the head of the cataract of Nubia a place full of rock outcrops in the middle of the river.

They killed some men and others they took prisoners. The ''nā’ib'' of the fortress of Daw, who had been appointed in place of the one who had been sawn in two - fled to the islands. The emir gave him a safe conduct and he swore allegiance to ''M Sh K D'' (Meshked?)<ref>Paris MSS: M R S K D.</ref> who was advancing with the army. Thus the ''nā'ib'' remained in his position as long as the kept his allegiance. The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn waded across the river to a tower (''burj'') and laid siege to it. Once taken, he killed 250 people '''[p. 472]''' (''nafr''). The army continued its advance and caught up with king Dāwūd. The carnage continued until all were killed: no one survived except those who threw themselves into the river. King Dāwūd took flight, but his brother ''Sankuā''<ref>Paris MS 1578: Sankū.</ref> was captured. A company of the Sultan’s army was sent out [to search for Dāwūd]. They marched for three days. They caught the king’s mother (''umm al-malik'') and his sister. They imposed on king ''M Sh K D'',<ref>Paris MSS: M R T? Sh K D (or M R M Sh K D).</ref> who was with the [Egyptian] army, a tax to be paid every year; the Nubians were offered the choice: either to embrace Islam or to pay the ''jizya'', or to be killed; they chose to pay the ''jizya'': one dinar per head. The church of ''Sūs'', which king Dāwūd boasted that it reminded him what he had to do, was burnt down. Dāwūd had also built a place (''makān'') which he called "‘Aydhāb". He had built [it] with the labour of the Moslems; in that [place] there were houses and churches (''kanā’is'') and a square (''mīdān'') where the Moslems killed at 'Aydhāb and the prisoners seized at Aswan were portrayed. All those paintings were erased. All the private property of king Dāwūd and his relatives was also ordered to be handed over. The army stationed at Dongola for 17 days, until the country was quiet and the Moslem prisoners who had been seized at ‘Aydhāb and Aswān were released. M Sh K D was crowned according to their custom and enthroned in place of the former king; he took the solemn oath (''al-yumn al-'aẓīma'') according to their customs - to pay the tax. This was the formula:

"By God! By God! By God!<ref>The oath formula is reported in an abridged form in Mufaddal and Qalqashandī (q.v.).</ref> By the truth of the Holy Trinity, by the Holy Gospel, by the Pure (''ṭāhirah'') Lady the Virgin, Mother of the Light, by the Baptism, by the '''[p. 473]''' Prophets (''anbiyāʾ''), the [heavenly] Messengers (''mursalīn''), the Apostles (''hawārīyyīn''), the Saints (''qiddīsīn''), the innocent martyrs (''shuhadāʾ''). If I do not keep my oath, may I deny the Messiah (''masīh''), as Judas (''Yūdās'') did; may I utter against Him such words as the Jews (''Yahūd'') say; may I believe [about Christ] what they believe. If I do not keep my oath, may I become another Judas, who pierced (sic!) the Messiah with the lance as the Jews pierced Him. Surely, I make the intention (''niyya'') and firm resolution (''ṭawiyya'') henceforth, from this very moment and this very hour, to devote myself, to the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Rukn ad-dunyā wa-d-dīn Baybars. I shall direct all my efforts and resources to accomplish such actions as may please him. So long as I shall be his ''nā'ib'' in this country, I shall never suspend [the payment of] what has been imposed on me every year to come, i.e., besides the division (''mushāṭirah'') of the kingdom into two halves, such part [of revenues] as was collected by my predecessors the kings of Nubia- One half of the revenues (''al-muṭahaṣṣal'') will belong to our lord the Sultan, free from all fraudulent deduction, and the other half will be devoted to the reconstruction (?) (''ʿimārah'') of the country so as to protect it against any enemy who might come to attack it. I undertake to give every year three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers, one hundred tawny dromedaries and four hundred oxen without blemish. I shall impose on every one" of my subjects (''ra'īyyah''), i.e. those who are of age (''al-‘uqalā’ al-bālighīn''), a poll-tax of one ''dinar''. The districts of ''al-‘Alī'' and ''al-Jabāl'' will be given to the Sultan as his property. In addition, all the belongings of David king of Nubia, all the property of his brother ''Sankwā'', of his mother (''umm''), his relatives and the soldiers of his army who were killed by the swords of the victorious army, shall I send to His Majesty's court (''al-bāb al-'ālī''), '''[p. 474]''' with someone [appointed] to watch over it, without keeping anything, however, little or great in value it may be I shall conceal nothing, nor shall I permit anybody to hide any part of it. If I transgress all the obligations which have been imposed on me or any part thereof, may I be excluded from the communion of God Almighty, from the Messiah, and of the Pure Lady; may I renounce the Christian religion and pray facing a direction other than the Orient, may I deny the Cross and become a follower of the beliefs of the Jews. In addition, I shall not allow any of the Arab bedouins (''ʿurbān''), to enter the kingdom of Nubia; any such [bedouin] whom I may find, shall I seize and send to the court of His Majesty. Any news, good and useful (''sārra wa-nā fi’a''),<ref>Mufaddal’s text reads: “unfavourable or favourable” (“sharra wa-nāfi’a”).</ref> that I may happen to hear shall I communicate to our lord the Sultan immediately. I shall never settle solely, by my own decision, any affair. I shall be the friend of the friends of the Sultan, and the enemy of his enemies. May God be witness and guarantor of what I say!"

The natives too swore that they would obey the representative (''nā’ib'') of the Sultan, that is king ''M Sh K D''<ref>Paris MSS: M R T? Sh K D (or M R M Sh K D).</ref> who had his residence at Dunqula (''al-muqim bi-Dunqula'') as well as to any other representative (''nā’ib'') of the Sultans "I shall never give him false information, nor shall I conceal from him any useful information. Whatever news, good or bad, I shall report to his ''nā'ib.'' If I shall notice that his ''nā'ib'' king M Sh K D is acting against the interests of the Sultan, I shall obey him no more, but I shall inform of it the Sultan, at once. I shall not seek refuge [in the land] under Dāwūd, nor shall I dwell with him, nor pass on to '''[p. 475]''' him any information whatsoever, nor recognize him as king. I accept to pay one dinar per year, per head, for all the years to come as long as I shall live."

The array returned [home] bringing spoils from Nubia as we have already mentioned, i.e. what was found in the church of Sūs (''kanīsah Sūs''): crosses, gold and other objects for the value totalling 4640 1/4 dinars; and silver vases to the value of 8660 dinars. The slaves were 700. As for king Dāwūd, he fled towards al-Abwāb, but the Lord of al-Abwāb, who was king Ador (''A D R'') fought him, killed his [Dāwūd's] son, seized Dāwūd and sent him to the Sultan. (Paris MS 1578, fol. 88 v).

[The Story of the Invasions (''ghazwāt'') of Nubia since the Rise of Islam]

The first invasion of Nubia was carried out in the year 31 of the Prophet's Hegira [652 A.D.] 'Abdalla b. Sa'd invaded it with 5,000 horsemen. On that day Mo’āwia b. Hudayj, Barha (?) aṣ-ṣabbāḥ were wounded in the eyes. They nick-named the Nubians: "pupil smiters". 'Abdalla b. Sa'd made a truce with them after reaching Dongola. The poet said about that day:

'Never did my eye watch a day like Dongola's (''Dumqalah''). The horses advancing in the early morning under heavy breast-plates; all around me [my eye] sees only warriors fighting, as if nobody else existed.’

Yazīd b. Abī Ḥabīb related: The agreement (''muwādi'ah'') made between the people of Maqurr (sic!) and the Nūba is not an agreement of reconciliation (''muwādi'at hudna'') but a truce of security (''hudnat amān''): we give them some wheat and lentils and they give us slaves (''raqīq''); they do not mind whether their slaves are bought.

'''[p. 476]''' The ''baqṭ'' imposed on the Nūba consisted of a specific amount to be paid every year: i.e. 400 slaves and one giraffe, of which 360 slaves were given to the Caliph (''amīr al-mu’aminīn''), 40 to his representative (''nā’ib'') in Egypt. To the delegates [of the Nubian king], when they arrived with the whole consignment of the baqṭ, were released 1,300 ''ardeb'' of wheat, 300 of which were reserved for the delegates.

Al-Balādhurī, in the "Book of the Conquests" (''Kitāb al-Futuḥat''), said that the tribute (''muqarrar'') imposed on the Nubians was recorded as being 400 heads, and, in exchange, they receive food-stuffs to the same value. The Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdī imposed on them [the tax of] 360 slaves and one giraffe. Later on, in the time of Ḥishām 'Abdalmalik b. Marwān (723-742 A.D.), Nubia was raided again, but not conquered: there was only one battle of pillage and the capture of prisoners.

Other raids, after this, were made under the governorship of Yazīd b. Ḥātim b. Qubaysa b. al-Muhallab b. Abī Ṣufra (Ṣaqra) [762-770 A.D.], the raid being under the leadership of ‘Abd al-A’la b. Ḥāmid; then [again] under Abū Manṣūr Makīn (Tekīn) the Turk [910-915 A.D.], who raided Nubia and Barqa during one year, but did not occupy Nubia. There was a raid under Kāfūr the Ikhshīd. The last was the greatest army of Blacks (''sūdān'') ever seen for which the poet said:

‘When Kāfūr invaded Dongola, early in the morning he went up with an army so big as to cover the length and width of the earth; the Black (''aswad'') [Kāfūr himself] invaded the Blacks (''sūdān'') in the brightness of the morning. Yet, when the two armies clashed in battle, the earth became dark like the night.’

Nāṣir ad-dawla b. Ḥamdān [1066 A.D.] [also] raided Nubia, but the ''Sūdān'' crushed him, plundered his army '''[p. 477]''' (''jaysh'') and took all his equipment.<ref>Several historians, e.g. Ibn Muyassar (q.v.) reported fights between Nubians and Turks commanded by Ibn Ḥamdān; a raid by Ḥamdān into Nubia is mentioned by Nuwayrī and Ibn al-Furāt. The latter added: “ (Ibn Ḥamdān) came back from Nubia beaten and defeated”.</ref> This happened in the year 459 H. [b. 22 November 1066 A.D.] under the reign of al-Mustanṣir, the Alide Caliph.

Afterwards, it was raided by Shams ed-dawla Tūrānshāh b. Ayūb, the brother of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Salahaddīn Yūsuf, in the year 568 H. (b. 23 August 1172 A.D.), but he went only as far as Ibrīm. All the above mentioned (campaigns) were just raids, the true (permanent) occupation (''naftatih'') being only the one we are going to describe now.<ref>A long note on the margins of folio 113 of Paris MS 1578 written by the same hand which wrote the note on Sawākin (see n.1, above) says: “The writer – may God bless him! – said: The route of the Takrur from Egypt [to Mecca?] was in the past through the Nubian territory, so also from Egypt to the Takrur (?); then they (? ''jamā’a'') invaded Egypt… [some illegible words] and Egypt, travelling by the route of Siwa, Dakhla, Fazzan and Aqdar (?), which is the first who opened this route. They went safely according to what was reported to us from travellers (''rahhāla'') from Egypt. They passed through Nubia, but the Nūba fell upon them (''ṭala’ ‘alay-him'') that is the people of Bashūsh (?) and killed them, plundered them and the route was closed to travels through the Blacks (''Sūdān'') by way of the Nūba country; then the journey was made through Dakhla, Mallaf (?), Adir (?)… [illegible words] and the journey through the Nubian country was made across the country of the Fūr (''bilād Fūr'') and the Nile (''baḥr''). This year a party (''jamā’a'') from Egypt set out from Egypt across the Nūba country to reach Bornū, through the country of Sulīh (?) who are near [the land of] Islam; they had in their company a European (''khawājā'') who all allegedly called himself Muḥammad, a merchant from Jirja (''ṣāḥib Jirja''), a Moslem, but I have not fully understood this story. The Nūba are now Moslems; the Tartar have ceased fighting.” (etc. The note, which is dated about 1068 H. (1657/58 A.D.) goes on telling about the Armenians).</ref>

'''[p. 478]''' [The First and Second Invasions (''ghazwa'') in Nubia]

The first invasion [of Nubia] took place in the year 686 H. [1287 A.D.], when the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr [Qalāwūn] sent there the emir ‘Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, known under the name of al-Khayyāt, ''mutawallī'' of Cairo, and the emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Kūrānī. [They departed from the court, of the Sultan on Monday 6th of Dhū-l-hijja of that year [8 January 1288 A.D.]].<ref>This passage between brackets is not found in Mus’ad’s edition. Only in Paris MS ar.1578, fol. 113 v - 114 r, and MS 1579, fol. 17 r-v.</ref> The Sultan sent with them a detachment (''jamā’a'') of the troops (''ajnād'') of the ''wilāyāt'' of Upper Egypt, ''al-qurāghulāmiyyah'' (?).<ref>“''Al-qarāghulāmiyya''”. The reading is uncertain. As “qaragūl” was a body in charge of the surveillance of the routes, we tentatively interpret it as a special police force guarding the routes.</ref> In addition, the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydamer aṣ-Ṣayfī, the ''silāḥdār'', governor of the districts of Qōs, went with his own army and the Sultan's own [white] slaves (''mamālīk'') who were under his command and were stationed in the districts of Qōs, and other troops from Qōs, and bedouins of the various regions around (''aqālīm''), viz.: the Awlād Abū Bakr, Awlād Omer, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān Awlād al-Kanz and a party of Bedouins from Burullus and a party of Banī Hilāl.

The emir 'Alamaddīn al-Khayyāt with one half of the army marched on the west bank, the emir ‘Izz ad-dīn Aydamer with the other half marched on the east bank, the side where Dongola is built. The king of the Nubians (''mutamallik an-nūba'') at that time was Semāmūn, prouder and more skillful and courageous than any of his peers. When the army arrived at the frontier, Semāmūn ordered the country to be evacuated. He sent instruction to Jorays (''Jurīs'' or ''Jurays''), his ''nā’ib'' in the islands of Mikā'īl and the district of Daw, who was the governor of this ''wilāya'' among the Nūba and whose title was 'Lord '''[p. 479]''' of the Mountain' (''Ṣāḥib al-jabal''): the king ordered him to evacuate the country under his jurisdiction before the advancing army, and they withdrew, centre after centre, until they joined the king of Nubia at Dongola. He ['Alam ad-dīn] remained there till emir 'Izz ad-dīn and his men arrived, then they attacked and fought hardly on the battlefield; Semāmūn was defeated and many of his men were slain; on the side of the Moslems only a few were slain for God's sake. After Semāmūn was defeated, the army pursued him 15 days’ distance upstream of Dongola, caught up with Jorays and captured him; they also captured the cousin of the Regent of Dongola (''ibn khalāt mutamallik D.'' = the son of the sister of the king's mother) who is the first of the princes (''aṣhāb'') with the right of succession to the kingdom. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn established the son of the sister of the king to become king and confirmed Jorays in his capacity of ''nā'ib'' of the king and assigned to them a body-guard from the regular army. He imposed on them a tax (''qaṭī’a'') to be paid annually to the court of the Sultan. Then the army returned with abundant spoils of slaves (''raqīq''), horses, camels, oxen and clothes. [The arrival of the army at the court of the Sultan on the Qala’at al-Jabāl was on Monday 9th of Rajab of the year 687 H. [10 August 1288 A.D.]].<ref>This passage between brackets is not found in Mus’ad’s edition. Only in Paris MS ar.1578, fol. 113 v - 114 r, and MS 1579, fol. 17 r-v.</ref>

After the army left Nubia for Egypt and Semāmūn had ascertained that it had left, he returned to Dongola, fought those who were found there, defeated them and regained the country. The king who had been appointed by the Sultan, Jorays and the garrison who had been detached [to Dongola] arrived at the Sultan's court and informed him about what Semāmūn had done. The Sultan was extremely angry because of this and despatched a numerous army. (Paris MS 1578, fol. 113 r - 114 v).

'''[p. 480]''' [The Third<ref>Paris MS 1575: “the second military expedition”.</ref> Military Expedition (''tajrid al-jaysh'') to Nubia]

The Sultan sent the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek al-Afram, the ''jāndār'', to Nubia accompanied by the following emirs: the emir Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq al-Manṣūrī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer the ''jūkandār'', the emir Aydemer, governor of the districts of Qōs. He also despatched with them the following corps (''aṭlāb'') from the [troops of the] emirs: a corps (''ṭulb'') of the emir Zayn ad-dīn Ketbogha al-Manṣūrī, one of the emir Badraddīn Bayderā, one of the emir Sayf ad-dīn Bahādir, the head of the regiment (''nawba'') of the ''jamdāriyyah'', one of emir Alameddīn at-Tabreṣ, one troop of emir Shams ad-dīn Sonqor at-Ṭawīl and the remainder of the soldiery of the districts (''marākiz'') of Upper Egypt and the lieutenants (''nuwāb''), of the governors. Of the bedouin corps in Egypt, both in the south and in the north, he despatched a troop of forty thousand footmen. Together with them he sent the Regent of Nubia (''mutamallik an-nūba'') and his ''nā'ib'' Jorays. The army left the Sultan's court on Tuesday 8th Shawwal (6)88 [= 25 October 1289 A D.] and was followed up by grenade boats (''harārīq''),<ref>“''Harrāqa''” (pl. “''harārīq''”) was a boat for transport of inflammable war materials; otherwise it was used for general transport.</ref> big and small boats carrying provisions and coats-of-mail (''zardakhānāh'') and the equipment (''athqāl''): altogether more than 500 boats. When the expeditionary force arrived at the frontier post of Aswān, the Nubian king died and was buried there. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram informed the Sultan about this and the Sultan sent one of the children of the sister of king Dāwūd, a man who had been at the Sultan's court. He ordered that this [man] should be enthroned as king of Nubia. Travelling with the horses of the '''[p. 481]''' mail service, he reached Aswān before the army moved to the camp. When he arrived, the army divided into two halves, as customary. The emirs 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq with one half [of the army] and one half of the bedouins (''ʿarab'') marched on the west bank, the emirs 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer, governor of Qōs and Sayf ad-dīn Boktemer the ''jūkandār'' with the other half of the bedouins (''ʿurbān''), on the east bank. They instructed Jorays, ''nā'ib'' of Nubia, to open the way, station after station, taking with him the Awlād al-Kanz emir of Aswān, to reassure the natives, protect them and prepare the halting places for the army. Whenever the army arrived at a village (''balad''), the old men (''mashā'ikh'') and the chief men (''a'yān'') of the place came out to meet them, kissed the ground before the emirs and received a safe conduct and remained in their villages; this was done [in all villages] from Daw to the islands (''jazā'ir'') of Mikā'īl, and this is the territory under the Jurisdiction of Jorays, the ‘Lord of the Mountain’. Outside the Jurisdiction of Jorays, the population had been evacuated in obedience to the king of Nubia. There the army plundered all that they found, killed those who had remained behind, pastured their horses on the sown fields, burnt the ''sāqyas'' and the houses as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king had fled and had evacuated the population. The emirs found nobody except an old man and an old woman; they enquired from them about the king and were told that he had gone towards an island lying in the middle of the Nile, 15 days' Journey from Dongola, and the size of the island was three days' journey in length. The emir 'Izz ad-dīn with his men continued their pursuit up to the said island, but neither the grenade boats nor any other were able to accompany them, because of the many rocks cropping up from the river bed. As they arrived at a place '''[p. 482]''' opposite the island, they noticed several Nubian boats and a multitude of people, and they asked about the king. They were told that he actually was on the said island. They made proposals to him to swear allegiance [to the Sultan] and come out to them, offering him a safe conduct, but the king refused. The army camped there for three days. The Nubians told the king that the army probably had sent for the boats (''marākib'') and the grenade boats (''harārīq'') to cross over and attack; then he withdrew from the island and went to al-Abwāb, three days' distance from the island and out of the territory of his kingdom. Then the ''Sawākirah'' - that is to say the Nubian princes - abandoned him and so did the bishop (''usquf'') and the priests (''qusūs''), who took with them the silver cross which is placed on the king's head and the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mamlaka''); they asked for a safe conduct and swore allegiance. 'Izz ad-dīn granted them the safe conduct and presented the nobles (''akābir'') with robes of honour. They returned to Dongola with him, accompanied by a great multitude.

When they arrived, the emirs 'Izz ad-dīn al-Afram and Sayf ad-dīn Qipjāq crossed to the east bank without soldiers [and held a meeting of emirs at Dongola].<ref>This passage between brackets is not found in Mus’ad’s edition. Only in Paris MS ar.1578, fol. 113 v - 114 r, and MS 1579, fol. 17 r-v.</ref> The army in full war apparel paraded on both banks, of the Nile, the ''harārīq'' boats in the river were decorated and the ''zarrāqūn''<ref>“''Zarrāqūn''” were a troop in charge of throwing ignited projectiles (“''mizraq''”): “tuyaux pour lancer naphte”. Cf. Dozy, ''Suppl. Dict. Ar.'').</ref> [grenadiers] made a show of their fire-works with ''nafṭ''. A banquet was held for the brethren (''ikhwān'') in the church of ''Osūs'' (''Isūs''), which is the largest church (''kanīsa'') of Dongola. When the banquet was over, they proclaimed king the one who had been sent from the Sultan's court and crowned him and made him '''[p. 483]''' swear loyalty to the Sultan, and the people to swear loyalty to this king. They imposed on him the customary ''baqṭ'', which is a tribute (''muqarrar''). A garrison from the army was detached to stay with him, and Ruknaddīn Baybars al-‘Azzī, one of the ''mamālīk'' of the emir 'Izz ad-dīn, governor of Qōs, was appointed commander of the garrison. The army returned and arrived at Cairo in the month of Jumadā al-wulā of the year 689 H. [b. 2 May 1290 A.D.]: their absence from the time they left the frontier post of Aswān until they returned thither, was six months. They carried off a large amount of booty.

After the army left Dongola, Semāmūn came back by night, called at the door of every prince (''sawkarī'') personally and asked him to come out. Every prince who came out and saw him, kissed the ground before him and swore allegiance. Before sunrise, all the Nubian army (''al-'askar an-nūbī'') had joined him. He went with them to the palace of the king (''dār al-malik''), arrested the king, sent for Ruknaddīn Baybars and asked him to go back to his Master to avoid clashes. Ruknaddīn and his men left for Qōs and Semāmūn reigned at Dongola. He seized the king established by the [Sultan's] army, stripped him of all his garments, had a bull slaughtered and its skin cut into strips; he fastened the king with the strips still raw then tied him on a log and when the strips dried, he died. He also executed Jorays.

Then Semāmūn wrote to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr to make peace with him: he asked for pardon and promised to pay the regular ''baqṭ'' every year and even more. He sent as a present a large number of slaves (''raqīq'') and other gifts which were received about the end of the life of the Sultan al-Manṣūr. But then the Sultan began to be worried by another trouble much greater than the '''[p. 484]''' one he had had over Nubia. Semāmūn remained in possession of the kingdom until the time of Sultan al-'Ādil Zayn Ketbogha [1294 - 1296 A.D.]. To this reign pertain the chronicles which we shall mention, if God pleases.

[Another Military Expedition (''tajrīd al-'askar'') to Nubia: The Story of King Abdalla Barshanbu and his Death]

In the month of Rajab of the year 716 H. [September 1316 A.D.], it was decided to send to Nubia a number of emirs, viz. 'Izz ad-dīn Aybek Jaharkī 'Abd al-Malik, the Commandant-in-chief of the army. Ṣalāḥ ad-dīn Ṭarkhān, son of the late emir Badr ad-dīn Baysarī, 'Ala ad-dīn 'Alī as-Sāqī, Sayf ad-dīn Qayran al-Hisami, each with one-half of their troops. It was decided that they would leave during the last decade of Sha'ban [7-17 November 1316 A.D.]. They marched on parade in Cairo with their troops on Monday 23rd of Sha'ban [11 November] of the same year. They had in their expedition Sayf ad-dīn 'Abdalla Barshanbū, the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of king Dāwūd of Nubia. He had been brought up at the Sultan's Court by some ''mamālīk'' of the Sultan. The Sultan [Nāṣir] thought it advisable at that time to nominate him king [of Nubia] to rule his own countrymen.

No sooner had this news reached the ears of king Kerenbes, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia, than he sent the son of his sister Kanz ad-dawla b. Shujā’ ad-dīn Nasr b. Fakhr ad-dīn Mālik b. al-Kanz, to the Sultan's court asking His Majesty kindly to appoint him as successor to the Nubian throne, "for" - he said "if it is the will of your Majesty to appoint a Moslem to rule Nubia, this man is actually a Moslem, son of my sister and as such he is my legitimate successor". Kanz ad-dawla arrived '''[p. 485]''' at the court, but his request was not granted; the Sultan ordered him to be detained in the Sultan's court. The army left together with 'Abdalla Barshanbū in their company.

When they arrived at Dunqula, Kerenbes, the Regent, and his brother Abrām, fled to al-Abwāb, Kerenbes asked for asylum from the Regent of al-Abwāb, but he, instead, arrested him and had him confined on an island and wrote to the general of the [Sultan’s] army announcing the arrest of Kerenbes and his brother. He put guards around them and asked the general to send someone to fetch them. A number of armed men (''rijāl al-ḥalaqa'') were sent to seize them. They were brought to the Sultan's court under escort and in irons, and 'Abdalla Barshanbū reigned unchallenged in Dunqula. The army left for Cairo and arrived there in the month of Jumadā al-Wulā of the year 717 H. (July 1317 A.D.).

When the Regent of Nubia and his brother arrived at the Sultan's court, Kanz ad-dawla asked permission to go to the frontier town of Aswān hinting that he had ''sāqiya'' estated there and had to pay the tribute to the ''diwān'' of the Sultan. He was allowed to return to his own country. He went to the frontier town (Aswān) and then proceeded to Dunqula. 'Abdalla Barshanbū, when he became king, altered the laws (''qawā'id'') of the kingdom and showed proud behaviour without precedent among the Nubian kings his predecessors. He treated the natives rudely and even cruelly, so that all hated his rule. While Kanz ad-dawla was on his way to Nubia and arrived at Daw - which is the first Nubian town - then natives received him respectfully and hailed him with the salute reserved to the king, which is in their language; "''Mushāy''! ''Mushāy''!" This is a word which is addressed only to the king. They professed allegiance to him and he went to Dunqula.

'''[p. 486]''' Barshanbū came out to oppose him: the two parties had an encounter and fought, Barshanbū was killed and Kanz ad-dawla reigned in Nubia. He, however, was not crowned with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mamlaka'') with respect to the right- of his maternal uncles (''akhwāl'') and claimed that he just preserved their exclusive right.

The news of the killing of Barshanbū was received at the Sultan's court in the month of Shawwal of the year 1317 [June 1317 A.D.]. The Sultan ordered that Abrām, the brother of Kerenbes, be set free and sent to Nubia with an order to do all in his power to arrest his nephew Kanz ad-dawla and send him to the Sultan. The Sultan also promised Abrām that, if he would do that, he would also set free his brother Kerenbes and appoint him king and send him back.

Abrām left for Dunqula; his nephew Kanz ad-dawla welcomed him [at Aswān] with all respect and paid him allegiance, handed over to him the kingdom and entered his service. The two went around to calm and reassure the population, beginning from the frontier near Aswān. When they arrived near Daw, Abrām arrested Kanz ad-dawla, put him in irons and was determined to send him to Cairo. But Abrām fell sick and died after three days; then the people proclaimed Kanz as their king. This time he reigned as a king and was crowned with the crown of the kingdom and became independent. He rallied the Arabs and sought their support against his opponents.

The rest of his story will be told at its proper place, if God pleases...

[The Expedition against the Arabs in the 'Aydhāb Desert: Its March on to the Halanka and other Countries and its Return]

In the year 716 H. [1316 A.D.] the Sultan ordered a lieutenant of the army (''ʿaskar'') to move to Upper Egypt '''[p. 487]''' to round up the Arabs (''al-'arab'') wherever they might be. He sent the emir 'Alā’ ad-dīn Mughalṭāy, who was emir of the Council (''amīr al-majlis''), Commandant of the army and one of the generals having authority over thousands (''muqaddam ulūf''), the emir 'Izz ad-dīn Aydemer ad-Dawādār, the emir 'Alam ad-dīn Sanjar ad-Dumaythirī, the emir 'Ala' ad-dīn 'Alī, son of emir Shams ad-dīn Qarasonqor al al-Manṣūrī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Bahādir at-Tuqawī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn ad-Dimyāṭī, the emir Sārim ad-dīn al-Jarmakī, the emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqṣubā, governor of the districts of Qōs and Akhmim, with seven officers of the armoured troops "''al-manṣūra''"<ref>“''Al-Manṣūra''” (literally: “the protected by God”) may be the title of some special corps of the Mamlūk army.</ref>. They were about five hundred cavalrymen. They left Cairo on Wednesday 20 Shawwāl of that year [5 January 1317 A.D.].

The reason for this expedition was that the Arab nomads (''ʿurbān'') of the 'Aydhāb desert had cut the road to the ambassador of Yemen who was on his way to the Sultan's court; they robbed him of all the presents he had for the Sultan and also seized the property of the merchants who were travelling with him. They acted this in retaliation against the emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqṣubā, the governor of Qōs, who had arrested Fayyād, the emir of this clan of Arabs.

When the news was brought to the court, the Sultan sent this force to arrest them. The Sultan ordered the expedition first to reach Qōs, then to enter the desert and chase the Arabs wherever they might be.

The emir ‘Izz ad-dīn ad-Dawādār, - who was in the expedition and is [therefore] a trustworthy source - told me that they left [Cairo] for Qōs on the above '''[p. 488]''' mentioned date [5 January 1317 A.D.] and camped outside that town for fifty-two days. During that time, the governor of Qōs and the emir Sārim ad-dīn al-Jarmakī went into the desert to meet the Arabs trying to persuade them to return the stolen property and renew their allegiance. They had a meeting without reaching any agreement on their requests. When they left [to meet the Arabs in the desert] the Sultan was kept informed that the two [emirs] had gone, but the army had delayed its departure because of the hardships of the desert and the lack of water. The emir Badr ad-dīn Boktemer al-Ḥisāmī, one of the leaders of the "''al-manṣūra''" armoured troops was sent to inform the Sultan. When the news reached the court, the Sultan strongly disapproved the holding of negotiations with the Arabs because this delayed the departure of the troops to round them up. The army moved from Qōs to enter the desert in the first decade of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. [16-26 March 1317 A.D.] and arrived at the frontier post of ‘Aydhāb after fifteen days. The troops caught up with the two emirs Sayf ad-dīn Taqṣubā and Sārim ad-dīn al-Jarmakī at 'Aydhāb and stayed there twelve days. The emir of the districts [of Qōs] had taken in his company Fayyād, the emir of the Arabs, whose arrest was at the origin of the rebellion. The army left 'Aydhāb and marched as far as Sawākin in twelve days, walking across mountains and deserts; they suffered severe losses because the little water they drank on their way was unclean. At a water well called "''Dunkanām''" they all were on the verge on death because the Arabs (''ʿurbān'') had polluted (''ghawwarū'') the water before the arrival of the army. The army continued to march during four days and on the fifth it arrived at that water and found only one large well, the water of which had changed its colour, taste and smell. While they were in that situation, the army scouts arrived bringing with them a guide who had '''[p. 489]''' good knowledge of the mountains. They left that place about sunset and arrived at a well which had collected rain water. They remained there all that night and the following day until noon; they took their fill of water then continued journeying until Sawākin.

The Regent (''mutamallik'') of Sawākin came to make his submission and show obedience to the orders of the Sultan. Every year he brought a tribute to the Sultan consisting of eighty slaves, three-hundred camels, thirty ''qinṭār'' of ivory. He had his residence at Sawākin where he acted as Representative (''niyāba'') of the Sultan. The army remained at Sawākin for six days, then departed taking with them the Awlād Muhnā, one of whom, by name Faḍl, was one of the chiefs of the nomads who crossed over to the army between ‘Aydhāb and Sawākin and accompanied them.

The army, in order to round up the nomads, entered the desert following their tracks and marched for seventeen days. On the way, they clashed with some clans of Blacks (''sūdān'') near the watering places and defeated them. They killed some and others they took prisoner and took a large haul of their cattle as booty, i.e. oxen and sheep. They proceeded as far as Wādī Aytrīb, where they arrived on the seventeenth day, and stopped there' for two days. Since the day they had left Sawākin they had found no water except in one place. They drank from rain pools, because in that desert there were rains out of season, surely provided by God out of His mercy for His faithful to save them from death. They proceeded further to ''Azbīnāt'', a mountain on the bank of the ''Atbarā'' River - which is one of the tributaries of the Nile of Egypt coming from Ethiopia (''bilād al-Ḥabasha''). They stayed there one day. Then they moved in pursuit of the nomads following their tracks along that river for three '''[p. 490]''' days, having the river on their right hand. They went into the desert as far as the land of ''at-Tākā''. After three days marching in the desert they arrived at Jabāl ''Kaslān'', a mountain of barren rock (''aqraʾ''). Nothing else is found in that desert other than that mountain and another called Jabāl ''Alūs''. Between the two mountains there is a river (''wādī''); this mountain (''Alūs'') marks the border of the country of ''at-Tākā'' on the side of ''al-Ḥabasha''. When they arrived there and were near the water - in a desert of yellow ground similar to the Baysan country near the Dead Sea Depression (''Ghūr ash-Shām''), but rich in forests of ''sanṭ'' (Acacia Nilotica), ''umm ghaylān'' [Sweet Lote-tree], ''ihlīlaj'' [Myrobalan tree], ''abanūs'' [ebony], ''ʿaqr'', ''ḥarr'' drom which tamarind (''at-tamar hindī'') is made - a sand storm rose ahead of them; therefore they urged some guides to explore the way. They returned reporting that a clan of sūdān called ''Halanka''<ref>Al-‘Ayni (''ʿIqd al-jumān'', MS Cairo, Dar al-Kutub, Ta’rīkh 7584, fol. 58) calls them Halanka, which is near the modern pronunciation “''Halanqa''”. (Dr. Yusuf Fadl Hasan, ''The Arabs and the Sudan'', p. 233, n. 217).</ref> had gathered together in great numbers to fight the army. The army, who meantime made ready in fighting trim, stood in an open area devoid of trees; it was a torrent bed, like a pool, with a narrow pass. They entered that pass with their heavy equipment (''athqāl''); their camels entered straight into the pass while the Halanka were staying in the upper position around the brim of the pool; the troops were in the lower parts. The Halanka were armed with spears (''ḥirāb''), javelins (''mazārīq'') and swords (''suyūf''); some of them also had arrows. The army halted and sent them a messenger saying: "We have not come to fight you, but to seize a party of rebel Arabs who have caused destruction by cutting the roads!" The '''[p. 491]''' army gave chew assurance, but they replied they would refuse any proposal short of fighting. Then the army fired only one shower of arrows killing four hundred and sixty Halanka and wounding many others. The army could not make any prisoner because the Halanka preferred to be killed rather than to fall prisoner. Two of the Halanka kinglets (''mulūk)'' were killed, according to the report made by some soldiers of the army who had a meeting with the Halanka. And this is tow they met, and later had a safe escape from them. A few soldiers being asleep were cut off behind the army and were surprised by scouts of the Halanka, who seized them and brought them to their chiefs (''akābir''). The chiefs questioned them: "Who are you?" There were [among them] some who knew the language of the natives (''qawm''). They answered: "We are merchants. This army assailed us, robbed us of all we had and caught us prisoner; but while the array was engaged in a battle we ran away.” They showed them mercy and told them that they had suffered that number of casualties.

After the defeat of the Halanka, the army retired to the forest, abandoned the loads and took only what they could carry, a little dhurra and their fill of water. They went back the same day, following the same track. This was on the 6th of Rabī' al-Awwal of the year 717 H. [19 May 1317 A.D.]. They marched as far as ''Arbībāb'', after which they could not go further on the same way as they were short of water, food and fodder. Therefore, they changed direction and went towards al-Abwāb, which is part of the Nūba country. They followed the Atbara River and marched along its bank for twenty days, their mounts having no other pasture than ''halfa'' [Stipa tenacissima]. At last they arrived opposite al-Abwāb and stayed there one day. Sayf ad-dīn Abū Bakr, son of the '''[p. 492]''' ''wālī al-Līl''<ref>It is not sure whether this is a geographical name or a title.</ref> ''ar-rasuliyya'' (?), on behalf of the governor of the districts of the Qōs went to the Regent (''mutamallik'') of al-Abwāb. The latter was afraid and would not visit the army, but presented them with two hundred oxen and sheep and dhurra. The army plundered whatever quantity of dhurra they could find in the country, then left for Dunqula where they arrived after seventeen days marching through a land covered with bush, infested with elephants, monkeys, apes and wild beasts called ''mar’ afīf''. They halted there for three days. The king of Dunqula, by name ‘Abdalla Barshanbū, whom we have mentioned above, treated them as guests and supplied them with all they needed.

During this journey the army endured exhausting hardships to such an extent that the sole of their sandals (''qatī’a an-ni’āl'') was sold for fifty dirhams and a ''riṭl'' of ''biqsumāṭ'' for one-and-half dirham, if it: could be found. Most of the horses and camels of the array perished. The majority of the soldiers returned to the sea coast of Egypt (''ṣāhil Miṣr'') [and arrived] in boats, for two reasons: firstly, for lack of cleanliness (''ʿadam ṭuhr'')<ref>Perhaps because the soldiers were suspected of carrying some infectious disease into the Nile villages.</ref>, secondly because the Nile had flooded all the country and cut all the roads, so that the only thoroughfare was through mountains. The army arrived at Cairo, the well-guarded (''maḥrūsa''), on Tuesday 9th Jumadā al-Akhir 710 H. (sic! for 717) (18 August 1317 A.D.).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Maqrizi's Suluk

2016-01-17T22:07:51Z

Seignobos:

'''[p. 673-704]'''

2.) From: "Kitāb as-sulūk" ("The Book of the Way to know the Dynasties of Kings")

[Tūrānshāh's Campaign in Nubia (568 H./1172 A.D.)]

In this year the black slaves (''ʿabīd'') advanced out of Nubia to lay siege to the town of Aswan, where is the residence of Kanz ed-Dawla. The Sultan sent Shujā' ad-din al-Baalbaki (''al-Ba'labakkī'') with a numerous army to march on Aswan, but the slaves had already left: he, together with Kanz ed-Dawla, went in pursuit of them; attacked them and slew a great number and then returned to Cairo.

In this same year, al-Malik al-Mu'aẓẓam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Dīn Tūrānshāh son of Ayyūb, the brother of Saladin, marched against the country of the Nuba, captured the fortress of Ibrīm, and took prisoners and booty and then returned to Aswan. He gave Ibrīm in fief to a man called Ibrahīm al-Kurdī. He occupied the place with a company of Kurds: they began carrying out raids into the country of the Nūba, so that they became very rich in goods and cattle after they had lived a life of poverty and hardship. A letter accompanied by a present was sent by the king of the Nūba to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at that time residing at Qos. He received the am-bassador with honour and distinguished him with a robe of honour and handed to him two pairs of arrows saying: "Tell the king: - I have no reply for him other than this". He sent the ambassador back together with a messenger to explore the country. He (the messenger) went up to Dongola (''Dumqula'') and came back to him reporting:

'''[p. 674]''' I have found the country narrow, devoid of crops, except ''dhurra'' and small palm-trees from which they obtain their food (''adām'')<ref>The food whis is eaten together with bread. Cf. Italian "''companatico''".</ref> (...). The king goes out (almost) naked, mounting an unsaddled horse: (when I saw him) he was wrapped only in a silk rope (''aṭlas''); he was completely hairless. When I drew up to him and saluted him, he burst into a laughter and wonder. He ordered that a cross be stamped on my hand with a red-hot iron. He ordered that I be given fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour. At Dongola, there is no walled building, except the king's residence; all the other dwellings are built with reeds. (Ziada I, part 1, pp. 50 - 51).

[Turānshāh's expedition to Yemen; 569 H./1173 A.D.]

In this year, the emir Shams ad-Dawla Turānshāh, the brother of Sultan Saladin, marched on Yemen. The reason for this was the great fear that Saladin and his relatives had that al-Malik al-Abdel Nureddin might invade Egypt and conquer it. They wanted to have a kingdom to which to withdraw; their choice fell on Nubia; but when he went there he was not pleased with it. It was the ''faqīh'' 'Umāra al-Yamanī who went to Shams ad-Dawla and became one of his followers, praised him and talked to him about Yemen<ref>The following passage, dealing with the same story, is taken from Maqrīzī's "''Kitāb adh-Dhaba al-masbūk''". Shams al-Dawla was the one who played the decisive role in the victory of his brother Saladin on the day of the battle of the Blacks and exterminated them by the sword. saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswan and 'Aydhāb as a fief, the revenue of which was, at that time, over 260,000 Egyptian ''dinārs yearly. Later on, he carried out a raid in Nubia, in the year (568 H. = 1172 A.D.) and took the citadel of Ibrīm. He returned with the spoils and marched on Yemen in the year (5)69 (=1173). Cf. Gamaleddin al-Shayyal (''Kitāb al-Dhahab al-Masbūk''), Cairo 1955, (Arabic) (pp. 70-71)</ref> (ibid., p. 52).

'''[p. 675]''' In this year (569 H./1173 A.D.) a group of Cairo citizens plotted to murder Saladin treacherously and to restore the kingdom of Egypt to one of the sons of (the late) al-'Āḍid. They wrote to the Franks. Among the conspirators there were al-qāḍī al-Mufaḍḍal Diyā' ad-dīn Naṣralla b. ’Abdalla b. Kāmil al-qāḍī, ash-sharīf al-Julaysī, Najāḥ al-Hamāmī al-faqīh 'Umara b. 'Alī al-Yamanī, 'Abd aṣ-Ṣamid al-Kātib, al-qāḍī al-A'azz Salāma al-'Awrīs the head of the dīwān of Supervision and Justice, the ''dā'ī ad-du'āt'' 'Abd al-Jabbār Ismā'īl b. 'Abd al-Qawī, and the preacher Zayn ad-dīn b. Najā. This one whispered information about the plot in the ears of the Sultan, and asked, in return, to be rewarded with all the estates and other property of Ibn Kāmil the ''dā'ī'' which he actually obtained. The conspirators were rounded up and hanged on Saturday 2nd Ramadan between the two Palaces.<ref>There follow some details about the execution of each conspirator.</ref>

... Saladin presented up anyone who dreamed of restoring the Fatimid dynasty. He killed many of them and others he put in prison. He ordered that the (Fatimid) Palace should be evacuated by all the soldiers (''ajnād'') and other staff, as well as by the sūdān foot-soldiers. These were all sent to the remotest parts of Upper Egypt. A man by the name of Qudayd was arrested at Alexandria because he called for support to the Fatimids... Also many sūdān were arrested and marked with a red-hot iron on their forehead and their breast.<ref>There follows the episode of the rise of Kanz ad-Dawla at Aswan. Maqrizi's report does not differ from that of earlier writers (e.g. Ibn al-Athir)</ref> (Ziada I, l, p. 53).

'''[p. 676]''' [The Abolition of the Pilgrim Tax]

In this year (570 H./1174 A.D.) the Sultan (Saladin) abolished the tax (''maks'') which it was customary to levy on each pilgrim leaving 'Aydhāb for Mecca by sea. The tax amounted to seven-and-half Egyptian dinars per head, to be paid at 'Aydhāb or at Judda. Those who failed to pay were not permitted to complete the pilgrimage and were subjected to (such a torture as) hanging by their testicles (''ta'līqi-hi min unthayay-hi'').<ref>See: Ibn Jubayr (q.v.)</ref>

The emir of Mecca received one thousand dinars and one thousand ardeb of wheat as an indemnity (after the abolition of the tax), besides other fiefs in Upper Egypt and Yemen yielding 8,000 ardeb of wheat which were shipped to him by way of Judda. (Ziada 1, 1, p. 64).

[The Revolt of the Arabs in Upper Egypt; 651 H./1253 A.D.]

In this year, the Arab nomads (''ʿurban'') rose in Upper Egypt and in the Delta (''arḍ baḥrī'') and cut the communications by land and river, so that no merchant dared to travel. Sharīf Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab, son of the great emir Najmaddīn 'Alī, son of the emir ash-Sharīf Fakhraddīn Ismā'īl b. Ḥiṣn ad-Dawla Majd al-'Arab Tha'lab b. Yaqūb, b. Muslim, b. Abī Jamīl al-Ja'dī, led the revolt by proclaiming: - "We are the owners (''aṣḥab'') of this country." He prevented the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') from collecting the dues. He and his followers proclaimed: "The right to possess our land (''mulk'') belongs to us more than to the ''mamālīk'' (= the Turks).

We have served the Ayyubids enough! They are foreigners who have invaded the country!" They refused to submit to the Turks, saying: - "They (the Turks) are slaves '''[p. 677]''' of foreigners (''ʿabīd li-l-khawārij'')." They wrote to al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the Lord of Damascus, inviting him to march on Egypt (''Miṣr''). The Arabs, who in those days were rich in money, horses and men, rallied around the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha’lab, who was then in the district of Dahrūt.

They gathered from the remotest districts of Upper Egypt and the Delta (''al-buḥayrah''), from Giza and Fayum and all gave the oath of allegiance. The horsemen were 12.000 in number, and the foot soldiers well above that number. The king al-Malik al-Mu’izz Aibek sent against them the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Jamdār, and the emir Fārisaddīn Aqṭāy al-Musta'rib with 5.000 horsemen. They marched on Darawa (in the Delta). The emir Ḥiṣnaddīn Tha'lab advanced against them. The two sides joined battle from morning to sunset. God hat it written in His book that the emir Ḥiṣnaddīn (was to) fall from his horse: his friends rushed around him, but the Turks overcame and killed 400 men, from among the Arabs and Black slaves (''ʿabid'') who were around him. At last they succeeded in setting him upright in his saddle, but he, on seeing that the Arabs had dispersed, withdrew in retreat. The Turks pursued him, killing and taking prisoners until sight fell. What they had seized in booty, women, children, horses, camels and herds was more than they could carry away, and they returned to their camp at Bilbeis. Then they turned against the Arabs of (the district of) Gharbieh and Menufieh, who belonged to the Sinbis and Lawāta tribes: they gathered in the neighbourhood of Sakhā and Sanhūr, attacked them and seized their women as prisoners and killed the men. Thus the coalition of the Arabs of Egypt was broken up, and their power has declined since. (Ziada I, 2, pp. 386 — 387).

'''[p. 678]''' In this year (656 H./1253 A.D.) Shaykh Abū-l-Hasan b. 'Abdalla ash-Shādhilī the hermit, died in the desert of 'Aydhāb and was buried there. (Ziada I, 2, p. 414).

In this year a group of Sūdān and Rakbidāriyya and stable-men rushed into the Cairo streets shouting: "Long live the House of ʿAlī! (''ya āl ʿAlī).' They broke into the shops of the sword-makers between the two Palaces, grabbed all the weapons they found, then rushed blindly into the stables of the soldiers of the fisc (''ajnād'') and took their horses. The cause of this incident was a man by the name of al-Kawrānī who lived an ascetic life, always carried a ''masbaḥa'' (beads) in his hand and dwelled in the Qubba of the Mountain receiving visits from many servants (''ghilmān'') and grooms and exhorted them to restore the Fatimid dynasty. He promised them many rewards (''iqṭa'at'') and gave them a warrant written on scraps of paper. After they (the grooms and sūdān) began their rising, the soldiers mounted on horses, during the night, besieged them and arrested all of them. In the morning they were all crucified outside Bāb Zuwayla, and the rebellion came to an end. (Ziala 1,1, p. 414).

In this year (662 H./1263 A.D.) the Sultan (Baybars I.) also bequeathed two stables which were under the Citadel, one of which was known under the name of Jawhar an-Nūbī, on the side of the desert. (Ziada 1,2, p. 505).

In that same year (662 H./1263 A.D.) news was received that the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the Dahlak island and the Regent (''mutamallik'') of the island of Sawākin seized the property of those merchants who died at sea. The Sultan (Baybars) sent a soldier from those who wore armour to warn him against such a behaviour. (Ziala I, p. 506).

'''[p. 679]''' In that month (Jumadā al-Wulā 662 H./March 1264 A.D.) messengers went to king Baraka (?). A great number embraced Islam in the presence of the Sultan: they were Tatar who came to Egypt (''wāṣilīn''), Franks who came for safe-conduct or as prisoners, Nubians who came on behalf of their king. The emir Badr ad-dīn the Khāzindār, distributed on them, in one day, one hundred and eighty horses. (Ziada I, 2, p. 511).

In the month of Dhū-l-Qa'da (October 1265 A.D.) a letter from the governor of Qos was received announcing that he had arrived at 'Aydhāb and had sent a detachment of the army to Sawākin, but the Lord of Sawākin had taken to flight. The soldiers then returned to Qos, the country became quiet, the Sultan's men, however, remained at Sawākin. (Ziada I, 2, p. 550).

In that year the Sultan was anxious to collect the ''zakāt'' from all the other districts and territories. In the Maghrib he had collected a contribution (''zakāt'') calculated on the cattle and another on their cereals. He collected the ''zakāt'' also from the district of Sawākin and its islands. (Ziada, I, 2, pp. 557 - 558).

This same year the Wālī of Qos, moving from Aswan, marched on Nubia until he arrived near Dongola, killed many people, took prisoners and then returned. (Ziada, p. 608).

[Year 673 H./1274-75 A.D.]

A letter was received (at Cairo) from the king of Habasha, by name al-Haṭṭī, - which means "the Successor" (''al-khalīfa'').<ref>See: Al-Mufaḍḍal (q.v.).</ref> put his request to the Sultan in '''[p. 680]''' these words: "the least of the slaves prostrates himself kissing the earth at its lowest" and asked that a bishop (''miṭrān'') be sent him by the patriarch (""baṭraq"") . His request was granted. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 615 - 616).

[Shekanda (674 H./1275-76 A.D.)]

During this year, the son of the sister of the king of the Nubians, one by name ''Meshked''<ref>In "''Kitat''", II, 3, ch. XXXVI, Maqrīzī called him Shekanda. The similarity between ''M.Sh.k.d.'' and ''Sh.K.N.D. may prompt some philological discussion. Almost surely, Maqrīzī utilized one source for '"'Hiṭaṭ''" and another for "''Suluk''".</ref>, arrived at the court of Egypt, with a complaint against David (''Dāwūd'') king of Nubia. The Sultan sent with him (Meshked) the emir Aqsonqor al-Fariqānī, with a (regular) army and (other) troops belonging to the Walis and Arabs. There were (in the army) with him pikemen (''az-zarrāqūn''), archers (''ar-rumāh'') and grenadiers (''rijāl al-ḥarārīq'') and men wearing coats of mail (az-zardakhānāh). He set out at the beginning of the month of Sha'ban (b. January 1275 A.D.), and advanced beyond Aswan. King David and his friends among the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') fought: they went to the battle mounted on dromedaries: (Aqsonqor) routed them and took many prisoners. The emir Aqsonqor sent the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram, who attacked the fortress of Daw, killed some and took other prisoner. Then the emir Aqsonqor continued the pursuit, killing and taking prisoners until he arrived at the Island of ''Mikā'īl'' which lies at the entrance (''ra's'') of the Cataract of the Nubians (''Janādil an-nūba''). There, too, he killed (some) and took captives. The emir Aqsonqor nominated Qamar ad-Dawla Lord of the district of the Mountain (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'') and kept under his authority one half of the Nūba country, besides what he had already under his power. Then he (Aqsonqor) attacked King David and put the majority or his men out of action, either killed or made captive. David fled by way of the river, but his brother Shanqū '''[p. 681]''' (''Sanqō'') was captured. Aqsonqor led his army pursuing him for three days, with the sword. He obtained such a great success, there, that all were subjected. The mother and the sister of king David were captured.

Meshked was enthroned as king: he was crowned and sat on the throne of David. He was obliged to pay every year a tribute (''qaṭī'a'') consisting of: three elephants, three giraffes, five she-panthers (''fuhūd unāth''), 100 tawny dromedaries of good quality and 100 oxen without blemish. It was also decided that the country should be divided into two parts: one-half (''niṣf'') to the Sultan, the other to be cultivated and preserved (for the Nubians ?). The (district known as) ''al-ʿAlī'' and the district (known as) ''al-Jabal'' - which account for nearly one-quarter of the country of the Nubians - because of their position near to Aswan, were to belong to the Sultan: (also) all the cotton, dates, and customs revenues should belong to the Sultan. He offered them (the Nubians) three options from which to choose: either (to embrace) Islam, or to pay the ''jizya'', or to die. They chose the ''jizya'', which obliged everyone to pay at the rate of one dīnār per person. The formula for an oath containing these (above mentioned) conditions was drawn up; Meshked and the Nubian nobles (''akābir'') among the Nubians took this oath. Another (formula) for an oath was drawn up to make the people swear that they would obey the representative (''nā'ib'') of the Sultan, so long as he remained loyal (to the Sultan) and that they would pay a dinar per adult person. The church of Sūs was pulled down; in fact this church, according to David, reminded him (''tuhaddithu-hu'') what he should do (''bimā yu'addī-hi'').<ref>THis passage is found ad litteram in Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

'''[p. 682]''' They took out of the church the golden crosses (''sulbān'') and other objects of gold, the whole of which was valued at 4.640 1/2 dīnārs; the silver vases which were taken away were also valued at 8.660 dīnārs. David had it built by the Moslems whom he had taken prisoner at 'Aydhāb and Aswan. The relatives of David were obliged to hand over to the Sultan whatever had remained of David's property in slaves and linen (''qumāsh''); the prisoners of war who had been seized at 'Aydhāb and Aswan and who were still held in Nubia were set free and sent back to their homes. The (Arab) army captured many slaves as booty: they were so numerous that they be put up for sale at three dirhams each, and after the killing which took place during the battle, there remained ten thousand souls (''nafs'') (as prisoners?). The army stayed at Dongola seventeen days and then returned to Cairo, on the fifth day of Dhū-l-Hijja (= 19 May 1275 A.D.) with the prisoners and the booty. It was on this occasion that the Sultan ordered Master (''ṣāḥib'') Bahā'uddīn b. Ḥanna to set up an office at Dongola and in the other districts, with officials in charge of collecting the tribute (''kharāj'') and the ''jizya'' of the Nūba. (Ziada, pp. 621 - 623).

[The Possessions of Sultan Baybars I.]

Sultan Baybars ruled over (among other towns) the country of the Nubians, Barqa and the other provinces of Egypt and Syria (etc.), about which a poet said: "The responsibilities of the king extended from Egypt to Yemen, to Iraq and up to the land of the Rūm and the country of the Nubian." (Ziada, p. 638).

'''[p. 683]''' [Nubian Soldiers in Qalāwūn's Army Against the Tartars]

Sultan Qalawun decided to form an army and sent for his allies. From Iraq came the emir Ḥamid b. Hajī with a numerous troop of ''Murra'' (Qurra ?). This troop consisted of about 4.000 horsemen. (They were) dissatisfied with their armour: (in fact they were) mounted on marked horses (''al-khuyūl al-musawwamah''), they wore red coats (''qasghandāt'') of silk (''atla''s) of Ma'dan and the ''rūmi'' blouse (''ad-dibāj''); their head-dress was an egg-shaped helmet (''bīḍ''); they were armed with swords and carried javelins (''rimāh'') in their hands; before them marched some negro slaves (''ʿabīd'') who leant forward on (poor) mounts or swayed on camel-back during the march carrying slices of meat in their hands. A woman singer, by name Haḍramiya, was travelling with them sitting on the palanquin (''hūdaj''): she chanted to excite the soldiers to battle. (Ziada, I, 3, p. 690).

In this month (Rajab 680 H./October—November 1281 A.D.) a fight took place in the 'Aydhāb desert between Arabs of the Juhayna and the Rufā'a tribes. There were casualties on both sides. The court wrote to Sharif 'Alan ad-dīn, the Lord of Sawākin, urging a reconciliation between the two sides. He was warned not to help either party against the other, lest a rebellion would arise and jeopardise security on the route (to ’Aydhāb). (Ziada I, 3, p. 700).

[Shemamun<ref>Also spelt "''Sīmāmūn''". We have adopted Monneret's reading.</ref> (684 Η./1285-86 A.D.)]
On the sixth day of Dhū-l-Hijja, the emir ’Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī, nicknamed ''al-Khawyyāṭ'', governor of '''[p. 684]''' Cairo, and the emir 'Izzaddin al-Kūrānī, set one to raid the country of the Nūba. The Sultan assigned to them a company (''ṭā'ifa'') of soldiers from the provinces (''wilāyāt'') of Upper Egypt and the ''qarāghulāmīyya''. He wrote to emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur (''Aidamer'') as-Sayfī, the ''Silāḥdār'', governor of Qos, (ordering him) to join them and accompany them with his troops, the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') who were (stationed) in the district of Qos, and the tax-collectors (''ajnād'') of the district (''markaz'') of Qos, as well as a number of nomads (''ʿurbān'') who were in that district: these belonged to (the clans of) the Awlād 'Alī Bakr, Awlād ʿUmar, Awlād Sharīf, Awlād Shaybān, Awlād Kanz, the Banī Hilāl and others. Al-Khayyāṭ set out, marching along the west bank (of the Nile) with one half of the army, and Aidemur marched with the other half along the east bank, on which Dongola is built. When the army arrived at the frontier of Nubia, King Samāmūn ordered that the country should be evacuated. He was very brave. He sent a messenger to Jorais (''Jurays'') his agent (''nā'ib'') in the island or ''Mikā'īl'' and the district of Daw (''ʿamal Daw'') - the Lord of that province (''wilāya'') was known among the Nubians under the name of ''Ṣāḥib al-Jabal'' - and ordered him to evacuate the country under his Jurisdiction [as soon as the Egyptian army approached]. They abandoned the country at the same time as the army followed them up, stage after stage, until the Egyptian army confronted the king of Nubia at Dongola. Samāmūn went out to attack them. The emir 'Izzaddīn fought a very hard battle, the Nubian king was defeated and many of his (men) were killed; a number of Moslems, too, lost their lives in battle. The army pursued the Nūba a fifteen days' distance beyond Dongola, until they captured Jorais and took him prisoner. They also seized the son of the king's aunt (''ibn'' '''[p. 685]''' ''khālat al-malik''), who was among the nobles ('''ʿuzamāʾ'') of the kingdom. The emir 'Izzaddīn established the son of the sister of the king in the kingdom or Nubia, appointed Jorais as his vicar (''nā'ib''), assigned to them a Corps and imposed on them a tribute which they were to pay every year. Then he returned (to Egypt) with a great booty of slaves, horses, camels, oxen and clothing.
(Ziada, pp. 736 - 737).

[Qalāwūn’s First Expedition Against Shemamun (685 H./ 1286-87 A.D.)]

On the first day of Jumadā al-Ulā (26 June 1286 A.D.) a letter arrived from the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī al-Khayyāṭ from Dongola, announcing his victory and the capture (of this town) as well as the seizure of the members of the royal family (''mulūk'') , their crowns and their women. The letter was brought by Ruknaddīn Menkawris al-Fāriqānī. The Sultan honoured him with a robe and he sent his reply through him, authorising the emir 'Izzaddīn Aidemur, governor of Qos, to remain at Dongola together with (a detachment of) the Sultan's slaves, soldiers of the tax-collection (''ajnād'') and other men. He ordered that the emir 'Alamaddīn (should) return with the remainder of the expeditionary force. From the Citadel (''qal'at al-Jabal''), one Sa'd ad-dīn Sa'd, son of the daughter of David, was sent so that he, through his knowledge of the country and the people, might help the emir Aidemur. He left for his assignment and was honoured with a gilded sword and lived at Qos.

... On the ninth day of Rajab (1 September 1286 A.D.), the emir 'Alamaddīn Sanjar al-Masrūrī arrived from Nubia, leading the remaining part of the expeditionary force '''[p. 686]''' which had not stayed at Dongola with 'Izzaddīn Aidemur. In his party were the kings (''mulūk'' = the king and the princes) of the Nūba, their women and their crowns and also great multitude of captives: it was indeed a famous day (''yaum mashhūd''). The Sultan divided the captives among the emirs and others; the soldiers (''an-nās'') gave presents to one another, the prisoners were sold very cheaply because of their great multitude. The emir 'Alamaddīn received a robe of honour and was appointed ''Mahmandār''<ref>The Court official in charge of receiving the guests of the Sultan (Qalqashandī)</ref> in place of the emir Sharafaddīn el-Jākī, who had been dismissed, arrested and sentenced to the confiscation of his property.

As for Nubia, its king Shemamun went back to Donqola. After the Egyptian expeditionary force withdrew, he attacked those (of his enemies) who were found there and defeated them. The king fled with Jorais and the garrison attached to Dongola; they all left for Cairo. The Sultan was angered and gave orders that another expeditionary force be prepared to invade Nubia. (Ziada, p. 743).

[The Second Expedition Against Shemamun (Year 688 H./ 1289 A.D.)]

On the last day of Sha'bān (17 September 1289 A.D.), the Sultan sent to Nubia the emir 'Izzaddīn Aibek al-Afram (who was) the emir Jandār; with him there were the emirs Kipchak (''Qibjāq'') al-Manṣūrī, Boktemur al-Jawkandār and Aidemur the Wālī of Qos, as well as the troops (''aṭlāb'') of several (other) emirs and the reserves of the soldiers of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') and of the agents of the Wālīs and 40.000 foot-soldiers recruited '''[p. 687]''' from among the Bedouins of Upper and Lower Egypt. Together with them was also the king of the Nubians and Jorais. They set out on the 8th day of Shawwāl (= 26 October 1285 A.D.); to support them up there were five-hundred boats loaded with grenadiers (''ḥarārīq'') and other boats, large and small, which carried provisions, arms and equipment.

When they arrived at the frontier town of Aswan, the king of the Nubians died and was buried at Aswan. The emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram informed (the Sultan) about this and the Sultan sent one of the sons of the sister of king David who was at Cairo, to make him king. This (prince) taking a horse belonging to the mail service caught up with the expeditionary force at Aswan and accompanied it. The army divided into two halves: the emir 'Izzaddīn al-Afram and Kipchak (''Qibjāq''), with one half of the army consisting of Turks and Bedouins (marched) on the west bank; the emir Aidemur, wālī of Qos, and Boktemur, with the remainder, marched on the east bank. Jorais the agent (''nā'ib'') of the king of the Nūba, with
the Awlād Kanz went before the army to reassure the (Nubian) population and to prepare stopping-places. As soon as the army advanced into the country, the chieftains (''mashā'ikh'') and the most prominent people (''u'yān'') came out to meet it, bowed down to kiss the ground and asked for safe-conduct (''amān'') and went back. This (kind of submission) began from the village (''balad'') of Daw as far as the Island of Mika'il, which made up the whole province (''wilāya'') of Jorais.

[As for the remainder of the country which was not under the jurisdiction of Jorais, from the Island of Mikhā’īl to Dongola], the population evacuated the country by order of the king of Nubia. The army plundered the country, killed those whom they found, let their animals graze in the cultivated fields and destroyed the '''[p. 688]''' "''sāqiyas''" as far as the town of Dongola. They found that the king (''al-malik'') had evacuated it so that no body remained there except one old man and one old woman who said that the king had gone to seek refuge on a Nile island, 15 days' distance from Dongola. The governor of Qos pursued him, but no boat could sail on the Nile thither, as the Nile was unnavigable owing to the rocks. Upon which the poet Nasiraddin b. al-Naqib, who was a member of the expedition, said:

"O day of Dumqala
O day of its inhabitants (''ʿabīdi-ha'')!
From all directions,
From every quarter,
Every Nubian said to his sister: -
Weep as they have stricken (''sakkū'')
All the Blacks (''sūdān'') from the rear."

... In the month of Jumadā al-Ākhira (June-July 1290 A.D.), the wālī of Qos arrived with his men at a place opposite the island where Shemamun, king of Nubia, had sought refuge. They noticed that (on the island) there was a great number of Nubian boats; they, therefore, sent messengers to invite him to make his submission and offered him safe-conduct, but he refused. The army remained in position confronting him for three days. As he feared the arrival of the grenadiers with boats, he fled towards ''al-Abwāb'', which lies beyond the frontier of his kingdom, three days' distance from the island where he had been staying.

The ''Sawākirah'' [sing: ''Sūkarī''], that is to say the (Nubian) emirs, abandoned him. Also the bishop (''usquf'') and the clergy (''qusūs'') abandoned him, (and came back) carrying with them the silver cross (''aṣ-ṣalīb al-fidda'') which is carried on the head of the king (''yuhmal 'alā ra's al-malik''), and the royal crown (''tāj al-mulk'') : they '''[p. 689]''' asked for a safe-conduct and the wālī of Qos granted it to them; he also bestowed a robe of honour on the most prominent (''akābir'') ones among them. They returned to the city of Dongola in great numbers. When they arrived the emir 'Izzadīn al-Afram and Kipchak crossed the river to the east bank, and the army remained where it was. The army paraded on either bank in battle array (''ālat al-ḥarb''): the grenade boats (''ḥarārīq'') on the river were decorated and the artillery (''ar-zarrāqūn'') displayed nift-fires. The emirs spread the table cloth (''simāṭ'') in the church of ''Usūs''. which is the largest of the churches of Dongola, and held a banquet there; then they enthroned as king the man whom the Sultan had sent; they put the crown on him and obliged him, as well as the nobles, to swear the oath (of allegiance) and imposed the ''baqṭ''. They also selected a troop of soldiers to remain with him under the command of Baybars al-'Azzī, a slave (''mamlūk'') of the wālī of Qos. Then the army returned to Aswan, after it had been away for six months. Afterwards, they went back to Cairo on the last day of Jumadā al-Ulā (6 May 1291 A.D.), with a great booty.

As for Shemamun, after the departure of the army, he went back to Dongola incognito, knocked at the doors of each of the ''Sawākirah'' (princes). Each prince who came out and recognized him (r''a'a-hu'') bent down to kiss the earth before him and take the oath of loyalty to him. Before sunrise he had gathered all the remnant of his army. Then, he, with his soldiers, entered the royal palace (''dār al-mulk''), dismissed Baybars al-'Azzī and his men (whom) he sent to Qos. He seized him who had reigned in his stead, and put on him an οx-hide taken from an ox which had been slaughtered just before and cut into thongs: he clothed him with them, then had him tied onto a wooden plank and left him so until he died. Jorais, too, was killed (on that day).

'''[p. 690]''' Later on, Shemamun wrote to the Sultan to apologize and promised that he would pay the ''baqṭ'' which had been imposed and even more.<ref>"''yazīda-hu''". Another possible reading is "''yazūra-hu''" (to pay him a visit).</ref> He sent him some slaves (raqīq) and other things as presents, which were received. (Ziada, p.p. 749 - 751).

[An Edict]

On Maundy Thursday (''khamīs al-'ahd''), which was on the 24th day of Rajab, (of the year 700 H./1300 A.D.), the Christians and Jews of Cairo, Miṣr and the environs were summoned. An order was promulgated that none of them should (henceforth) be employed in the chancery (''dīwān'') of the Sultan, nor in the chanceries of the emirs; they should not ride either horses or mules; they should comply with anything that was imposed on them.<ref>There follows a list of more prohibitions</ref> The edict carrying the death penalty for any offender was promulgated at Cairo and Miṣr.

The couriers left to have the edict applied to the Christians and the Jews, all over the empire, from Dongola, in Nubia, to the Euphrates. (Ziada, p. 911).

[King Ayay<ref>Other possible readings: Āī, Āmī, Āmay, Ānī. The MS of An-Nuwayrī clearly shows Anī.</ref> off to Cairo for Help from the Sultan: (704 H./1304 A.D.)]

Ayāy, king of Dongola in the country of the Nūba, arrived (at Cairo) bringing a present (''hadīyya'') which consisted of camels, oxen, slaves and alum (''shib'') and whet-stone (''sunbādaj''), and asked for an army (''ʿaskar''). He was received in the Palace of the Guests (''dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa''). The emir Sayf ad-dīn Taqsubā, wālī of Qos, was '''[p. 691]''' appointed (to accompany him) with a troop of ''Wāfidīyya'',<ref>Soldiers of Tatar or Turkish origin</ref> and a number of soldiers (''ajnād al-ḥalqa''), about 300 horsemen, some troops from the wālī of Upper Egypt and a great multitude of nomads (''ʿurbān''). They gathered (arriving) by land and river, at Qos; (then) Taqṣubā left with Ayāy, the king of the Nūba. (Ziada, Vol. II, p. 1, pp. 7 - 8).

In this year (706 H./1306 A.D.), the emir Taqṣubā and his army returned from the country of the Nuba to Qos, after they had been absent for nine months, and had endured many hardships in the war against the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and also because of the shortage of provisions. (Ziada II, p. 1, p. 29).

[Year 707 H./1307 A.D.]

A letter was received from the emir Karāy al-Manṣūrī in which he levelled accusations against the wālī of Qos. Also a letter arrived from the governor (''mutawallī'') of Qos informing (the Sultan) that Karāy had committed injustice against the fellahs of Edfu, had seized their beasts of burden and had amassed large (stores of) provisions with the intention of fleeing to the country of the Blacks (Sūdān). The reply came instructing Karāy to report (to Cairo) immediately and the wālī of Qos to beware of Karāy and to check the routes on both sides (of the Nile). (Ziada II, 1, pp. 36 - 37).

[Kerenbes<ref>"''Kudanbes'". CF. Monneret, Storia, p. 239.</ref> King of Nubia]

In this year (711 H./1311 A.D.) Kerenbes king of the Nūba arrived bringing the fine (''qawad'') imposed on him, after the killing of his brother<ref>We are in the dark about this detail mentioned only by Maqrīzī</ref>. (Ziada II, 1, p. 107).

'''[692]''' [Year 715 H./1315 A.D.]

The Sultan sent the emirs 'Alaūddīn Mu'alṭāy (Moghalṭāy), son of the emir of the council (''amīr al- Majlis''). Sayfaddin Sātī the Silāḥdār, Sarimuddin Izbek al-Jarmakī, 'Izzaddīn Aidemur ad-Dāwadār, 'Alāuddīn Ali son of Qarasonqor and Alamaddīn Sanjar ad-Denīsarī with a troop of soldiers employed by the treasury (''ajnād'') and the officers of the troops (''muqaddimī al-ḥalqah''). They were ordered to leave for Dongola in Nubia. They left on the first of Shawwal (29 December 1315 A.D.). (Ziada 1,1, pp. 145 - 146).

(The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir Mohammad Ibn Qalāwūn abolished) ... the customs duty on the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') and the inspection of the boats of the Nūba: (before it was abolished) a fixed customs due was levied on each slave, male or female, at the moment they entered the inns (''khānāt''). This was a very bad, squalid practice. (Ziada XX, 1, p. 152).

[Barshanbo, the Nubian]

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.) (the Sultan) decided to put on the throne Barshanbo (''Barshanbū'') the Nubian, who was the son of the sister of David king of the Nūba. He sent the emir 'Izzaddīn Aybek with an army to accompany him.

When Kerenbes, king of the Nūba, was informed of this, he sent the son of his sister, Kanz ad-Dawla son of Shujā'addīn Naṣr (...) b. Fakhreddin Malik b. al-Kanz to enquire from the Sultan about the matter. The Sultan put Kanz ad-Dawla in jail. The army arrived at Dongola, but Kerenbes, together with his brother Abrām, fled. They were, however, arrested and taken to Cairo, where they were put in prison.

'''[p. 693]''' 'Abdalla Barshanbo was enthroned king in Dongola and the army returned in the month of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 717 H. (July-August 1317 A.D.). Kanz ad-Dawla, who had been released from jail, marched on Dongola. He rallied his men and waged war against Barshanbo, who was abandoned and killed by his men and Kanz became king. When the Sultan was informed of that, he took Abrām out of prison and sent him to Nubia. He (Abrām) promised (the Sultan) to send him Kanz ad-Dawla in chains; then (the Sultan) freed his brother Kerenbes also. When Abrām arrived (at Dongola), Kanz ad-Dawla went out to meet him professing his loyalty; (Abrām) seized him (intending) to deport him (to Cairo). Abrām died three days after the arrest of Kanz, so the Nūba rallied around Kanz and recognized him as their king. (Ziada, II, 1, pp. 161 - 162).

[An Arab Raid on Aydhāb]<ref>Cf. Nuwayrī (q.v.).</ref>

In this year (716 H./1316 A.D.), the desert Arabs of Aydhāb (''ʿArab barrīyyat 'Aidhāb'') seized the messengers of the Lord of Yemen and a party of merchants, together with all they had with them. The Sultan sent an army of 500 horsemen under the command of the emir 'Alāuddīn Moghalṭāy, son of the emir of the Council (''amīr al-Majlis''), on the 20th of Shawwāl (4th January 1317 A.D.). They set out for Qos, leaving it at the beginning of Muḥarram of the year 717 H. (= March 1317 A.D.) heading for the desert of 'Aydhāb. They passed by Sawākin, then they came across a troop of nomads which are called the clan (''ḥayy'') of the ''Halbaka'' (another reading: ''al-kay Kīyyah of the Ḥabasha''),<ref>Cf. Nuwayri: "''Halanka''" (halenqa)</ref> who numbered about 2.000 men '''[p. 694]''' mounted on dromedaries and armed with lances (''ḥirāb'') and short javelins (''mazārīq'') ; they were accompanied by a multitude of people on foot, all naked. (The nomads) could not abide the rolling of the drums (''ṭūbūl''), nor could they stand the arrows (which were discharged at them): so they withdrew defeated after they had suffered heavy losses. Then the army marched towards the regions of al-Abwāb; later they proceeded to ''Dumqala'', and eventually they returned to Cairo on the 9th of Jumadā al-Akhira of the year 717 H. (= August 1317 A.D.), after they had been away for 8 months. (Ziada IX, 1, p. 162).

[Ambassadors to Cairo]

This year (716 H./1316 A.D.) eight ambassadors were at Cairo: viz. the ambassadors of ''Juban'', of Abū Sa'īd (i.e. Persia); of Uzbek, of Toghay, of the Lord of Barcelona (''Barshalūnā''), of the Lord of Istanbul, of the Lord of the Nūba (''ṣāhib an-nūba'')<ref>M.M. ZIada (p. 164) pointed out that the Nubia king in that year was Kanz al-Dawla and the purpose of the embassy was to obtaine from the Sultan recognition of Kanz as king of Nubia after has seized the power.</ref> and of the king of Kurj (Georgia): all of them were there to profess their loyalty. An event like this had never happened under the Turkish government (''ad-dawla at-turkīyyah'') in the past: the greatest number (of ambassadors) ever assembled at the time of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓahir (Baybars I.) was five ambassadors. (Ziada II, 1, pp. 163 - 164).

In the month of Hajab of the year 719 H. (August- September 1319 A.D.), news was received at the court that the Arabs had revolted at 'Aydhāb and had killed the Customs Inspector (''shādd'') residing in that town. The Sultan despatched the following emirs: al-Āqwash (al-Manṣūrī), the chief of the army, Muḥammad b. ash—Shams, '''[p. 695]''' 'Alī b. Qarāsonqor; Ṭaqṣubāy al-Ḥisāmī, Baybars al-Karīmī and Aqwash al-'utrays. He (then) rewarded Aqwash al-Manṣūrī by appointing him prefect of the Ṭubulkhānāt and gave in fief to him the frontier town of Aswan, but he had to reside at 'Aydhāb. (Ziada II, 1, p. 194).

[Kerenbes Finally Deposes from the Throne: Kanz King of Nubia 723 H./1323 A.D]

The first day of Dhu-l-Hijja (= 1 December 1323 A.D.) the emirs Alāuddīn 'Alī b. Karasonqor, Sayfaddīn Aidemur al-Kābikī, and Ṭaqṣubāy went out with 500 horsemen (in amount) (''ajnād al-ḥalqa'') to Nubia. Kerenbes (''Kurunbus'') accompanied them. They arrived at Dongola, where Kanz ad-Dawla had seized power. Kerenbes wrestled power from him and Kanz ad-Dawla fled. Kerenbes sat on his throne (''sarīr mulkī-hi''): then the Egyptian force returned. Kanz ad-Dawla, however, did not cease fighting Kerenbes, after the army had departed and eventually reigned over the country in place of Kerenbes. (Ziada II, 1, p. 250).

On the 3rd of Sha’bān (724 H./27 June 1324 A.D.), the cavalry which had been on an expedition to Nubia returned (to Egypt) after they had been away for eight months. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

In the month of Rajab (July 1325 A.D.), news was received that a windstorm in Upper Egypt, in the country of the Qammūla Arabs, had uprooted more than 4.000 palm-trees in one hour and had destroyed several places at Akhmim, Asiut and Aswan and in the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and that many people and cattle had died. (Ziada, ibid., p. 257).

[Ambassadors from Nubia - 1325 A.D.]

In this month (Muḥarram 725 H. = December 1324 - January 1325 A.D.) a number of ambassadors never seen before under the Turkish government assembled together at Cairo. They were: the ambassadors of the Lord of Yemen, of the Lord of Istanbul, and the ambassador of al-Ashkarī<ref>Lascaris</ref> those of the king of Sīs, those of Abū Sa'īd (Persia), those of Mardīn, those of Ibn Qurmān and the delegates of the king of Nubia (''malik an-Nūba''): all professed their loyalty. (Ziada, ibid., p. 259).

(741 H./1340 A.D.): The Sultan Nāṣir (Ibn Qalāwūn) also took interest in sheep breeding farms. He appointed some (of his) servants as husbandsmen to take care of them. Every year he sent the emir Aqboghā Abdel Wāḥid with a great number of the Sultan's own slaves (''mamālīk'') to inspect the sheep farms from Qos to Gīza and to bring (from the farms) the best specimen. He also sent (agents) to ’Aydhāb and to the country of the Nūba to import sheep. He had a enclosure (''ḥush'') built for them in the fortress of Moqaṭṭam and appointed to it some Christian farmers. (to take charge of it)<ref>"''Khuwala''" (managers). Taghribirdi adds that they were chosen among the Christian prisoners of war. (''Nujūm'', IX, 171).</ref>. He was so interested in breeding geese (''awizz'') and appointed a number of servant and girl-slaves to look after them. (Ziada, ibid., pp. 531 - 532).

Presents were sent to him (Ibn Qalawun) from the Kings of Maghrib, India, China, Ḥabasha, Takrūr, from the Nūba and the Turks, the Rūm and the Franks. (Ziada, ibid., p. 533).

On Tuesday, the first day of Muḥarram (749 H. = 1st April 1348 A.D.) news arrived that Ismā'īl al-Wāfidī, '''[p. 697]''' the wālī of Qos, who had fled from this town, had been slain. He had gathered a number of ''Wāfidīyyah'' with the intention of seizing the kingdom (of the ''Sūdān''); but they (the Sūdān) fought against him, killed him as well as all his men and took much money. (Ziada, ibid., p. 574).

[Brigandage and Repression in Upper Egypt]

In this year (752 H./1351 A.D.), the news was received that the emir Ezdemur the Blind (''al-a'mā''), the ''Kāshif'', organised the emirs who were in various districts near him and set out (to war) by night, together with the emir Ainebek. He took the nomads of the 'Arak tribe by surprise at dawn and killed a number of them while the remainder sought refuge on a mountain side. Afterwards he returned and made contact with the Banī Hilāl, who were enemies of the 'Arak. A great number of Banī Hilāl and other (nomads) rallied round him. The emir Ezdemur wrote to the Awlād Kanz to guard the routes against the 'Arak. He left for the mountain, taking with him the emir Fārisaddīn and the emir Esendemur, the governor of Atfih. Al-Ahdab [the chief of the 'Arak] went out with a great multitude against him, but could not resist his attack and was forced to withdraw, because of the many arrows that were discharged: he abandoned his provisions and his women (on the battlefield). The emir Ezdemur then exclaimed: - "You, Beni Hilal! down with your enemies (''dawbakom a'dā'akom'')!" The Beni Hilal fell on their enemies, killing and plundering cattle, grain, flour, goat-skins and water-skins; they (also) seized their women so that the hands of the Beni Hilal and of the soldiers were full of booty.

He (Ezdemur) then wrote to the Sultan (Ṣāliḥ, son of Nāṣir Ibn Qālāwun) telling him that the lands had begun '''[p. 693]''' to turn green, that the rebellious nomads had made their submission and that the population had become sedentary. The Sultan and the emirs were very pleased (at the news) and he (the Sultan) awarded the ''Kāshif'' and all the emirs a robe of honour. (Ziada II, 3).

From: Sulūk, vol. VII:<ref>The following passages from Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk'' (vols. VII-X) have ben taken from Mus'ad ''Al-Maktaba'' (pp. 346-354), because the last part of ''Sulūk'' edited by M. Mustafa Ziada was not yet published when the passages below were included in the present collection. Dr. Mus'ad edited extracts on Nubia from three Cairo MSS of Maqrīzī's ''Sulūk''.</ref>

(In the year 767 H./1365/66 A.D.) news was received that great disturbances had been caused by the Awlād Kanz and the clan (''ṭā'ifa'') of the ''ʿAkārima''<ref>The 'Akarima were a clan of an Arab tribe in Egypt, who migrated from Manfalūt to Nubia. The time of their migration is not known.</ref> at Aswan and Sawākin. By cutting the road they prevented merchants and other travellers from travelling and had also stolen people's property. Moreover, the Awlād Kanz had occupied the frontier town of Aswan, the 'Aydhāb desert (''ṣaḥrā'') and the desert (''barriyya'') of the Interior Oases (''al-wāḥāt ad-dākhiliyya''). They had married the daughters of the kings of Nubia as well as those of the emirs of the 'Akārima, thereby increasing their power considerably.

After a time, Rukn ad-dīn Kerenbes (Kirinbis),<ref>Thus spelt in ''Al-Maktaba''.</ref> one of the Nuba chieftains (''min umarā' an-nūba''), arrived (at the Court), accompanied by al-Ḥājj Yāqūt, the drogman of the Nūba, and Arjūn Mulūk Fāris ad-dīn, with a letter from the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Dumqula. In the letter (the Regent reported that) his sister's son (''ibn ukhtihi'') had broken the oath of loyalty and had marched on Dunqula with the help of the Banī Ja'd<ref>An Arab clan dwelling near Atfīh.</ref> Arabs. A '''[p. 699]''' fierce battle was fought (at Dongola) in which the king (''al-malik'') was killed and his man were defeated.

They, however, chose the brother of the late king to take over the kingdom, after which they withdrew to Daw, between Dumqula and Aswan, to maintain resistance. The son of the sister of the late king occupied Dumqula, sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') and held a banquet (walīma) in honour of all the emirs of the Banī Ja'd and their nobles. At the same time he appointed some of his trusted men to lay an ambush with the object of murdering them (Banī Ja'd). He ordered the houses near the Guests' House should all be cleared (of their occupants) and be filled with fuel/wood (''ḥaṭab''). After the banquet was over and guests had become drunk, a group of his men rose up brandishing their weapons and stood at the gate of the Guests' House, while others lighted the wood. As the flames rose, the Arab Bedouins (''ʿurbān'') rushed to the exit to escape, but the natives fell upon them and killed nineteen emirs together with a number of their chief men. Then the nephew (of the late king) mounted the horses and attacked the army (''ʿaskar'') of the Bedouins and killed a many more. The remainder (of the Arabs) took flight and the king seized all their property. From the stores of Dumqula he carried away all the goods (''dhakha'ir'') and other property (''amwāl'') he found, he left the town depopulated and fled to Daw. There he became reconciled with the Regent (''mutamallik''), on condition that he was appointed his ''nā'ib'' while the kingdom should remain in the hands of the Lord of Daw. Both of them asked the Sultan (''al-malik al-Ashraf Sha'bān'') to help them against the Arabs in order that they [viz. the mutamallik and his nā'ib] might recapture their kingdom. They undertook to bring a tribute (''māl'') to Egypt, every year. The Sultan despatched a force '''[p. 700}''' (led by) the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī, the chief ''hājib'', to whom he added the emir ''al-Jāy'' who was one of the "Commandants of Thousand" (''umarā' al-ulūf'') and ten "Commandants of Ten" (''umarā' 'asharāt''), eight Commandants of Tubulkhānāt, among whom the emir Khalīl b. Qawsūn, Esendemer Marnūsh al-hājib, Mankutemer the Jashinkār, Duqmāq b. Tughnajī, Mankutemer, the Inspector (''shādd"") of the Palace, the emir Musā b. Qurmān, the emir Muḥammad b. Ṣirtaqṭāy with a company of the Sultan's own ''mamālīk''. On 16th Rabī' al-Awwal (1 December 1365 A.D.), they began making preparations for the expedition; on 24th of the same month (8 December 1365 A.D.) they left in number of 3.000 cavalry. They halted at Qos for six days, during which time they summoned the emirs of the Awlad Kanz (to come to Qos) to renew their allegiance, also threatening them with the bad consequences that might derive from their disobedience; then they gave them safe-conduct. They moved from Qos (towards Nubia) and, on the road (''ʿaqaba'') of Edfu the emirs of the Kunūz came to express their loyalty. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī bestowed on them robes of honour and honoured them in many ways, then he proceeded together with them to the frontier town of Aswan. He campted outside the town in the open plain (''barr'') on the west bank for 14 days. During this time the boats of the expedition were unloaded, and the cargoes which consisted of weapons and other things, were carried overland past the Cataract to the village of Bilāq. After the transport of arms, grain and other equipment was completed, the boats had passed the cataract; those which had suffered damages during the crossing of the cataract had been repaired and all arrived beyond the cataract, the loads were taken on board again to the boats and they sailed down the Nile. The army, too, moved into Nubia marching on the bank, parallel to the fleet, for one day.

'''[p. 701]''' Suddenly, messengers of the Regent of Nubia were seen on this way, to meet the army they informed (the emir) that the Arab had come to Daw and had besieged the king, the emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī chose a company of cavalry and hastened towards Daw, leaving the remainder of the army with the equipment. He went at full speed and when he arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm (''qal'at Ibrīm'') he spent the night there. He held meetings with the king of the Nuba, the 'Akārima Arabs and the remainder of the Awlād Kanz. In the meantime the rest of the army arrived. He made a plan with the king of Nubia to capture the Awlad Kanz and the emirs of the 'Akārima, and was able to seize them all. Then the Regent of Nubia immediately set out with a detachment of ''mamālīk'' marching on the east bank until (he reached) the island of Mikā’īl where the 'Akarima had made their headquarters. The emir Khalil b. Qawsun marched on the west bank with another company: the two of them laid siege to the island of Mikā'īl at sunrise and took prisoner all those who were there. The besiegers killed some of them with arrows and napht fire. Some managed to escape; a few of them fled to safety, others remained cut off on the islets of the (Second) Cataract and the majority drowned. Ibn Qawṣūn took the women and children, the prisoners and spoils to the emir Aqtemer; some of the prisoners were divided among the emirs, some were set free and some others were chosen to be presented to the Sultan. An agreement was signed, under which the seat (''kursī'') of the king of Nubia would be in the fortress (''qal'a'') of Daw, because Dumqula was in ruins, as mentioned above, and also because it was feared that the Banī Ja'd would attack again and capture the king if he settled at Dumqula. The emir Aqtemer 'Abd al-Ghānī wrote a letter in which he pointed out that the king of Nubia had agreed to establish himself in the fortress of '''[p. 702]''' Daw and had declared that he no longer needed (Egyptian) help, and therefore he had consented to the return of the army to Egypt. Then he (Aqtemer) bestowed on him the robe of honour given by the Sultan and established him on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlaka'') in the fortress of Daw. His nephew took up residence in the fortress of Ibrim.

After all these affairs were concluded, the king of Nubia sent a gift to the Sultan and one to the emir Yalbogha al-Atābek, (both gifts) consisting of horses, camels, slaves and other (valuable) objects (''tuḥaf''). The array went back taking with it in irons the emirs of the Kanz family and the emirs of the 'Akārima. They stayed at Aswan for seven days, during which time it was announced that anyone who had any claims against the Awlād Kanz might raise them with impunity. Many accusations were levelled against them. Therefore, some of their slaves (''ʿabīdihim'') were seized and cut in half.

The army left Aswan for Cairo. They arrived on 2nd Rajab (13 March 1366 A.D.) with the prisoners. They presented the prisoners to the Sultan who had them led to prison in irons. The emir 'Abd al-Ghānī received a robe of honour, and the gift (of the Nubian king) was accepted by the Sultan.

In the year 767 H. (1365/66 A.D.), [al-Ashraf Sha'bān] the Sultan appointed a new wālī to Aswan in the fief which had traditionally belonged to the Awlād Kanz - and this was a decision without precedent. He assigned that fief to the emir al-Ḥisām, known under the nickname of "Black Blood" (''ad-dam al-aswad''), and handed over to him those Awlād al-Kanz who were detained in Cairo. The emir sent to Qos taking the prisoners with him. At Qos, he had them all nailed (''sammara-hum'') (to the pillory ?); then he went on his way with them still nailed (''musammarīn'') from Qos to Aswan, where he had them sawn in half (''wassata-hum'').

'''[p. 703]''' That gesture shocked the children and the slaves (of the Kanz family), who, in agreement with the 'Akārima, marched on Aswan. "Black Blood" met them and fought them, but they defeated him and wounded some of his mamālīk soldiers. Then they (Kanz and ’Akārima) fell on the inhabitants of Aswan, killed some and plundered and destroyed their houses setting fire to them until they annihilated a great number of the Aswan citizens, seized their women and did in Aswan what the Franks had done in Alexandria.

From: "Sulūk", vol. VIII:

In the year 780 H. (1378 A.D.), the emir Qurṭ, the governor (''mutawallī'') of the frontier town of Aswan, sent to Cairo (as a present) eleven heads (he had beheaded) of the Awlād Kanz and two hundred of their men in irons. The heads were hung at Bab Zuwayla, an event never seen before.

On 11th Muḥarram (781 H. = 30 April 1379 A.D.) Ghulām Allah, the son of the ''Muhtār at-Tashtkhānāt'' (Chief of the Sultan's Laundry) was arrested (a second time) after he had been released and restored to the office of ''Khizana Shamāyel''<ref>The office of one Shamāyel, a Syrian, who, under Sultan al-Kāmil (1218 A.D.) was promoted to high offices in the Sultanian court.</ref>. The reason for his arrest was that the emir Qurṭ of Aswan had discovered a consignment of swords, bearing the name "Ghulām Allah" engraved on the swords, addressed to the Awlād al-Kanz. The emir brought the swords with him when he came (to Cairo). On the 17th day (6 May), two men of the Awlād al-Kanz were pilloried (''summira'') and paraded around in Cairo and Fusṭaṭ and finally cut in half. This action, however, weakened the prestige of the government, because extreme severity and exaggerated arrogance on the part of the government '''[p. 704]''' (''dawla'') encouraged the Awlād Kanz to break their loyalty and take up arms so that the government lost control over Aswan and the town suffered total destruction.

In the year 731 H. (1385 A.D.), a report was received at the court, informing that the Awlād al-Kanz had attacked the town of Aswan and killed the majority of the population, carried off the citizens and the wall took to flight. Then Ḥusayn b. Qurṭ b. 'Umar, the Turkumānī, was invested (with the governorship of Aswan) and settled there. (On that occasion) an order was issued for the ''Kāshif'' and Ibn Māzan to accompany him thither.

From: "Suluk", vol. X:

In this month (Rajab 798 Η. = April 1396 A.D.), the Aḥāmida, who were a branch of the Arabs of Upper Egypt, together with a group of Hawwāra, marched against Ibn 'Arīb (''ʿUrayb''), the wali of Aswan, and made an alliance with the Awlād al-Kanz. Ḥusayn, the father-in-law of Abū Daraqa, fled before them, and they plundered his house and all that was found in the town (''balad''). The (men of the) mail service, directed by Omar b. Elyās, the ''nā'ib'' of the southern provinces, (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') went out to pursue them. Omar Ibn ' Abd al-'Azīz marched (against him) with a party of Hawwara, and Omar b. Elyās, being unable to beat them, returned home without achieving any result.

On the 2nd (of Muḥarram of the year 800 H. = 25 September 1397 A.D.), Nāṣir, the Regent (''mutamallik'') of Nubia arrived fleeing from his cousin (''ibn 'ammi-hi''). The Sultan (''aẓ-Ẓāhir Barqūq'') honoured him and bestowed on him a robe of honour and restored aṣ-Ṣārim Ibrāhīm ash-shahabī to the office of wālī of Aswan and Nāṣir ad-dīn helped him (Ṣārim) (to regain Aswan). (Mus'ad, pp. 346-354).

<references/>

Guide to the Texts

2015-12-04T16:37:51Z

Seignobos:

==A Guide to the Texts of Medieval Nubia==
 By Grzegorz Ochała and Giovanni R. Ruffini This document proposes a set of citation standards for textual evidence from medieval Nubia.  It is intended to supersede the ad hoc arrangements used in earlier works on the period, and generally follows the model for the documentary papyri from Greco-Roman Egypt presented in the ''Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets ''([http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html]). It provides: (1) individual abbreviations for every monograph or substantial collection of published texts; (2) a bibliography collecting all texts published in isolated journal articles or book chapters; and (3) a forthcoming site-by-site guide to the unpublished texts.

Last update: 5 June 2015.

==Part I: Monographs and Collections==
'''''Inscriptions''''' 
'''Bull. épigr. 1966''' 
Robert, L. – Robert, J., ''Bulletin épigraphique'' 1966. 
'''CIG IV''' 
E. Curtius – A. Kirchhoff, ''Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum'', Berlin 1856–9. 
'''I.Faras Greek''' 
Kubińska, Jadwiga, ''Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes'' [= ''Faras'' IV], Warsaw 1974. 
'''I.Faras Copt.''' 
Jakobielski, S., ''A History of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the Basis of Coptic Inscriptions'' [= ''Faras'' III], Warsaw 1972. 
'''I.Firth.''' 
Firth, C. M., "Appendix II: Catalogue of the Greek gravestones of the Christian period from Ginari, Cemetery 55", [in:] idem, ''The Archaeological Survey of Nubia, Report for 1908-1909'', I, Cairo 1912. 
'''I.Fitz.''' 
Martin, G. T., ''Stelae from Egypt and Nubia in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, c. 3000 BC-AD 1150'', Cambridge 2005. 
'''I.Khartoum Copt.''' 
van der Vliet, J., ''Catalogue of the Coptic Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Copt.)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 121], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khartoum Greek''' 
Łajtar, A., ''Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Greek)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 122], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khor.''' 
Oman, G. – Grassi, V. – Trombetta, A., ''The Book of Khor Nubt. Epigraphic Evidence of an Islamic-Arabic Settlement in Nubia (Sudan) in the III–IV centuries A.H./X–XI A.D.'' part I: ''Preliminaries and transcription of the texts'', part II: ''The photographs'', Naples 1998. 
'''I. Lefebvre''' 
Lefebvre, G., ''Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'', Cairo 1907. 
'''I. Louvre Greek''' 
Bernand, É., ''Inscriptions grecques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre'', Paris 1992. 
'''I.Mina.''' 
Mina, T., ''Inscriptions coptes et greques de Nubie'', Cairo 1942. 
'''I.Pern.''' 
Pernigotti, S., "Stele cristiane da Sakinya nel Museo di Torino", ''Oriens Antiquus'' 14 (1975), pp. 21-55. 
'''[[:Category:I.QI|I.QI]] ''' 
Łajtar, A. – van der Vliet, J., ''Qasr Ibrim. The Greek and Coptic Inscriptions Published on Behalf of the Egypt Exploration Society'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 13], Warsaw 2010. 
'''I.Sak.''' 
Monneret de Villard, U., ''Le iscrizioni del Cimitero di Sakinya (Nubia)'', Cairo 1933. 
'''I.Tib.''' 
Tibiletti Bruno, Maria Grazia, ''Iscrizioni Nubiane'', Pavia 1964. 
'''I. Varsovie Greek''' 
Łajtar, A. – Twardecki, A., ''Catalogue des inscriptions grecques du Musée National de Varsovie'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 2], Warsaw 2003. 
'''RCEA''' 
Combe, Ét. – Sauvaget, J. – Wiet, G. (eds.), ''Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe'' III, Cairo 1932; V, Cairo 1934; VI, Cairo 1935; VII, Cairo 1936; VIII, Cairo 1937; IX, Cairo 1937; X, Cairo 1939. 
'''SEG''' 
''Supplementum epigraphicum graecum'', ed. J. J. E. Hondius ''et alii'', Leiden 1924 ff. 
'''[[WN]]''' 
A commonly used abbreviation to refer to the Wadi Natrun plate published in Griffith 1928b and van Gerven Oei 2011 below.

 '''''Papyri, Parchment, Paper, Etc.''''' 
'''P.QI I''' 
Plumley, J.M. – Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' I [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 9], London 1988. 
'''P.QI 2''' 
Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' II [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 10], London 1989. 
'''P.QI 3''' 
Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' III [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 12], London 1991. 
'''P.QI 4''' 
Ruffini, Giovanni R., ''The Bishop, the Eparch and the King: Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' IV [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 22], Warsaw 2014. 
'''P.QI.Tim.''' 
Plumley, J. M., ''The Scrolls of Bishop Timotheos. Two Documents from Medieval Nubia'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 1], London 1975. 

'''''Reference Guides''''' 
'''CSBE''''''2''' 
Bagnall, R. S. – Worp, K. A., ''Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt'', Leiden – Boston 2004 (2nd ed.). 
'''CSCN''' 
Ochała, G., ''Chronological Systems of Christian Nubia'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 16], Warsaw 2011. 
'''NubBL''' 
Ochała, G. - Ruffini, G., "Nubische Berichtigungsliste," ''Dotawo'' 2 (2015): 291-303. 
'''DACL''' 
Cabrol, F. – Leclerq, H., ''Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie'', Paris 1907–1953. 

'''''Online Resources''''' 
'''TEI''' 
''Thesaurus d’épigraphie islamique'', <http://www.epigraphie-islamique.org>. 

==Part II: Bibliography of Remaining Publications==

Adams, W. Y., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Archaeological survey of Sudanese Nubia: The Christian potteries at Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 9, pp. 30–43.

–––––– 1964, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations in Nubia – 4th Season, 1962–63<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 12, pp. 216–48.

–––––– 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations at Meinarti, 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 148–76.

–––––– 1970, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The University of Kentucky excavations at Kulubnarti, 1969<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 141–52, figs. 7–9, ils. 120–1.

–––––– 1979, 'The «Library» of Qasr Ibrim', ''The Kentucky Review'' 1, pp. 5–27.

–––––– 1994, ''Kulubnarti'' I: ''The Architectural Remains'', Lexington, KY.

–––––– 1996, ''Qasr Ibrîm. The Late Mediaeval Period'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 59<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2000, ''Meinarti'' I: ''Late Meroitic, Ballaña and Transitional Occupation'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 5; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 895], London.

–––––– 2001, ''Meinarti'' II: ''The Early and Classic Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 6; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 966], London.

–––––– 2002, ''Meinarti'' III: ''The Late and Terminal Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 9; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1072], London.

–––––– 2003, ''Meinarti'' IV: ''The Church and the Cemetery. Meinarti''; V: ''The History of Meinarti: an Interpretive Overview'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 11; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1178], London.

–––––– 2005, ''The West Bank Survey from Faras to Gemai 3: Sites of Christian Age'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 14<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Earlier Medieval Period'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 89], London.

Adams, W. Y. – N. K. Adams, 1998, ''Kulubnarti'' II: ''The Artifactual Remains'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 2], London.

Adams, W. Y. – J. A. Alexander – R. Allen, 1983, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1980 and 1982<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 69, pp. 43–60.

Adams, W. Y. - R. C. Allen - R. D. Anderson - E. Crowfoot - P. G. French - P. M. Gartkiewicz, 1979, 'Qasr Ibrim 1978', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41, pls. IV–VI.

Aldred, C., 1978, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The temple of Dendur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin'' 36/1.

Aldsworth, F., 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Cathedral Curch'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 97], London.

Almagro, M. – E. Rippol – L. A. Monreal, 1964, ''Las necrópolis de Masmás, Alto Egipto (Campaña de 1963)'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Memorias de la Misión Arqueológica Española en Nubia'' 3<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Madrid.

Almagro, M. ''et alii'', 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Excavations by the Spanish Archaeological Mission in the Sudan, 1962–63 and 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 78–95.

Altheim, F. – Ruth Stiehl, 1971, ''Christentum am Roten Meer'' I, Berlin – New York.

Amenta, Alessia, 2012, 'Il contributo del Vaticano allo scavo di Sonqi Tino (with the appendix: U. Santamaria – F. Morresi – F. Castro, 'Prime note sulle analisi per immagini eseguite sulla pittura Vaticana da Sonqi Tino')', ''Scienze dell'Antichita'' 18, pp. 537–552, figs. 1–7.

Anderson, Julie R., 1999, 'Monastic lifestyles of the Nubian desert: Seeking the mysterious monks of Makuria’, ''Sudan & Nubia'' 3, pp. 71–83.

Anderson, R. D., 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 2–4.

Anderson, R. D. – W. Y. Adams ''et alii'', 1979, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1978<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41.

Anonymous, 1963, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Further note on Christian Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Archaeology'' 16, p. 59.

Anonymous, 1990, 'Editorial foreword', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 76, pp. VII–XII.

Arkell, A. J., 1949, ''Early Khartoum: An Account of the Excavations of an Early Occupation Site Carried Out by the Sudan Government Antiquities Service in 1944-1945'', London.

–––––– 1951, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian inscription from Kordofan<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''American Journal of Archaeology'' 55/4, pp. 353–4.

–––––– 1959, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Christian church and monastery at Ain Farah, Darfur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 7, pp. 115–19.

Bagińska, Dobiesława, 2008a, 'Christian pottery from Old Dongola (Kom H)', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 361–75.

–––––– 2008b, 'Pottery from Banganarti. Season 2006', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 410–25.

Bagnall, R. S. – A. Łajtar, 1994, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81 once again<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 24, pp. 11–12.

Bagnall, R. S. – K. A. Worp, 1980, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, IV<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 5–18.

–––––– 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, VIII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 33–54.

–––––– 1986, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Dating by the moon in Nubian inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 61, pp. 347–57.

Baillet, J., 1888, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sur plusieurs textes grecs récemment découverts, relatifs à l<nowiki>’</nowiki>histoire des Blémyes<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Comptes Rendus des Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres'' 16, pp. 326–36.

–––––– 1926, ''Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des rois ou syringes à Thèbes'' [= ''Mémoires publiés par les membres de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire'' 42], Cairo.

Baldassare, I., 1967, 'Le pitture', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell’Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 39–60.

Barguet, P. – M. Dewachter, 1967, ''Le temple d'Amada'', Cairo 1967.

Barns, J. W. B., 1954, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian monuments from Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 2, pp. 26–32.

–––––– 1974, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A text of the ''Benedicte'' in Greek and Old Nubian from Kasr el-Wizz<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology ''60, pp. 206–11.

Barth, H., 1850, 'Auf Reisen durch die Küstenlandschaften des Mittelmeeres gesammelte Inschriften', ''Rheinisches Museum für Philologie'' 7, pp. 242–70.

Baumeister, Th., 1982, 'Jenseitsvorstellungen in der alten Georglegende', in: ''Jenseitsvorstellungen in Antike und Christentum, Gedenkschrift für Alfred Stuiber'' [= ''Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, ErgänzungsBand 9], Münster, pp. 176–87.

Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne, 2000, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Anmerkungen zu den altnubischen Texten aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 15–26.

–––––– 2009, '5. Die altnobiin-nubische Schrift', in: Anja Kootz – Helma Pasch (eds.), ''5000 Jahre Schrift in Afrika: Entstehung – Funktionen – Wechsel. Begleitband zur Ausstellung in der Universitäts- und Staatsbibliothek Köln vom 7. November 2008 bis 8. Januar 2009'', Cologne, pp. 29–34, figs. 15–16.

Benigni, U., 1899, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Litaniae defunctorum copticae<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bessarione'' 6, pp. 106–21.

Bietak, M. – M. Schwarz, 1987, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 191<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1998, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' II <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 255<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna

Bingen, J., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Un roitelet chrétien des Nobades au vie siècle<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 36, pp. 431–3.

Birch, S., 1841, 'Unedited Graeco-Egyptian inscriptions', ''The Gentleman<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Magazine'' 16, pp. 366–9.

Blackman, A. M., 1911, ''The Temple of Dendur'', Cairo.

Boeser, P. A. A., 1915, ''Beschrijving van de Egyptische verzameling in het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden'', 7: ''De monumenten van den Saïtischen, Grieks-Romeinschen, en Koptischen tijd'', The Hague.

Bond, E. A. – E. M. Thompson – G. F. Warner (eds.), 1884–94, ''The Palaeographical Society. Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions'', second series, London.

Bonnet, C., 1991, 'Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan)', ''Genava'' 39, pp. 5–20, figs. 1–17.

Botti, G., 1863, ''Notice des monuments exposés au Musée Greco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexadria.

–––––– 1901, ''Catalogue des monuments exposés au Musée Gréco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexandia.

Bouriant, U., 1894, in: J. de Morgan ''et alii'', ''Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte antique'', 1, Vienna.

–––––– 1900, ’Trois tables horaires coptes’, ''Mémoires présentés à l'Institut égyptien'' 3, pp. 575-604.

Boyaval, B., 1966, ’21 documents inédits de la collection Despoina Michælidès’, ''Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale'' 64, pp. 75–93.

–––––– 1967, 'Rapport sur la première partie des fouilles executées à Naga' eš-Šeima et Naga' el-'Oqba', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1961–1963)'', Cairo, pp. 29–33, pls. I–III.

–––––– 1970, 'Le prologue du Misoumenos de Ménandre et quelques autres papyrus grecs inédit de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire', ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 6, pp. 1–33, pls. 1–4.

–––––– 1972, ’Une stele grecque inedite de l’ile de Sai’, ''Revue d’Égyptologie ''24, pp. 20–4.

–––––– 1976a, ’SB 7190’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 20, p. 23.

–––––– 1976b, ’SB 3897’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 42, pl. 1a.

–––––– 1976c, ’SB 3896’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 62, pl. 1b, c.

Brakmann, H., 2006, '«Defunctus adhuc loquitur». Gottesdienst und Gebetsliteratur der untergegangenen Kirche in Nubien', ''Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft'' 48, pp. 283-333.

Bresciani, Edda, 1967, 'Le chiese', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell<nowiki>’</nowiki>Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 27–37.

Browne, C. S., 2004, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Tatianus Nubianus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. M. Bay (ed.), ''Studia paleophilologica: Professoris G.M. Browne in honorem oblata'', Champaign, IL 2004, pp. 93–8.

Browne, G. M., 1980a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A new text in Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik ''37, pp. 173–8.

–––––– 1980b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (I)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 2, pp. 16–33.

–––––– 1980c, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VI–VII)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 129–41.

–––––– 1981a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Nilo-Saharan: Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistic Colloquium, Leiden, September 8–10, 1980'', Dordrecht, pp. 145–50.

–––––– 1981b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian fragment of Revelation<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 20, pp. 73–82.

–––––– 1981c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Mark 11.6–11<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 44, pp. 151–66.

–––––– 1981d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 9–19.

–––––– 1981e, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VIII–X)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 55–67.

–––––– 1982a, ''Griffith’s Old Nubian Lectionary'' [= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 8], Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1982b, ’A fragment of Pseudo-Chrysostom from Qasr Ibrim’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 1–10.

–––––– 1982c, ’Notes on Griffith’s Old Nubian lectionary’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 11–13.

–––––– 1983a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 53, pp. 259–60.

–––––– 1983b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Miracle of St. Menas<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 23–37.

–––––– 1983c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Nicene Canons<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 97–112.

–––––– 1983d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 2–4.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Stauros-Text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 22, pp. 75–119.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lexicon in Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 5–63.

–––––– 1984a, ''Chrysostomus Nubianus: An Old Nubian Version of Ps. Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 10<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1984b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (I–III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 6, pp. 26–36.

–––––– 1985a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian philology<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 60, pp. 291–6.

–––––– 1985b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (IV–V)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 1–5.

–––––– 1985c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 14–29.

–––––– 1986a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New light on Old Nubian: The Serra East codex<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Krause (ed.), ''Nubische Studien. Tagungsakten der 5. internationalen Konferenz der International Society for Nubian Studies, Heidelberg, 22.–25. September 1982'', Mainz, pp. 219–22.

–––––– 1986b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Mark<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 66, pp. 49–52.

–––––– 1987a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary: The revision revised<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 24, pp. 75–92.

–––––– 1987b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts from Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie'' 28, pp. 76–86.

–––––– 1988a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Revision of the Old Nubian Version of the ''Institutio Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung ''3, pp. 17–24.

–––––– 1988b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Ps.-Chrysostom, ''In quattuor animalia''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 15, pp. 215–19, pl. 1.

–––––– 1988c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 57, pp. 210–11.

–––––– 1989a, ''Literary Texts in Old Nubian'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 5<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1989b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The protocol of Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 16, pp. 216–19.

–––––– 1989c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (VI–IX)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 4, pp. 63–74.

–––––– 1989d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 77, pp. 293–6.

–––––– 1989e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>,'' Nubian Letters'' 12, pp. 4–5.

–––––– 1990a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the ''Liber Institutionis Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 75–9.

–––––– 1990b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Coptico-Nubiana: A Coptic Vorlage for an Old Nubian text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal of Coptic Studies ''1, pp. 137–9.

–––––– 1990c, 'Ad Ps.-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem I''', ''Orientalia'' 59, pp. 521–3.

–––––– 1991, 'Old Nubian studies: Past, present and future', in: W.V. Davies (ed.), ''Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam'', London, pp. 286–93.

–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 61, pp. 454–8.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (X)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 5, pp. 31–7.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian literature<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: Ch. Bonnet (ed.), ''Études Nubiennes. Conférence de Genève, Actes du VII''''e'' ''Congrès international d<nowiki>’</nowiki>études nubiennes, 3–8 septembre 1990'', I: ''Communications principales'', Geneva, pp. 379–87.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''50 Years of Polish Excavations in Egypt and the Near East: Acts of the Symposium at the Warsaw University, 1986'', Warsaw, pp. 74–7.

–––––– 1993, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A papyrus document in Coptic and Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 29–32.

–––––– 1994a, ''The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1994b, ''Bibliorum Sacrorum versio paleonubiana'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium ''547, Subsidia 87<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven.

–––––– 1994c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A survey of Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Nubian Letters'' 21, pp. 7–10.

–––––– 1994d, ‘Ad Ps-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem'' II’, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 93–7.

–––––– 1994e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 257–9.

–––––– 1995a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia ''64, pp. 450–9.

–––––– 1995b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Old Nubian translation of Galatians 3:27<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 108, pp. 239–41.

–––––– 1995c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian graffito 4<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Ttravaux'' 17,'' ''pp. 17–21.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Bishop Martyrophoros<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 111, pp. 187–8.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lachmannus et Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 109, pp. 261–6.

–––––– 1996c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ps.-Chrysostom, ''In venerabilem crucem sermo'': The Greek Vorlage of the Old Nubian version<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 6, pp. 5–13.

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Krauspe, Renate (ed.), 1997, ''Das Ägyptische Museum der Universität Leipzig'', Mainz am Rhein.

Kropp, A. M., 1931, ''Ausgewählte koptische Zaubertexte'', Brussels.

Kubińska, Jadwiga, 1975, 'La prière nubienne pour les morts et la question de son origine', in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 83–4.

–––––– 1976a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>L<nowiki>’</nowiki>ange Litakskuel en Nubie<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 89, pp. 451–5.

–––––– 1976b, ‘Prothesis de la Cathédrale de Faras: Documents et recherches’, ''Revue des Archéologues et Historiens d’Art de Louvain'' 9, pp. 7–37.

–––––– 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Une pierre funéraire chrétienne au Musée National de Varsovie<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Revue Archéologique'' 1981, pp. 74–6.

–––––– 1990, 'Inscription scolaire sur les murs de la Cathédrale de Faras', ''Études et travaux'' 15, pp. 226–9, fig. 1.

Kuhn, K. H. – W. J. Tait, 1991, 'Two leaves from a codex from Qasr Ibrim', The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 77, pp. 145–149, pls. 13–14.

Laisney, V. P.-M., 2012, 'Les inscriptions grecques et nubiennes de l'église de Sonqi Tino', ''Scienze dell'Antichita'' 18, pp. 601–13, figs. 1–12.

van Lantschoot, A., 1929, ''Recueil des colophons des manuscrits chrétiens d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'', I: ''Les colophons Coptes des manuscrits Sahidiques'', fascicule 1: ''Textes'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliothèque du Muséon'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven, nos. CXXI–CXXII, pp. 216–20, commentary on pp. 85–9.

Layton, B., 1987, ''Catalogue of Coptic Literary Manuscripts in the British Library Acquired since the Year 1906'', London, no. 80, pp. 84–5; no. 83, pp. 89–90.

Le Blant, E.-F., 1869, ''Manuel d<nowiki>’</nowiki>épigraphie chrétienne'', Paris.

Leclant, J., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte, 1957–1960 (deuxième partie)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 30, pp. 176–99.

–––––– 1963, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1961–1962, part II: Fouilles au Soudan et découvertes hors d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 32, pp. 184–219.

–––––– 1964, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1962–1963<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 33, pp. 337–404.

–––––– 1965, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1963–1964’, ''Orientalia'' 34, pp. 175–232, pls. XXV–LIII.

–––––– 1967, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1965–1966’, ''Orientalia'' 36, pp. 181–227, pls. XXIV–LVI.

–––––– 1968, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1966–1967’, ''Orientalia'' 34, pp. 94–140, pls. X–XXXVI.

–––––– 1969, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1967–1968<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 38, pp. 240–303.

–––––– 1975, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1973–1974’, ''Orientalia'' 44, pp. 200–244, pls. XI–XXVIII.

–––––– 1979, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1977–1978’, ''Orientalia'' 48, pp. 340–412, pls. II–XXVII.

Leclant, J. – Gisèle Clerc, 1986, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1984–1985’, ''Orientalia'' 55, pp. 236–319, pls. VIII–LXVII.

–––––– 1990, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1988–1989’, ''Orientalia'' 59, pp. 335–439, pls. XVIII–LXXXIX.

–––––– 1991, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1989–1990’, ''Orientalia'' 60, pp. 159–273, pls. XXVII–CIV.

–––––– 1998, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1996–1997’, ''Orientalia'' 67, pp. 315–444, pls. XII–XLVII.

Leclant, J. – G. Soukiassian, 1982 'L’église de Nilwa à Sedeinga', in: J. M. Plumley (ed.), ''Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Selwyn College, Cambridge, 1978'', Cambridge, pp. 155–8, figs. 1–6.

Leemans, C., 1840, ''Description raisonnée des monumens <nowiki>[</nowiki>sic<nowiki>]</nowiki> égyptiens du Musée d<nowiki>’</nowiki>antiquités des Pays-Bas, à Leide'', Leiden.

Lefebvre, G., 1902, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions grecques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin de correspondence hellénique'' 26, pp. 440–66.

–––––– 1909–10, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte chrétienne II<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Annales du Service des Antiquités de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 10, pp. 50–65.

Legh, T., 1816, ''Narrative of a Journey in Egypt and the Country beyond the Cataracts'', London.

Lepsius, C. R., 1849–59, ''Denkmæler aus Ægypten und Æthiopien'', Berlin.

Lethmayer, Beate – M. Zach, 1986, 'Bemerkungen zu einigen Graffiti auf der Keramik von Wadi el Ghazali', ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 1, pp. 141–8, figs. 1–16.

Letronne, A. J., 1822, 'Inscriptions', in: Gau 1822, pp. 27–9.

–––––– 1823, ’Mémoire sur une table horaire récemment découverte dans le temple égyptien de Taphis’, ''Nouvelles annales des voyages, de la géographie et de l'histoire'' 17, pp. 357–84 (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 2nd series, vol. I, Paris 1883, pp. 77-94).

–––––– 1827, review of Vidua 1826, ''Journal des Savans [sic]'', pp. 14–24, 162–75, 474–83 (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 3rd series, vol. I, Paris 1883, pp. 252–89).

–––––– 1832, '’Matériaux pour l’histoire du christianisme en Égypte, en Nubie et en Abyssinie'’, Paris (= E. Fagnan (ed.), ''Oeuvres choises de A.-J. Letronne'', 1st series, vol. I, Paris 1881, pp. 1–99).

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Lumbroso, G., 1869, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Documenti greci del Regio Museo egizio di Torino<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 4, pp. 683–722.

–––––– 1869-70, 'Iscrizioni inedite del Museo egiziano di Firenze', ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 5, pp. 225–30.

–––––– 1871–2, 'Notizie raccolte in tre Musei d'antichità', ''Atti della Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino'' 7, pp. 191–215, pls. I–IV.

–––––– 1874, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Saggio d<nowiki>’</nowiki>inventario delle iscrizioni greche di Torino<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Rivista di Filologia e d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Istruzione classica'' 2, pp. 201–26.

Łajtar, A., 1991, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Greek funerary stelae from Polish excavations in Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Achéologie du Nil Moyen'' 5, pp. 157–66.

–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Greek inscriptions from Polish excavations in Old Dongola in the collection of the National Museum in Wrasaw<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Aegyptus'' 72, pp. 111–42.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from Ginari, Lower Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 91, pp. 147–9.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Greek Christian inscriptions from the Nile Valley<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 93, p. 137–40.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from el-Chandaq, Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 94, pp. 217–20.

–––––– 1993a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>On the provenance of the four Christian inscriptions: SB X 10515–10516, M. G. Tibiletti Bruno, Iscrizioni Nubiane 49, 56<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 95, pp. 241–5.

–––––– 1993b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81, a Christian epitaph from Nubia: Notes on the reading<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 101–4.

–––––– 1993c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Bemerkung zu einem christlichen Epitaph aus Nubien im Louvre<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 98, pp. 245–7.

–––––– 1994a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica (I–II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 104, pp. 201–4.

–––––– 1994b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek Christian epitaphs from Lower Nubia in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Cracow<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Materiały Archeologiczne'' 27/2, pp. 55–61.

–––––– 1994c, review of ''I. Louvre'', ''Bibliotheca Orientalis'' 51, pp. 565–71.

–––––– 1995, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions from the Monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Starowieyski (ed.), ''The Spirituality of Ancient Monasticism. Acts of the International Colloquium Held in Cracow–Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994. Specialized cotributions'', Cracow, pp. 47–61.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Christian epitaphs in Greek from Reisner excavations in the area of Gebel Barkal (northern Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 26, pp. 73–89.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica III. Ein liturgisches Gebet aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 112, pp. 140–2.

–––––– 1996c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica IV: Das älteste nubische Epitaph mit dem Gebet vom sogenannten Typus Euchologion Mega?<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 113, pp. 101–8.

–––––– 1997a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek funerary inscriptions from Old Dongola: General note<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Oriens Christianus'' 81, pp. 107–26.

–––––– 1997b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Psalm 22, 1–2 nebst der ''Invocatio Dei'' auf einem Ostrakon aus Alt-Dongola (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 27, pp. 55–60.

–––––– 1998a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griechische und koptische Inschriften im Koptischen Museum Kairo: Eine Fortsetzung<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 25–30.

–––––– 1998b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Iesousinkouda, eparch of Nobadia, ''domestikos'' of Faras and ''nauarchos'' of the Nobades<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reprts'' 1, pp. 73–80.

–––––– 1999, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions in Polish collections. A checklist<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 125, pp. 147–72.

–––––– 2001a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Terracotta funerary stele of the monk Ioannes from Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 327–34.

–––––– 2001b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica V<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 136, pp. 62–4.

–––––– 2001c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VI–VII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 137, pp. 183–6.

–––––– 2001d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Heb 5.4 in a graffito in the western annex of the Monastery on Kom H at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Travaux'' 19, pp. 210–15.

–––––– 2002, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Georgios, archbishop of Dongola († 1113) and his epitaph<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: T. Derda – J. Urbanik – M. Węcowski (eds.), ''Euergesias charin. Studies Presented to Benedetto Bravo and Ewa Wipszycka by Their Disciples'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' ''Supplement'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 159–92.

–––––– 2003a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Wall inscriptions in the Banganarti churches. A general note after three seasons of work<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 137–59.

–––––– 2003b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek epitaphs from Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 161–75.

–––––– 2003c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from the anachorite grotto at Ez-Zuma<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: B. Żurawski ''et alii'', ''Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeological Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Nubia'' II, ''Southern Dongola Reach Survey'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 512–17, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2004a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VIII–IX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 34, pp. 87–94.

–––––– 2004b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from Banganarti, season 2003<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 15, pp. 253–60.

–––––– 2005, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Banganarti 2004. Inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 309–13.

–––––– 2006a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian Sai in written records (inscriptions and manuscripts)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 91–104.

–––––– 2006b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica X–XI<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 105–23.

–––––– 2007, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New finds of funerary inscriptions in Banganarti (Christian Nubia)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 37, pp. 135–52.

–––––– 2008a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Late Christian Nubia through visitors<nowiki>’</nowiki> inscriptions from the Upper Church at Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 321–31.

–––––– 2008b, 'Banganarti 2006: The inscriptions', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 396–402.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An adaptation of a sentence of Menander in a Nubian monastery<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 171, pp. 19–24, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2009b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica XII–XIX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 39, pp. 83–119.

–––––– 2010, ‘The Greek of late Christian inscriptions from Nubia – the evidence from Banganarti and other sites’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 759–63.

–––––– 2011, ‘New finds of Greek epitaphs at Dongola’ (with appendix ‘Two Coptic epitaphs’ by J. van der Vliet), in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 37–94.

–––––– 2012, 'Inscriptions at Miseeda (Masida) church (MAS021)', in: Ali Osman - D. N. Edwards, ''The Archaeology of a Nubian Frontier. Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan'', Bristol, p. 172.

–––––– 2013, 'On the name of the capital of the Nubian Kingdom of Makuria', ''Przegląd humanistyczny'' 437, pp. 127–34.

–––––– 2014a, ‘A Greek hymn to the Virgin with the alphabetic acrostich found at Qasr Ibrim (Egyptian Nubia)’, in: Diliana Atanassova – Tinatin Chronz (eds.), ''Synaxis katholikē. Beiträge zu Gottesdienst und Geschichte der fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag'' [= ''orientalia – patristica – oecumenica'' 6/1–2], Münster, pp. 391–408, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014b, 'Epitaph of Staurosaña († 1057), granddaughter (?) of a king Zakharias, found in Dongola', in: Angelika Lohwasser – P. Wolf (eds.), ''Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten. Zum 80. Geburtstag von Steffen Wenig'' [= ''Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin e.V.'', Sonderheft 2014], Berlin, pp. 221–8, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014c, 'Old Nubian texts from Gebel Adda in the Royal Ontario Museum', ''Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies'' 1, pp. 185–201, figs. 1–8.

–––––– forthcoming a, 'Three fragments of terracotta epitaphs from El-Koro and Karmel', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices II''

Łajtar, A. – K. Pluskota, 2001, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscribed vessels from the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 335–55.

Łajtar, A. – T. Płóciennik, 2011, ‘A man from Provence on the Middle Nile: A grafﬁto in the upper church at Banganarti’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 95–119.

Łajtar, A. – G. R. Ruffini, 2011, ‘Qasr Ibrim’s last land sale, AD 1463 (EA 90225)’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 121–31.

Łajtar, A. – J. van der Vliet, 1998, ’Rich ladies of Meinarti and their churches. With an appended list of sources from Christian Nubia containing the expression «having the church of so-and-so»’, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 35–54.

–––––– 2010, ’The Coptic and Greek inscriptions from Qasr Ibrim: Announcing a forthcoming publication’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 713–18.

–––––– 2011a, ‘A late Christian ostracon from Dongola’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 133–40.

–––––– 2011b, ‘CIG IV 8952 revisited (‘Gebel Maktub’ near Qasr Ibrim)’, [in:] A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 141–8.

–––––– 2012, ‘Wall inscriptions in a burial vault under the Northwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H (Dongola 2009)’, ''Polish Achaeology in the Mediterranean'' 21, pp. 330-7.

–––––– 2013, 'A view from a hill: A first presentation of the rock graffiti of «Gebel Maktub»', in: J. van der Vliet – J. L. Hagen (eds.), ''Qasr Ibrim, between Egypt and Africa. Studies in Cultural Exchange (NINO Symposium, Leiden, 11–12 December 2009)'' [= ''Egyptologische Uitgaven'' 26], Leuven – Leiden, pp. 157–66, figs. 1–3.

–––––– forthcoming a, ''Empowering the Dead in Christian Nubia. The Texts from a Medieval Funerary Complex in Dongola'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series''], Warsaw.

–––––– forthcoming b, 'An inscribed tomb chamber in Ukma-West', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' II.

Łaptaś, Magdalena, 2003, 'Representations of angelic hierarchy in a Nativity scene from Faras cathedral', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 2, pp. 137–43, figs. 1–4.

Łukaszewicz, A., 1982, 'En marge d'une image de lanachorète Aaron dans la cathédrale de Faras', ''Nubia Christiana'' 1, pp. 192–213, figs. 1–4.

–––––– A., 1990, 'Some remarks on the iconograpy of anchorites from the Faras cathedral', ''Nubica'' 1/2, pp. 549–56, figs. 1–4.

Macadam, M. F. L., 1953, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: O. G. S. Crawford, ''Castles and Churches in the Middle Nile Region'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers'' 2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Khartoum, pp. 41–7.

MacCoull, Leslie S. B. – K. A. Worp, 1990, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Era of Martyrs<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Capasso – G. Messeri-Savorelli – R. Pintaudi (eds.), ''Miscellanea papyrologica in occasione del bicentenario dell<nowiki>’</nowiki>edizione della Carta Borgiana'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Papyrologica Fiorentina'' 19<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Florence, pp. 375–408.

–––––– 1995, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Eras of Diocletian and the Martyrs: Addenda & corrigenda<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Analecta Papyrologica'' 7, pp. 155–64.

Maher Eissa, 2012, 'The Coptic language in Nubia', ''Bulletin de la Société d'archéologie copte'' 51, pp. 19–26.

Malek, J. – D. N. E. Magee, 1988, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Nubian and Meroitic material in the archives of the Griffith Institute, Oxford<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 3, pp. 49–55.

Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata, 1987, 'Nubian wall painting', in: T. Hägg (ed.) ''Nubian Culture: Past and Present. Main Papers Presented at the Sixth International Conference for Nubian Studies in Uppsala, 11-16 August, 1986'' [= ''Konferenser (Kungl. Vitterhets, historie och antikvitets akademien)'' 17], Stockholm, pp. 261–70, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 1990, 'Some known and some new features of Nubian painting on the murals from House A in Old Dongola', in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 233–46, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 1998a, 'An attempt to define the function of selected rooms at the monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 81–93, figs. 1–15.

–––––– 1998b, 'Mural paintings from Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 96–113, figs. 1–24.

–––––– 2001, 'Wall paintings discovered in Old Dongola', in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' [= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7], Warsaw, pp. 253-84.

–––––– 2003, 'New wall paintings discovered at the monastery of the Holy Trinity in Old Dongola (Sudan) during the 2000 excavation campaign', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 2, pp. 145–53, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 2005a, 'Stylistic homogeneity of groups of paintings in the Monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 3, pp. 159-73, figs. 1–19.

–––––– 2005b, 'Wall paintings discovered in Dongola in the 2004 season' ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 273–84, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2006, 'Wall paintings from the Holy Trinity Monastery in Old Dongola', [in:] Isabella Caneva – A. Roccati, ''Acta Nubica. Proceedings of the X International Conference of Nubian Studies, Rome 9–14 September 2002'', Rome, pp. 321-6, figs. 1–19.

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–––––– 1967, 'Toshka – Arminna 1962. The Pennsylvania–Yale Archaeological Expedition to Nubia', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1961–1963)'', Cairo, pp. 169–183, figs. 1–5, pls. I–VII.

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–––––– 1955, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Die koptischen Grabsteine der ägyptisch-orientalischen Sammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Anzieger der phil.-hist. Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'' 13, pp. 171–86.

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–––––– 1975a, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964: The pottery finds of the settlement', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 27, pp. 353–494, plans 1–4, figs. 1–44, A–R, pls. I–XLII.

–––––– 1975b, 'Man in the vessel; an interpretation of a Nubian fresco representation', in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 121–5, figs. 1–6.

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–––––– 1970, 'The cultural ecology of Christian Nubia', in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 347–79, figs. 40–50, ils. 335–47.

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–––––– 2004, 'Δύο επιτύμβιεσ στήλες στα Ελληνικά από τη Χριστιανική Νουβία’, ’’Graeco-Arabica’’ IX-X (’’Festschrift in Honour of V. Christides’’), pp. 365-381.

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–––––– 2007, ‘On the medieval inscriptional material from M.D.A.S.P.’, in: Claudia Näser – M. Lange (eds.), ''Proceedings of the Second International Conference on the Archaeology of the Fourth Nile Cataract, Berlin, August 4th–6th, 2005'' [= ''Meroitica'' 23], Wiesbaden, pp. 235-46, figs. 1–3, pls. 1–7, colour pls. 62-5.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Medieval inscriptions from the renovated museum at Jebel Barkal (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: J.-P. Monferrer-Sala – V. Christides – Th. Papadopoullos (eds.), ''East and West: Essays on Byzantine and Arab Worlds in the Middle Ages'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies'' 15<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Piscataway, NJ, pp. 219–45, 14 figs.

–––––– 2009b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Addenda'' and ''corrigenda'' to the Khartoum inscriptions (''I. Khartoum Copt.'' and ''Greek'')<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 39, pp. 199–215, figs. 1–5.

–––––– 2010a, ‘Terracotta funerary stelae from Christian Nubia’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 683–94, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2010b, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica I: A monogram of Abraham from Meroe’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 7, pp. 45-53, 2 figs.

–––––– 2011a, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica II: Languages and scripts in the Kingdom of Alwa’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 8, pp. 197-206.

–––––– 2011b, ‘Sepulchral crosses from Nubia with the PHŌS-ZŌĒ acclamation’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 157–70.

–––––– 2011–12, 'Medieval funerary inscriptions from Sai Island', in: Florence Doyen – D. Devauchelle (eds.), ''Fouilles sur l'île de Saï (Soudan) 2005–2010'' [= ''Cahiers de recherches de l'Institut de papyrologie et d'égyptologie de Lille'' 29], Lille, pp. 297–330, figs. 1–34.

–––––– 2012, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: Epimachos of Attiri: a warrior saint of late Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 9, pp. 205-23, 2 figs.

–––––– 2014a, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica IV: The names of the Four Creatures of the Apocalypse in Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 11, pp. 253-63.

–––––– 2014b, 'The ''Liber Institutionis Michaelis'' in Medieval Nubia', ''Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies'' 1, pp. 51–62, fig. 1.

–––––– forthcoming a, 'The cryptogram ΜΧΓ as a variant of the cryptogram XMΓ: On text and image in Christian Nubia'

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–––––– 1999, ‘The remotest places reached by Nubian Christianity in the Sudan’, ''Nubica'' 4/5, pp. 347–350.

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–––––– 1978b, ''La prospection archéologique de la Vallée du Nil, au sud de la Cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise)'', 10: ''Le district de Koyekka (rive droite). Les districts de Morka et de Hamid (rive gauche). L'île de Nilwatti'', Paris.

–––––– 1984, ''La prospection archéologique de la Vallée du Nil, au sud de la Cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise)'', 14: ''La nécropole de Missiminia: III. Les sépultures ballanéennes; IV. Les sépultures chrétiennes'', Paris.

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–––––– 2005, review of S. G. Richter 2002, [in:] ''Vigiliae Christianae'' 59 (2005), pp. 219–223.

–––––– 2006, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Coptic epitaphs from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 92, pp. 217–23, fig. 1.

–––––– 2007, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Exit'' Tamer, bishop of Faras (SB V 8728)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 37, pp. 185–91.

–––––– 2008, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Paregra'': Notes on Christian inscriptions from Egypt and Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 164, pp. 157–8.

–––––– 2010, ‘Coptic as a Nubian literary language: Four theses for discussion’, [in:] W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', II/2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 765–72.

–––––– 2011a, ‘«What is man?»: The Nubian tradition of Coptic funerary inscriptions’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 171–224.

–––––– 2011b, ‘Literature, liturgy, magic: A dynamic continuum’, in: P. Buzi – A. Camplani (eds.), ''Christianity in Egypt: Literary Production and Intellectual Trends. Studies in Honor of Tito Orlandi'' [= ''Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum'' 125], Rome, pp. 555–574.

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–––––– 1908, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Upper Egyptian notes<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Annales du Service des Antiquités de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 9, pp. 105–12.

Weissbrodt, W., 1905/6, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein aegyptischer christlicher Grabstein mit Inschrift aus der griechischen Liturgie im Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg und ähnliche Denkmäler in auswärtigen Museen I<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Verzeichnis der Vorlesungen am Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg'', Winter-Semester 1905/6, pp. 3–26.

–––––– 1909, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein aegyptischer christlicher Grabstein mit Inschrift aus der griechischen Liturgie im Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg und ähnliche Denkmäler in auswärtigen Museen II<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Verzeichnis der Vorlesungen am Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg'', Sommer-Semester 1909, pp. 3–32.

Welsby, D. A., 1998, ''Soba'' II: ''Renewed Excavations within the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Alwa in Central Sudan'' [= ''Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa'' 15], London

–––––– 2002, ''The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims along the Middle Nile'', London.

–––––– 2005, 'The Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project. Survey in the vicinity of ed-Doma (AKSE), 2004–2005', ''Sudan & Nubia'' 9, pp. 2–8, pls. 1–8, colour pls. 1–3.

Welsby, D. A. – C. M. Daniels, 1991, ''Soba. Archaeological Research at a Medieval Capital on the Blue Nile'' [= ''Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa'' 12], London.

Werner, R., 1995, ‘Verbindungen zwischen der nubischen Kirche und dem syropalästinischen Raum im Mittlealter’, in: M. Tamcke (ed.), ''Syrisches Christentum weltweit: Studien zur syrischen Kirchengeschichte: Festschrift Prof. Hage'' [= ''Studien zur orientalischen Kirchengeschichte'' 1], Münster, pp. 278–306.

–––––– 2013, ''Das Christentum in Nubien. Geschichte und Gestalt einer afrikanischen Kirche'' [= ''Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte'' 48], Berlin.

Wiet, G., 1937, ''Catalogue général du Musée arabe du Caire: Stèles funéraires'' V, Cairo.

–––––– 1939, ''Catalogue général du Musée arabe du Caire: Stèles funéraires'' VI, Cairo.

–––––– 1952, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Stèles coufiques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte et de Soudan<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal Asiatique'' 240, pp. 273–97.

Wilkinson, I. G., 1835, ''Topography of Thebes and General View of Egypt'', London.

Williams, B., ''et alii'', 'Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition (OINE)', ''Oriental Institute 2012-2013 Annual Report'' (2013), pp. 98–104, figs. 1–9.

Wojciechowski, B., 2011, 'The Old Nubian «Eparchal archive» from Qasr Ibrim reconsidered', ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 41, pp. 265–92.

Wolf, P. – Ulli Nowotnick, 2005, 'First season of the SARS Anglo-German Survey at the Fourth Cataract', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 4, pp. 181-198, figs. 1–16.

Woolley, C. L. – D. Randall-Maciver, 1910, ''Karanog. The Roman-Nubian Cemetery'' [= ''Eckley B. Coxe Junior Expedition to Nubia'' 3], Philadelphia.

Young, Th., 1821, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Observations on a fragment of a very ancient Greek manuscript on papyrus, together with some sepulchral inscriptions from Nubia, lately received by the Earl of Mountnorris<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Archaeologia'' 19, pp. 156–60.

Youssef, Youhanna N., 2006, review of ''I. Khartoum Copt'' and ''I. Khartoum Greek'', ''Bulletin de la Société d'archéologie copte'' 45, pp. 224–7.

Yusuf Fadl Hasan, 1967, ''The Arabs and the Sudan from the seventh to the early sixteenth century'', Edinburgh.

Zaborski, A., 1996, review of Browne 1994a, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 6, pp. 155–7.

Zucker, F., 1912, ''Les temples immergés de la Nubie. Von Debod bis Kalabsche'' III, Cairo.

Zyhlarz, E., 1928, ''Grundzüge der nubischen Grammatik im christlichen Frühmittelalter (Altnubisch). Grammatik, Texte, Kommentar und Glossar'' [= ''Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes'' 18], Leipzig.

–––––– 1932, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Neue Sprachdenkmäler des Altnubischen<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith'', London, pp. 187–95.

–––––– 1943, 'I reami della Nubie prima dell'Islam: uno sguardo storico sul Sudān antico e medioevale', ''Rassegna di Studi Etiopici'' 3, pp. 237–71.

Žaba, Z., 1963, 'Tafa and Qertassi. Czechoslovak Institute of Egyptology of Charles University. Asswan High Dam program. Report of Season 1961', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1959–1961)'', Cairo, pp. 45–51, pls. I–XI.

–––––– 1974, ''The Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia (Czechoslovak Concession)'' [= ''Czechoslovak Institute of Egyptology in Prague and in Cairo Publications'' 1], Prague.

Žabkar, L. V., 1967, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Christian grave stelas<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: H. Ricke, ''Ausgrabungen von Khor-Dehmit bis Bet el-Wali'' [= ''The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition'' 2], Chicago, pp. 16–19, figs. 28–9, pl. 30a–c.

Żurawski, B., 1994, ‘The service area in north-eastern corner of the monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola. A preliminary report’, ''Nubica'' 3/1, pp. 319–360. 

–––––– 1996, 'Old Dongola. Cemeteries 1995', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 7, pp. 121–35, figs. 1–9.

–––––– 1997, 'Old Dongola. Kom H, southwestern unit', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 8, pp. 169–78, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 1999a, 'The monastery on kom H in Old Dongola. The monks' graves. A preliminary report', ''Nubica'' 4/5, pp. 202–53, figs. 1–34.

–––––– 1999b, 'Faith healing, philanthropy and commemoration in late Christian Dongola', in: S. Emmel – M. Krause – S. G. Richter – S. Schaten (eds.), ''Ägypten und Nubien in spätantiker und christlicher Zeit. Akten des 6. Internationalen Koptologenkongresses, Münster 20.–26. Juli 1996'', Wiesbaden, pp. 423–48, figs. 1–24.

–––––– 2001a, 'Dongola Reach. Southern Dongola Reach Survey. Report on fieldwork in 2000', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 12, pp. 281–90, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 2001b, 'Dongola, the city of the Makurians (literary sources to 1956', in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' [= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7], Warsaw, pp. 75–140, figs. 1–5.

–––––– 2003, 'Dongola Reach. The Southern Dongola Reach Survey project, 2002', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 14, pp. 237–52, figs. 1–15.

–––––– 2005, 'Banganarti. 2004 season including activities at the fortress of ed-Deiga', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 297–308, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2008, 'The churches of Banganarti, 2002–2006', in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', II.2 <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 303–20, figs. 1–16.

Żurawski, B., ''et alii'', 2003, ''Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeological Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Nubia'' II, ''Southern Dongola Reach Survey'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw.

Żurawski, B. – M. el-Tayeb, 1994, 'The Christian cemetery of Jebel Ghaddar North', ''Nubica'' 3/1, pp. 297–317, figs. 1–17.

==Part IV: A Guide to the Unpublished Texts==
''Forthcoming''.

[[category:Texts]]
[[Category:Bibliography]]

Guide to the Texts

2015-11-13T22:40:48Z

Seignobos:

==A Guide to the Texts of Medieval Nubia==
 By Grzegorz Ochała and Giovanni R. Ruffini This document proposes a set of citation standards for textual evidence from medieval Nubia.  It is intended to supersede the ad hoc arrangements used in earlier works on the period, and generally follows the model for the documentary papyri from Greco-Roman Egypt presented in the ''Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets ''([http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html]). It provides: (1) individual abbreviations for every monograph or substantial collection of published texts; (2) a bibliography collecting all texts published in isolated journal articles or book chapters; and (3) a forthcoming site-by-site guide to the unpublished texts.

Last update: 5 June 2015.

==Part I: Monographs and Collections==
'''''Inscriptions''''' 
'''Bull. épigr. 1966''' 
Robert, L. – Robert, J., ''Bulletin épigraphique'' 1966. 
'''CIG IV''' 
E. Curtius – A. Kirchhoff, ''Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum'', Berlin 1856–9. 
'''I.Faras Greek''' 
Kubińska, Jadwiga, ''Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes'' [= ''Faras'' IV], Warsaw 1974. 
'''I.Faras Copt.''' 
Jakobielski, S., ''A History of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the Basis of Coptic Inscriptions'' [= ''Faras'' III], Warsaw 1972. 
'''I.Firth.''' 
Firth, C. M., "Appendix II: Catalogue of the Greek gravestones of the Christian period from Ginari, Cemetery 55", [in:] idem, ''The Archaeological Survey of Nubia, Report for 1908-1909'', I, Cairo 1912. 
'''I.Fitz.''' 
Martin, G. T., ''Stelae from Egypt and Nubia in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, c. 3000 BC-AD 1150'', Cambridge 2005. 
'''I.Khartoum Copt.''' 
van der Vliet, J., ''Catalogue of the Coptic Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Copt.)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 121], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khartoum Greek''' 
Łajtar, A., ''Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Greek)'' [= ''Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta'' 122], Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2003. 
'''I.Khor.''' 
Oman, G. – Grassi, V. – Trombetta, A., ''The Book of Khor Nubt. Epigraphic Evidence of an Islamic-Arabic Settlement in Nubia (Sudan) in the III–IV centuries A.H./X–XI A.D.'' part I: ''Preliminaries and transcription of the texts'', part II: ''The photographs'', Naples 1998. 
'''I. Lefebvre''' 
Lefebvre, G., ''Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'', Cairo 1907. 
'''I. Louvre Greek''' 
Bernand, É., ''Inscriptions grecques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre'', Paris 1992. 
'''I.Mina.''' 
Mina, T., ''Inscriptions coptes et greques de Nubie'', Cairo 1942. 
'''I.Pern.''' 
Pernigotti, S., "Stele cristiane da Sakinya nel Museo di Torino", ''Oriens Antiquus'' 14 (1975), pp. 21-55. 
'''[[:Category:I.QI|I.QI]] ''' 
Łajtar, A. – van der Vliet, J., ''Qasr Ibrim. The Greek and Coptic Inscriptions Published on Behalf of the Egypt Exploration Society'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 13], Warsaw 2010. 
'''I.Sak.''' 
Monneret de Villard, U., ''Le iscrizioni del Cimitero di Sakinya (Nubia)'', Cairo 1933. 
'''I.Tib.''' 
Tibiletti Bruno, Maria Grazia, ''Iscrizioni Nubiane'', Pavia 1964. 
'''I. Varsovie Greek''' 
Łajtar, A. – Twardecki, A., ''Catalogue des inscriptions grecques du Musée National de Varsovie'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement'' 2], Warsaw 2003. 
'''RCEA''' 
Combe, Ét. – Sauvaget, J. – Wiet, G. (eds.), ''Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe'' III, Cairo 1932; V, Cairo 1934; VI, Cairo 1935; VII, Cairo 1936; VIII, Cairo 1937; IX, Cairo 1937; X, Cairo 1939. 
'''SEG''' 
''Supplementum epigraphicum graecum'', ed. J. J. E. Hondius ''et alii'', Leiden 1924 ff. 
'''[[WN]]''' 
A commonly used abbreviation to refer to the Wadi Natrun plate published in Griffith 1928b and van Gerven Oei 2011 below.

 '''''Papyri, Parchment, Paper, Etc.''''' 
'''P.QI I''' 
Plumley, J.M. – Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' I [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 9], London 1988. 
'''P.QI 2''' 
Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' II [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 10], London 1989. 
'''P.QI 3''' 
Browne, G.M., ''Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' III [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 12], London 1991. 
'''P.QI 4''' 
Ruffini, Giovanni R., ''The Bishop, the Eparch and the King: Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim'' IV [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 22], Warsaw 2014. 
'''P.QI.Tim.''' 
Plumley, J. M., ''The Scrolls of Bishop Timotheos. Two Documents from Medieval Nubia'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Texts from Excavations'' 1], London 1975. 

'''''Reference Guides''''' 
'''CSBE''''''2''' 
Bagnall, R. S. – Worp, K. A., ''Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt'', Leiden – Boston 2004 (2nd ed.). 
'''CSCN''' 
Ochała, G., ''Chronological Systems of Christian Nubia'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 16], Warsaw 2011. 
'''NubBL''' 
Ochała, G. - Ruffini, G., "Nubische Berichtigungsliste," ''Dotawo'' 2 (2015): 291-303. 
'''DACL''' 
Cabrol, F. – Leclerq, H., ''Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie'', Paris 1907–1953. 

'''''Online Resources''''' 
'''TEI''' 
''Thesaurus d’épigraphie islamique'', <http://www.epigraphie-islamique.org>. 

==Part II: Bibliography of Remaining Publications==

Adams, W. Y., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Archaeological survey of Sudanese Nubia: The Christian potteries at Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 9, pp. 30–43.

–––––– 1964, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations in Nubia – 4th Season, 1962–63<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 12, pp. 216–48.

–––––– 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sudan Antiquities Service excavations at Meinarti, 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 148–76.

–––––– 1970, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The University of Kentucky excavations at Kulubnarti, 1969<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 141–52, figs. 7–9, ils. 120–1.

–––––– 1979, 'The «Library» of Qasr Ibrim', ''The Kentucky Review'' 1, pp. 5–27.

–––––– 1994, ''Kulubnarti'' I: ''The Architectural Remains'', Lexington, KY.

–––––– 1996, ''Qasr Ibrîm. The Late Mediaeval Period'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 59<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2000, ''Meinarti'' I: ''Late Meroitic, Ballaña and Transitional Occupation'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 5; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 895], London.

–––––– 2001, ''Meinarti'' II: ''The Early and Classic Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 6; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 966], London.

–––––– 2002, ''Meinarti'' III: ''The Late and Terminal Christian Phases'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 9; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1072], London.

–––––– 2003, ''Meinarti'' IV: ''The Church and the Cemetery. Meinarti''; V: ''The History of Meinarti: an Interpretive Overview'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 11; ''British Archaeological Reports International Series'' 1178], London.

–––––– 2005, ''The West Bank Survey from Faras to Gemai 3: Sites of Christian Age'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 14<nowiki>]</nowiki>, London.

–––––– 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Earlier Medieval Period'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 89], London.

Adams, W. Y. – N. K. Adams, 1998, ''Kulubnarti'' II: ''The Artifactual Remains'' [= ''Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication'' 2], London.

Adams, W. Y. – J. A. Alexander – R. Allen, 1983, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1980 and 1982<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 69, pp. 43–60.

Adams, W. Y. - R. C. Allen - R. D. Anderson - E. Crowfoot - P. G. French - P. M. Gartkiewicz, 1979, 'Qasr Ibrim 1978', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41, pls. IV–VI.

Aldred, C., 1978, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The temple of Dendur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin'' 36/1.

Aldsworth, F., 2010, ''Qasr Ibrim. The Cathedral Curch'' [= ''Egypt Exploration Society. Excavation Memoir'' 97], London.

Almagro, M. – E. Rippol – L. A. Monreal, 1964, ''Las necrópolis de Masmás, Alto Egipto (Campaña de 1963)'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Memorias de la Misión Arqueológica Española en Nubia'' 3<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Madrid.

Almagro, M. ''et alii'', 1965, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Excavations by the Spanish Archaeological Mission in the Sudan, 1962–63 and 1963–64<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 13, pp. 78–95.

Altheim, F. – Ruth Stiehl, 1971, ''Christentum am Roten Meer'' I, Berlin – New York.

Amenta, Alessia, 2012, 'Il contributo del Vaticano allo scavo di Sonqi Tino (with the appendix: U. Santamaria – F. Morresi – F. Castro, 'Prime note sulle analisi per immagini eseguite sulla pittura Vaticana da Sonqi Tino')', ''Scienze dell'Antichita'' 18, pp. 537–552, figs. 1–7.

Anderson, Julie R., 1999, 'Monastic lifestyles of the Nubian desert: Seeking the mysterious monks of Makuria’, ''Sudan & Nubia'' 3, pp. 71–83.

Anderson, R. D., 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 2–4.

Anderson, R. D. – W. Y. Adams ''et alii'', 1979, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Qasr Ibrim 1978<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 65, pp. 30–41.

Anonymous, 1963, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Further note on Christian Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Archaeology'' 16, p. 59.

Anonymous, 1990, 'Editorial foreword', ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 76, pp. VII–XII.

Arkell, A. J., 1949, ''Early Khartoum: An Account of the Excavations of an Early Occupation Site Carried Out by the Sudan Government Antiquities Service in 1944-1945'', London.

–––––– 1951, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian inscription from Kordofan<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''American Journal of Archaeology'' 55/4, pp. 353–4.

–––––– 1959, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Christian church and monastery at Ain Farah, Darfur<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 7, pp. 115–19.

Bagińska, Dobiesława, 2008a, 'Christian pottery from Old Dongola (Kom H)', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 361–75.

–––––– 2008b, 'Pottery from Banganarti. Season 2006', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 410–25.

Bagnall, R. S. – A. Łajtar, 1994, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81 once again<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 24, pp. 11–12.

Bagnall, R. S. – K. A. Worp, 1980, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, IV<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 5–18.

–––––– 1981, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological notes on Byzantine documents, VIII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 33–54.

–––––– 1986, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Dating by the moon in Nubian inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 61, pp. 347–57.

Baillet, J., 1888, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Sur plusieurs textes grecs récemment découverts, relatifs à l<nowiki>’</nowiki>histoire des Blémyes<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Comptes Rendus des Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres'' 16, pp. 326–36.

–––––– 1926, ''Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des rois ou syringes à Thèbes'' [= ''Mémoires publiés par les membres de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire'' 42], Cairo.

Baldassare, I., 1967, 'Le pitture', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell’Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 39–60.

Barguet, P. – M. Dewachter, 1967, ''Le temple d'Amada'', Cairo 1967.

Barns, J. W. B., 1954, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian monuments from Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Kush'' 2, pp. 26–32.

–––––– 1974, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A text of the ''Benedicte'' in Greek and Old Nubian from Kasr el-Wizz<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology ''60, pp. 206–11.

Barth, H., 1850, 'Auf Reisen durch die Küstenlandschaften des Mittelmeeres gesammelte Inschriften', ''Rheinisches Museum für Philologie'' 7, pp. 242–70.

Baumeister, Th., 1982, 'Jenseitsvorstellungen in der alten Georglegende', in: ''Jenseitsvorstellungen in Antike und Christentum, Gedenkschrift für Alfred Stuiber'' [= ''Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, ErgänzungsBand 9], Münster, pp. 176–87.

Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne, 2000, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Anmerkungen zu den altnubischen Texten aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 15–26.

–––––– 2009, '5. Die altnobiin-nubische Schrift', in: Anja Kootz – Helma Pasch (eds.), ''5000 Jahre Schrift in Afrika: Entstehung – Funktionen – Wechsel. Begleitband zur Ausstellung in der Universitäts- und Staatsbibliothek Köln vom 7. November 2008 bis 8. Januar 2009'', Cologne, pp. 29–34, figs. 15–16.

Benigni, U., 1899, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Litaniae defunctorum copticae<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bessarione'' 6, pp. 106–21.

Bietak, M. – M. Schwarz, 1987, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 191<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1998, ''Nag<nowiki>’</nowiki> el-Scheima. Eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christliche Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien'' II <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften'' 255<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna

Bingen, J., 1961, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Un roitelet chrétien des Nobades au vie siècle<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Chronique d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 36, pp. 431–3.

Birch, S., 1841, 'Unedited Graeco-Egyptian inscriptions', ''The Gentleman<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Magazine'' 16, pp. 366–9.

Blackman, A. M., 1911, ''The Temple of Dendur'', Cairo.

Boeser, P. A. A., 1915, ''Beschrijving van de Egyptische verzameling in het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden'', 7: ''De monumenten van den Saïtischen, Grieks-Romeinschen, en Koptischen tijd'', The Hague.

Bond, E. A. – E. M. Thompson – G. F. Warner (eds.), 1884–94, ''The Palaeographical Society. Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions'', second series, London.

Bonnet, C., 1991, 'Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan)', ''Genava'' 39, pp. 5–20, figs. 1–17.

Botti, G., 1863, ''Notice des monuments exposés au Musée Greco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexadria.

–––––– 1901, ''Catalogue des monuments exposés au Musée Gréco-Romain d'Alexandrie'', Alexandia.

Bouriant, U., 1894, in: J. de Morgan ''et alii'', ''Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte antique'', 1, Vienna.

–––––– 1900, ’Trois tables horaires coptes’, ''Mémoires présentés à l'Institut égyptien'' 3, pp. 575-604.

Boyaval, B., 1966, ’21 documents inédits de la collection Despoina Michælidès’, ''Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale'' 64, pp. 75–93.

–––––– 1967, 'Rapport sur la première partie des fouilles executées à Naga' eš-Šeima et Naga' el-'Oqba', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1961–1963)'', Cairo, pp. 29–33, pls. I–III.

–––––– 1970, 'Le prologue du Misoumenos de Ménandre et quelques autres papyrus grecs inédit de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale du Caire', ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 6, pp. 1–33, pls. 1–4.

–––––– 1972, ’Une stele grecque inedite de l’ile de Sai’, ''Revue d’Égyptologie ''24, pp. 20–4.

–––––– 1976a, ’SB 7190’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 20, p. 23.

–––––– 1976b, ’SB 3897’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 42, pl. 1a.

–––––– 1976c, ’SB 3896’, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 21, p. 62, pl. 1b, c.

Brakmann, H., 2006, '«Defunctus adhuc loquitur». Gottesdienst und Gebetsliteratur der untergegangenen Kirche in Nubien', ''Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft'' 48, pp. 283-333.

Bresciani, Edda, 1967, 'Le chiese', in: ''Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell<nowiki>’</nowiki>Universita di Roma'', Rome, pp. 27–37.

Browne, C. S., 2004, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Tatianus Nubianus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. M. Bay (ed.), ''Studia paleophilologica: Professoris G.M. Browne in honorem oblata'', Champaign, IL 2004, pp. 93–8.

Browne, G. M., 1980a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A new text in Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik ''37, pp. 173–8.

–––––– 1980b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (I)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 2, pp. 16–33.

–––––– 1980c, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VI–VII)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 17, pp. 129–41.

–––––– 1981a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Nilo-Saharan: Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistic Colloquium, Leiden, September 8–10, 1980'', Dordrecht, pp. 145–50.

–––––– 1981b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian fragment of Revelation<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 20, pp. 73–82.

–––––– 1981c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Mark 11.6–11<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 44, pp. 151–66.

–––––– 1981d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 3, pp. 9–19.

–––––– 1981e, 'Notes on Old Nubian (VIII–X)', ''Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 18, pp. 55–67.

–––––– 1982a, ''Griffith’s Old Nubian Lectionary'' [= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 8], Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1982b, ’A fragment of Pseudo-Chrysostom from Qasr Ibrim’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 1–10.

–––––– 1982c, ’Notes on Griffith’s Old Nubian lectionary’, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 4, pp. 11–13.

–––––– 1983a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 53, pp. 259–60.

–––––– 1983b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Miracle of St. Menas<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 23–37.

–––––– 1983c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Nicene Canons<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 20, pp. 97–112.

–––––– 1983d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 2–4.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Stauros-Text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Studia Papyrologica'' 22, pp. 75–119.

–––––– 1983e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lexicon in Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 5, pp. 5–63.

–––––– 1984a, ''Chrysostomus Nubianus: An Old Nubian Version of Ps. Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Papyrologica Castroctaviana'' 10<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Rome – Barcelona.

–––––– 1984b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (I–III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 6, pp. 26–36.

–––––– 1985a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian philology<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 60, pp. 291–6.

–––––– 1985b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (IV–V)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 1–5.

–––––– 1985c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New texts in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim (III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Sudan Texts Bulletin'' 7, pp. 14–29.

–––––– 1986a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New light on Old Nubian: The Serra East codex<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Krause (ed.), ''Nubische Studien. Tagungsakten der 5. internationalen Konferenz der International Society for Nubian Studies, Heidelberg, 22.–25. September 1982'', Mainz, pp. 219–22.

–––––– 1986b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Mark<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 66, pp. 49–52.

–––––– 1987a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian lectionary: The revision revised<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 24, pp. 75–92.

–––––– 1987b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Old Nubian texts from Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie'' 28, pp. 76–86.

–––––– 1988a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Revision of the Old Nubian Version of the ''Institutio Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung ''3, pp. 17–24.

–––––– 1988b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of Ps.-Chrysostom, ''In quattuor animalia''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 15, pp. 215–19, pl. 1.

–––––– 1988c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Chrysostomum Nubianum<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 57, pp. 210–11.

–––––– 1989a, ''Literary Texts in Old Nubian'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 5<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1989b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The protocol of Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Altorientalische Forschungen'' 16, pp. 216–19.

–––––– 1989c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (VI–IX)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 4, pp. 63–74.

–––––– 1989d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 77, pp. 293–6.

–––––– 1989e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Sunnarti Luke revisited<nowiki>’</nowiki>,'' Nubian Letters'' 12, pp. 4–5.

–––––– 1990a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the ''Liber Institutionis Michaelis''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 75–9.

–––––– 1990b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Coptico-Nubiana: A Coptic Vorlage for an Old Nubian text<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal of Coptic Studies ''1, pp. 137–9.

–––––– 1990c, 'Ad Ps.-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem I''', ''Orientalia'' 59, pp. 521–3.

–––––– 1991, 'Old Nubian studies: Past, present and future', in: W.V. Davies (ed.), ''Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam'', London, pp. 286–93.

–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian sale<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 61, pp. 454–8.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (X)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 5, pp. 31–7.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian literature<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: Ch. Bonnet (ed.), ''Études Nubiennes. Conférence de Genève, Actes du VII''''e'' ''Congrès international d<nowiki>’</nowiki>études nubiennes, 3–8 septembre 1990'', I: ''Communications principales'', Geneva, pp. 379–87.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian version of the Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''50 Years of Polish Excavations in Egypt and the Near East: Acts of the Symposium at the Warsaw University, 1986'', Warsaw, pp. 74–7.

–––––– 1993, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A papyrus document in Coptic and Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 29–32.

–––––– 1994a, ''The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Vienna.

–––––– 1994b, ''Bibliorum Sacrorum versio paleonubiana'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium ''547, Subsidia 87<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven.

–––––– 1994c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A survey of Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Nubian Letters'' 21, pp. 7–10.

–––––– 1994d, ‘Ad Ps-Chrysostomi ''In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem'' II’, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 93–7.

–––––– 1994e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 63, pp. 257–9.

–––––– 1995a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana (II)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia ''64, pp. 450–9.

–––––– 1995b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Old Nubian translation of Galatians 3:27<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 108, pp. 239–41.

–––––– 1995c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian graffito 4<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Ttravaux'' 17,'' ''pp. 17–21.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Bishop Martyrophoros<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 111, pp. 187–8.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Lachmannus et Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 109, pp. 261–6.

–––––– 1996c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ps.-Chrysostom, ''In venerabilem crucem sermo'': The Greek Vorlage of the Old Nubian version<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 6, pp. 5–13.

–––––– 1996d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim III<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 6, pp. 129–32.

–––––– 1998a, ''The Old Nubian Martyrdom of Saint George'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium ''575, Subsidia 101<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Leuven.

–––––– 1998b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Miscellanea Nubiana (III)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 67, pp. 115–18.

–––––– 1998c, ''Old Nubian Textual Criticism'' [= ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft'' 8], Vienna.

–––––– 1999, ‘Nubiana Qualicumque’, ''Orientalia'' 68, pp. 267–8.

–––––– 2000a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Old Nubian texts (XI–XIV)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 27–36.

–––––– 2000b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Aethiopico-Nubiana<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 159–63.

–––––– 2000c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubiana<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 7, pp. 165–7.

–––––– 2000d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian document from Kulubnarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 113, pp. 177–84.

–––––– 2000e, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A note on the Old Nubian Martyrdom of Saint George<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 113, pp. 295–7.

–––––– 2000f, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲧ︦-<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 69, pp. 139–40.

–––––– 2001a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian [[lectionary fragment]]<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 70, pp. 113–16.

–––––– 2001b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Old Nubian translation of John 17:1<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 114, pp. 255–7.

–––––– 2001c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian apocryphal text from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal of Coptic Studies'' 3, pp. 129–32, pls. 14–15.

–––––– 2002a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ad Varia Nubica V<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 139, p. 194.

–––––– 2002b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian translation of the Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon ''115, pp. 69–76.

–––––– 2002c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Government of «Heaven» in Old Nubian<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 71, pp. 296–7.

–––––– 2003a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian document from Ab Kanarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Le muséon'' 116, pp. 9–14.

–––––– 2003b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian -ⲟⲩⲁ︦ⲛⲁ<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Orientalia'' 72, pp. 229–30.

–––––– 2003c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian ⲇⲟⲩⲗ- and Greek χοιρογρύλλιος<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 8, pp. 5–6.

–––––– 2003d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Old Nubian ⲧⲁⲡⲡⲁⲡⲗ︦-<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 8, pp. 11–13.

–––––– 2004a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian inscription from Banganarti church<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 34, pp. 23–6, fig. on p. 24.

–––––– 2004b, ''Old Nubian Literary Texts'', unpublished ms. held in the Rare Books and Manuscripts Library of the University of Illinois - Urbana Champaign.

–––––– 2006a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An Old Nubian translation of Psalm 129<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 9, pp. 25–7.

–––––– 2006b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Arabic tombstones from Meinarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 9, pp. 29–33.

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–––––– 1979, 'Dongola 1976', ''Études et travaux'' 11, pp. 219-44.

–––––– 1982, 'Polish excavations at Old Dongola in 1976 and 1978', in: J. M. Plumley (ed.), ''Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Selwyn College, Cambridge, 1978'', Cambridge, pp. 116–19, figs. 1–13.

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–––––– 1994, 'Old Dongola 1993', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 5, pp. 115–28, figs. 1–5.

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–––––– 1995b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Chronological implication of G.M. Browne<nowiki>’</nowiki>s reading of Griffith<nowiki>’</nowiki>s Old Nubian Graffito 4<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Travaux'' 17, pp. 30–4.

–––––– 1995c, 'Old Dongola 1993/94', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 6, pp. 84–92.

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–––––– 1997, 'Old Dongola. Kom H, site NW', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 8, pp. 161–68.

–––––– 1998, 'Old Dongola. Kom H', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 9, pp. 160–9.

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–––––– 1998, ’Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1996–1997’, ''Orientalia'' 67, pp. 315–444, pls. XII–XLVII.

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–––––– 1992a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Greek inscriptions from Polish excavations in Old Dongola in the collection of the National Museum in Wrasaw<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Aegyptus'' 72, pp. 111–42.

–––––– 1992b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from Ginari, Lower Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 91, pp. 147–9.

–––––– 1992c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes on Greek Christian inscriptions from the Nile Valley<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 93, p. 137–40.

–––––– 1992d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek Christian inscription from el-Chandaq, Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 94, pp. 217–20.

–––––– 1993a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>On the provenance of the four Christian inscriptions: SB X 10515–10516, M. G. Tibiletti Bruno, Iscrizioni Nubiane 49, 56<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 95, pp. 241–5.

–––––– 1993b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Collection Froehner 81, a Christian epitaph from Nubia: Notes on the reading<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 23, pp. 101–4.

–––––– 1993c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Bemerkung zu einem christlichen Epitaph aus Nubien im Louvre<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 98, pp. 245–7.

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–––––– 1994b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek Christian epitaphs from Lower Nubia in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Cracow<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Materiały Archeologiczne'' 27/2, pp. 55–61.

–––––– 1994c, review of ''I. Louvre'', ''Bibliotheca Orientalis'' 51, pp. 565–71.

–––––– 1995, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions from the Monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: M. Starowieyski (ed.), ''The Spirituality of Ancient Monasticism. Acts of the International Colloquium Held in Cracow–Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994. Specialized cotributions'', Cracow, pp. 47–61.

–––––– 1996a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Christian epitaphs in Greek from Reisner excavations in the area of Gebel Barkal (northern Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 26, pp. 73–89.

–––––– 1996b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica III. Ein liturgisches Gebet aus Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 112, pp. 140–2.

–––––– 1996c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica IV: Das älteste nubische Epitaph mit dem Gebet vom sogenannten Typus Euchologion Mega?<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 113, pp. 101–8.

–––––– 1997a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek funerary inscriptions from Old Dongola: General note<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Oriens Christianus'' 81, pp. 107–26.

–––––– 1997b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Psalm 22, 1–2 nebst der ''Invocatio Dei'' auf einem Ostrakon aus Alt-Dongola (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 27, pp. 55–60.

–––––– 1998a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Griechische und koptische Inschriften im Koptischen Museum Kairo: Eine Fortsetzung<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 25–30.

–––––– 1998b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The epitaph of Iesousinkouda, eparch of Nobadia, ''domestikos'' of Faras and ''nauarchos'' of the Nobades<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reprts'' 1, pp. 73–80.

–––––– 1999, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Greek inscriptions in Polish collections. A checklist<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 125, pp. 147–72.

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–––––– 2001c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VI–VII<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 137, pp. 183–6.

–––––– 2001d, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Heb 5.4 in a graffito in the western annex of the Monastery on Kom H at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Études et Travaux'' 19, pp. 210–15.

–––––– 2002, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Georgios, archbishop of Dongola († 1113) and his epitaph<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: T. Derda – J. Urbanik – M. Węcowski (eds.), ''Euergesias charin. Studies Presented to Benedetto Bravo and Ewa Wipszycka by Their Disciples'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' ''Supplement'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 159–92.

–––––– 2003a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Wall inscriptions in the Banganarti churches. A general note after three seasons of work<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 137–59.

–––––– 2003b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Greek epitaphs from Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 33, pp. 161–75.

–––––– 2003c, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from the anachorite grotto at Ez-Zuma<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: B. Żurawski ''et alii'', ''Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeological Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Nubia'' II, ''Southern Dongola Reach Survey'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 512–17, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2004a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica VIII–IX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 34, pp. 87–94.

–––––– 2004b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscriptions from Banganarti, season 2003<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 15, pp. 253–60.

–––––– 2005, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Banganarti 2004. Inscriptions<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 309–13.

–––––– 2006a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Christian Sai in written records (inscriptions and manuscripts)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 91–104.

–––––– 2006b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica X–XI<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 36, pp. 105–23.

–––––– 2007, <nowiki>’</nowiki>New finds of funerary inscriptions in Banganarti (Christian Nubia)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 37, pp. 135–52.

–––––– 2008a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Late Christian Nubia through visitors<nowiki>’</nowiki> inscriptions from the Upper Church at Banganarti<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', I <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 321–31.

–––––– 2008b, 'Banganarti 2006: The inscriptions', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 18, pp. 396–402.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>An adaptation of a sentence of Menander in a Nubian monastery<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 171, pp. 19–24, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2009b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Varia Nubica XII–XIX<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 39, pp. 83–119.

–––––– 2010, ‘The Greek of late Christian inscriptions from Nubia – the evidence from Banganarti and other sites’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 759–63.

–––––– 2011, ‘New finds of Greek epitaphs at Dongola’ (with appendix ‘Two Coptic epitaphs’ by J. van der Vliet), in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 37–94.

–––––– 2012, 'Inscriptions at Miseeda (Masida) church (MAS021)', in: Ali Osman - D. N. Edwards, ''The Archaeology of a Nubian Frontier. Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan'', Bristol, p. 172.

–––––– 2013, 'On the name of the capital of the Nubian Kingdom of Makuria', ''Przegląd humanistyczny'' 437, pp. 127–34.

–––––– 2014a, ‘A Greek hymn to the Virgin with the alphabetic acrostich found at Qasr Ibrim (Egyptian Nubia)’, in: Diliana Atanassova – Tinatin Chronz (eds.), ''Synaxis katholikē. Beiträge zu Gottesdienst und Geschichte der fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag'' [= ''orientalia – patristica – oecumenica'' 6/1–2], Münster, pp. 391–408, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014b, 'Epitaph of Staurosaña († 1057), granddaughter (?) of a king Zakharias, found in Dongola', in: Angelika Lohwasser – P. Wolf (eds.), ''Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten. Zum 80. Geburtstag von Steffen Wenig'' [= ''Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin e.V.'', Sonderheft 2014], Berlin, pp. 221–8, fig. 1.

–––––– 2014c, 'Old Nubian texts from Gebel Adda in the Royal Ontario Museum', ''Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies'' 1, pp. 185–201, figs. 1–8.

–––––– forthcoming a, 'Three fragments of terracotta epitaphs from El-Koro and Karmel', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices II''

Łajtar, A. – K. Pluskota, 2001, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Inscribed vessels from the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at Old Dongola<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 335–55.

Łajtar, A. – T. Płóciennik, 2011, ‘A man from Provence on the Middle Nile: A grafﬁto in the upper church at Banganarti’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 95–119.

Łajtar, A. – G. R. Ruffini, 2011, ‘Qasr Ibrim’s last land sale, AD 1463 (EA 90225)’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 121–31.

Łajtar, A. – J. van der Vliet, 1998, ’Rich ladies of Meinarti and their churches. With an appended list of sources from Christian Nubia containing the expression «having the church of so-and-so»’, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 28, pp. 35–54.

–––––– 2010, ’The Coptic and Greek inscriptions from Qasr Ibrim: Announcing a forthcoming publication’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 713–18.

–––––– 2011a, ‘A late Christian ostracon from Dongola’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 133–40.

–––––– 2011b, ‘CIG IV 8952 revisited (‘Gebel Maktub’ near Qasr Ibrim)’, [in:] A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 141–8.

–––––– 2012, ‘Wall inscriptions in a burial vault under the Northwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H (Dongola 2009)’, ''Polish Achaeology in the Mediterranean'' 21, pp. 330-7.

–––––– 2013, 'A view from a hill: A first presentation of the rock graffiti of «Gebel Maktub»', in: J. van der Vliet – J. L. Hagen (eds.), ''Qasr Ibrim, between Egypt and Africa. Studies in Cultural Exchange (NINO Symposium, Leiden, 11–12 December 2009)'' [= ''Egyptologische Uitgaven'' 26], Leuven – Leiden, pp. 157–66, figs. 1–3.

–––––– forthcoming a, ''Empowering the Dead in Christian Nubia. The Texts from a Medieval Funerary Complex in Dongola'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series''], Warsaw.

–––––– forthcoming b, 'An inscribed tomb chamber in Ukma-West', in: A. Łajtar – G. Ochała – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' II.

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–––––– A., 1990, 'Some remarks on the iconograpy of anchorites from the Faras cathedral', ''Nubica'' 1/2, pp. 549–56, figs. 1–4.

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–––––– 1995, <nowiki>’</nowiki>The Eras of Diocletian and the Martyrs: Addenda & corrigenda<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Analecta Papyrologica'' 7, pp. 155–64.

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–––––– 1990, 'Some known and some new features of Nubian painting on the murals from House A in Old Dongola', in: W. Godlewski (ed.), ''Coptic Studies. Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984'', Warsaw, pp. 233–46, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 1998a, 'An attempt to define the function of selected rooms at the monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 81–93, figs. 1–15.

–––––– 1998b, 'Mural paintings from Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 1, pp. 96–113, figs. 1–24.

–––––– 2001, 'Wall paintings discovered in Old Dongola', in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' [= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7], Warsaw, pp. 253-84.

–––––– 2003, 'New wall paintings discovered at the monastery of the Holy Trinity in Old Dongola (Sudan) during the 2000 excavation campaign', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 2, pp. 145–53, figs. 1–12.

–––––– 2005a, 'Stylistic homogeneity of groups of paintings in the Monastery in Old Dongola', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 3, pp. 159-73, figs. 1–19.

–––––– 2005b, 'Wall paintings discovered in Dongola in the 2004 season' ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 273–84, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2006, 'Wall paintings from the Holy Trinity Monastery in Old Dongola', [in:] Isabella Caneva – A. Roccati, ''Acta Nubica. Proceedings of the X International Conference of Nubian Studies, Rome 9–14 September 2002'', Rome, pp. 321-6, figs. 1–19.

–––––– 2010a, 'New iconographical elements in Old Dongola painting', ''Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports'' 6, pp. 119–24, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 2010b, 'Two unique paintings in the monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola', in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', II.2 <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 705–12, figs. 1–8.

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–––––– 1962a, ''Faras. Fouilles polonaises 1961'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Faras'' I<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw (chapter on Coptic inscriptions by S. Jakobielski; chapter on Greek inscriptions by M. Marciniak).

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–––––– 1963a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Notes sur la chronologie des peintures murales à Faras<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie'' 4, p. 33.

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–––––– 1986, 'Die Homilie über die zwei ''Canones von Nikaia'': Analyse und Einordnung eines altnubischen Textes', in: M. Krause (ed.), ''Nubische Studien. Tagungsakten der 5. internationalen Konferenz der International Society for Nubian Studies, Heidelberg, 22.–25. September 1982'', Mainz, pp. 341–6.

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–––––– 2011b, ’The date of the Dendur foundation inscription reconsidered’, ''The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists'' 48, pp. 217–24.

–––––– 2013, 'Kalendarz liturgiczny Kościoła nubijskiego w świetle zachowanych fragmentów nubijskich lekcjonarzy' [Liturgical calendar of the Nubian Church: the evidence of Nubian lectionary fragments], ''U schyłku starożytności – Studia źródłoznawcze'' [Late Antiquity – Studies in Source Criticism] 12, pp. 183–232.

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–––––– 1955, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Die koptischen Grabsteine der ägyptisch-orientalischen Sammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Anzieger der phil.-hist. Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften'' 13, pp. 171–86.

Torallas Tovar, Sofia, 2004, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Coptic epitaph from Nubia at the Museo Arqueologico Nacional, Madrid<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: S. M. Bay (ed.), ''Studia paleophilologica: Professoris G. M. Browne in honorem oblata'', Champaign, IL 2004, pp. 19–22, figs. 1–2.

Torallas Tovar, Sofia – K. A. Worp, 2002, <nowiki>’</nowiki>A Greek epitaph from Nubia rediscovered<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 32, pp. 169–74.

Török, L., 1974a, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964: Finds with inscriptions', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 26, pp. 369–393, figs. 1–52.

–––––– 1974b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein christianisiertes Tempelgebäude in Musawwarat es Sufra (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Acta Archaeologia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 26, pp. 71-103.

–––––– 1975a, 'Abdallah Nirqi 1964: The pottery finds of the settlement', ''Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae'' 27, pp. 353–494, plans 1–4, figs. 1–44, A–R, pls. I–XLII.

–––––– 1975b, 'Man in the vessel; an interpretation of a Nubian fresco representation', in: K. Michałowski (ed.), ''Nubia. Récentes recherches. Actes du colloque nubiologique international au Musée National de Varsovie, 19–22 juin 1972'', Warsaw, pp. 121–5, figs. 1–6.

Trigger, B. G., 1967, ''The Late Nubian Settlement at Arminna West'' [= ''Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt'' 2], New Haven.

–––––– 1970, 'The cultural ecology of Christian Nubia', in: E. Dinkler (ed.), ''Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit. Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen'', Recklinghausen, pp. 347–79, figs. 40–50, ils. 335–47.

Tsakos, A., 2003, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Linguistic notes on two funerary steles with the «Euchologion mega» type of prayer for the dead from Christian Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 1, pp. 287–92.

–––––– 2004, 'Δύο επιτύμβιεσ στήλες στα Ελληνικά από τη Χριστιανική Νουβία’, ’’Graeco-Arabica’’ IX-X (’’Festschrift in Honour of V. Christides’’), pp. 365-381.

–––––– 2006, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Some remarks on the abbreviations of the name ''Ioannes'' and their co-existence with the title ''presbyteros''<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung ''9, pp. 113–18, figs. 1–3.

–––––– 2007, ‘On the medieval inscriptional material from M.D.A.S.P.’, in: Claudia Näser – M. Lange (eds.), ''Proceedings of the Second International Conference on the Archaeology of the Fourth Nile Cataract, Berlin, August 4th–6th, 2005'' [= ''Meroitica'' 23], Wiesbaden, pp. 235-46, figs. 1–3, pls. 1–7, colour pls. 62-5.

–––––– 2009a, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Medieval inscriptions from the renovated museum at Jebel Barkal (Sudan)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: J.-P. Monferrer-Sala – V. Christides – Th. Papadopoullos (eds.), ''East and West: Essays on Byzantine and Arab Worlds in the Middle Ages'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies'' 15<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Piscataway, NJ, pp. 219–45, 14 figs.

–––––– 2009b, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Addenda'' and ''corrigenda'' to the Khartoum inscriptions (''I. Khartoum Copt.'' and ''Greek'')<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 39, pp. 199–215, figs. 1–5.

–––––– 2010a, ‘Terracotta funerary stelae from Christian Nubia’, in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006'', II.2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 683–94, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2010b, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica I: A monogram of Abraham from Meroe’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 7, pp. 45-53, 2 figs.

–––––– 2011a, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica II: Languages and scripts in the Kingdom of Alwa’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 8, pp. 197-206.

–––––– 2011b, ‘Sepulchral crosses from Nubia with the PHŌS-ZŌĒ acclamation’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 157–70.

–––––– 2011–12, 'Medieval funerary inscriptions from Sai Island', in: Florence Doyen – D. Devauchelle (eds.), ''Fouilles sur l'île de Saï (Soudan) 2005–2010'' [= ''Cahiers de recherches de l'Institut de papyrologie et d'égyptologie de Lille'' 29], Lille, pp. 297–330, figs. 1–34.

–––––– 2012, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: Epimachos of Attiri: a warrior saint of late Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 9, pp. 205-23, 2 figs.

–––––– 2014a, ‘Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica IV: The names of the Four Creatures of the Apocalypse in Christian Nubia’, ''Collectanea Christiana Orientalia'' 11, pp. 253-63.

–––––– 2014b, 'The ''Liber Institutionis Michaelis'' in Medieval Nubia', ''Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies'' 1, pp. 51–62, fig. 1.

–––––– forthcoming a, 'The cryptogram ΜΧΓ as a variant of the cryptogram XMΓ: On text and image in Christian Nubia'

Hafsaas-Tsakos, Henriette – A. Tsakos, 2012, 'A second look into the medieval period on Sai Island', ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 11, pp. 75–91, figs. 1–8.

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–––––– 1998, ‘The remotest places reached by Nubian Christianity in the Sudan’, in: ''Actes de la VIII''''e'' ''Conférence internationale des études nubiennes (Lille 11–17 septembre 1994)'', III: ''Études'' [= ''Cahiers de recherches de l’Institut de papyrologie et d’égyptologie de Lille'' 17/3], Lille, pp. 239–43.

–––––– 1999, ‘The remotest places reached by Nubian Christianity in the Sudan’, ''Nubica'' 4/5, pp. 347–350.

–––––– 2009, ''Rediscovering Christian Nubia'', Khartoum.

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–––––– 1978a, ''La prospection archéologique de la Vallée du Nil, au sud de la Cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise)'', 9: ''L'île d'Arnyatta. Le district d'Abri (Est et Ouest). Le district de Tabaj (Est et Ouest)'', Paris.

–––––– 1978b, ''La prospection archéologique de la Vallée du Nil, au sud de la Cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise)'', 10: ''Le district de Koyekka (rive droite). Les districts de Morka et de Hamid (rive gauche). L'île de Nilwatti'', Paris.

–––––– 1984, ''La prospection archéologique de la Vallée du Nil, au sud de la Cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise)'', 14: ''La nécropole de Missiminia: III. Les sépultures ballanéennes; IV. Les sépultures chrétiennes'', Paris.

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–––––– 1999b, ‘The Church of the Twelve Apostles: The earliest cathedral of Faras?’, ''Orientalia'' 68, pp. 84–97.

–––––– 2002, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Gleanings from Christian northern Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 32, pp. 175–94, 1 fig.

–––––– 2005, review of S. G. Richter 2002, [in:] ''Vigiliae Christianae'' 59 (2005), pp. 219–223.

–––––– 2006, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Two Coptic epitaphs from Qasr Ibrim<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology'' 92, pp. 217–23, fig. 1.

–––––– 2007, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Exit'' Tamer, bishop of Faras (SB V 8728)<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology'' 37, pp. 185–91.

–––––– 2008, <nowiki>’</nowiki>''Paregra'': Notes on Christian inscriptions from Egypt and Nubia<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik'' 164, pp. 157–8.

–––––– 2010, ‘Coptic as a Nubian literary language: Four theses for discussion’, [in:] W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', II/2: ''Session Papers'' [= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series'' 2.2/2], Warsaw, pp. 765–72.

–––––– 2011a, ‘«What is man?»: The Nubian tradition of Coptic funerary inscriptions’, in: A. Łajtar – J. van der Vliet (eds.), ''Nubian Voices: Studies in Christian Nubian Culture'' [= ''The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series'' 15], Warsaw, pp. 171–224.

–––––– 2011b, ‘Literature, liturgy, magic: A dynamic continuum’, in: P. Buzi – A. Camplani (eds.), ''Christianity in Egypt: Literary Production and Intellectual Trends. Studies in Honor of Tito Orlandi'' [= ''Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum'' 125], Rome, pp. 555–574.

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–––––– 1908, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Upper Egyptian notes<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Annales du Service des Antiquités de l<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte'' 9, pp. 105–12.

Weissbrodt, W., 1905/6, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein aegyptischer christlicher Grabstein mit Inschrift aus der griechischen Liturgie im Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg und ähnliche Denkmäler in auswärtigen Museen I<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Verzeichnis der Vorlesungen am Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg'', Winter-Semester 1905/6, pp. 3–26.

–––––– 1909, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Ein aegyptischer christlicher Grabstein mit Inschrift aus der griechischen Liturgie im Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg und ähnliche Denkmäler in auswärtigen Museen II<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Verzeichnis der Vorlesungen am Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg'', Sommer-Semester 1909, pp. 3–32.

Welsby, D. A., 1998, ''Soba'' II: ''Renewed Excavations within the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Alwa in Central Sudan'' [= ''Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa'' 15], London

–––––– 2002, ''The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims along the Middle Nile'', London.

–––––– 2005, 'The Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project. Survey in the vicinity of ed-Doma (AKSE), 2004–2005', ''Sudan & Nubia'' 9, pp. 2–8, pls. 1–8, colour pls. 1–3.

Welsby, D. A. – C. M. Daniels, 1991, ''Soba. Archaeological Research at a Medieval Capital on the Blue Nile'' [= ''Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa'' 12], London.

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–––––– 2013, ''Das Christentum in Nubien. Geschichte und Gestalt einer afrikanischen Kirche'' [= ''Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte'' 48], Berlin.

Wiet, G., 1937, ''Catalogue général du Musée arabe du Caire: Stèles funéraires'' V, Cairo.

–––––– 1939, ''Catalogue général du Musée arabe du Caire: Stèles funéraires'' VI, Cairo.

–––––– 1952, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Stèles coufiques d<nowiki>’</nowiki>Égypte et de Soudan<nowiki>’</nowiki>, ''Journal Asiatique'' 240, pp. 273–97.

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Williams, B., ''et alii'', 'Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition (OINE)', ''Oriental Institute 2012-2013 Annual Report'' (2013), pp. 98–104, figs. 1–9.

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Zaborski, A., 1996, review of Browne 1994a, ''Beiträge zur Sudanforschung'' 6, pp. 155–7.

Zucker, F., 1912, ''Les temples immergés de la Nubie. Von Debod bis Kalabsche'' III, Cairo.

Zyhlarz, E., 1928, ''Grundzüge der nubischen Grammatik im christlichen Frühmittelalter (Altnubisch). Grammatik, Texte, Kommentar und Glossar'' [= ''Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes'' 18], Leipzig.

–––––– 1932, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Neue Sprachdenkmäler des Altnubischen<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: ''Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith'', London, pp. 187–95.

–––––– 1943, 'I reami della Nubie prima dell'Islam: uno sguardo storico sul Sudān antico e medioevale', ''Rassegna di Studi Etiopici'' 3, pp. 237–71.

Žaba, Z., 1963, 'Tafa and Qertassi. Czechoslovak Institute of Egyptology of Charles University. Asswan High Dam program. Report of Season 1961', in: ''Fouilles en Nubie (1959–1961)'', Cairo, pp. 45–51, pls. I–XI.

–––––– 1974, ''The Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia (Czechoslovak Concession)'' [= ''Czechoslovak Institute of Egyptology in Prague and in Cairo Publications'' 1], Prague.

Žabkar, L. V., 1967, <nowiki>’</nowiki>Three Christian grave stelas<nowiki>’</nowiki>, in: H. Ricke, ''Ausgrabungen von Khor-Dehmit bis Bet el-Wali'' [= ''The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition'' 2], Chicago, pp. 16–19, figs. 28–9, pl. 30a–c.

Żurawski, B., 1994, ‘The service area in north-eastern corner of the monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola. A preliminary report’, ''Nubica'' 3/1, pp. 319–360. 

–––––– 1996, 'Old Dongola. Cemeteries 1995', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 7, pp. 121–35, figs. 1–9.

–––––– 1997, 'Old Dongola. Kom H, southwestern unit', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 8, pp. 169–78, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 1999a, 'The monastery on kom H in Old Dongola. The monks' graves. A preliminary report', ''Nubica'' 4/5, pp. 202–53, figs. 1–34.

–––––– 1999b, 'Faith healing, philanthropy and commemoration in late Christian Dongola', in: S. Emmel – M. Krause – S. G. Richter – S. Schaten (eds.), ''Ägypten und Nubien in spätantiker und christlicher Zeit. Akten des 6. Internationalen Koptologenkongresses, Münster 20.–26. Juli 1996'', Wiesbaden, pp. 423–48, figs. 1–24.

–––––– 2001a, 'Dongola Reach. Southern Dongola Reach Survey. Report on fieldwork in 2000', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 12, pp. 281–90, figs. 1–6.

–––––– 2001b, 'Dongola, the city of the Makurians (literary sources to 1956', in: S. Jakobielski – P. O. Scholz (eds.), ''Dongola-Studien. 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches'' [= ''Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica'' 7], Warsaw, pp. 75–140, figs. 1–5.

–––––– 2003, 'Dongola Reach. The Southern Dongola Reach Survey project, 2002', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 14, pp. 237–52, figs. 1–15.

–––––– 2005, 'Banganarti. 2004 season including activities at the fortress of ed-Deiga', ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' 16, pp. 297–308, figs. 1–11.

–––––– 2008, 'The churches of Banganarti, 2002–2006', in: W. Godlewski – A. Łajtar (eds.), ''Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006'', II.2 <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean'' ''Supplement Series'' 2.2/2<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw, pp. 303–20, figs. 1–16.

Żurawski, B., ''et alii'', 2003, ''Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeological Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>= ''Nubia'' II, ''Southern Dongola Reach Survey'' 1<nowiki>]</nowiki>, Warsaw.

Żurawski, B. – M. el-Tayeb, 1994, 'The Christian cemetery of Jebel Ghaddar North', ''Nubica'' 3/1, pp. 297–317, figs. 1–17.

==Part IV: A Guide to the Unpublished Texts==
''Forthcoming''.

[[category:Texts]]
[[Category:Bibliography]]

Severus (Sawirus)

2015-11-11T17:56:07Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 189-222]'''

SEVERUS (SĀWĪRUS ABŪ-l-BASHĀR IBN AL-MUQAFFA')

(d. about l000 A.D.)

''Deacon and secretary to the Patriarch of Alexandria, then bishop of Ashmunein. He wrote a biographical history of the Patriarchs of Alexandria beginning from Mark. His work was later continued by Michael, bishop of Tinnis and Mawhūb b. Mufrah (or Mufarrij), down to 1087 and then by others until 1740.''

''Graf 2, 300-306''

''Ed.: Ch.F. Seybold, CSCO III scr. ar. 9, 1904; B.T.A Evetts, PO I (1904), V (1909), X (1914) with Engl.transl. down to Patriarch Joseph (+ 849 A.D.); H.O.S. Burmester, '''[p. 190]''' ''Hist. of Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church'', vols. II and III (from Khael II, 849-880); Soc.Arch.Copte, Cairo 1943-1958; Latin transl.: E. Renaudot, ''Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum'', Paris 1713.''

''T.: Evetts, Burmester and Renaudot A: and from Latin.''

From the Life of Patriarch Benjamin the 38th Patriarch [622 - 661 A.D.]

When Heraclius saw this [the Arabs advancing into Palestine] he assembled all his troops from Egypt as far as the frontiers of Aswān and continued to pay to the Moslems the taxes which he had demanded for the purpose of using them for his own needs and the troops. They used to call the tax "''bakt''" (''baqṭ'') that is to say that it was a sum levied at so much a head. And this went on until Heraclius had paid to the Moslems the greater part of the money; and many people died through the troubles' which they had endured. (PO I, 493).

[N.B. Life of Patriarch Isaac [686-89 A.D.] See above: Abba Mīna [q.v.]]

From the Life of Simon I, the 42nd Patriarch [696-700 A.D.]

A priest from the people of al-Hind<ref>Not todays’ India, but most probably Nubia [or Ethiopia] which in the Upper Middle Age was vaguely called India.</ref> came to Abba Simon and requested him to ordain a bishop for India. The Indians were not subject to the Moslems. But Simon said: 'I cannot appoint a bishop for you without the order of the emir governor of Miṣr<ref>‘Abd al-‘Azīz b. Marwān, the brother of the then Caliph.</ref>. Go and inform him about your request; if he will give me an order, I shall comply with your request and you will go back to your country accompanied [by a bishop] and with the peace [of '''[p. 191]''' the Lord]. Then the Indian left to report to the emir. Some Gaianites<ref>Followers of Gainos (or Gaianus), a Patriarch of Alexandria who the Phantasiasts and opposed the Monophysites [Jacobites].</ref> joined him [on the way] and took him to Tadros, the head of the Phantasiasts, whom they had informed about the coming of the Indian from his country, Tadros said to him: - 'I shall grant your request.' then he took a man from Maryūt and ordained him bishop and also ordained two priests for him and sent them secretly to India. After twenty days of journey, they were arrested by those who guarded the routes on behalf of the Moslems and sent them to the great emir called Abdel Malik [the caliph, 684 - 705 A.D.]. The [Indian] priest escaped back to Miṣr; the other three were taken, with tied hands, to Abdel Malik. When the caliph was told that these were Egyptians, from Maryūt, and that they were going to a foreign country, he chopped their hands and feet and sent them back to Abdel ’Aziz at Miṣr. In addition he reprimanded the emir [saying]: ‘You are ignorant (''jāhil''); you are unaware of the things happening in your own territory, i.e. that the patriarch of the Christians who resides at Alexandria has sent to India information concerning Miṣr. On receipt of this letter, you will inflict on him 200 stripes and a 100,000 ''dinars'' fine, which you will send me, without delay, by the agency of the delegates who have come to you.' (Renaudot, pp. 290 - 291).

From the Life of Patriarch Mark II, the 49th Patriarch [799 - 819 A.D.].

In those days Harūn ar-Rashīd had died at Baghdad [809 A.D.] and his son Muḥammad, called Al-Amīn, sat in his father's place. The cause of offence was that Harūn '''[p. 192]''' ar-Rashīd, before his death, had assembled the chief personages of the empire and said to them: - 'After me, the Caliphate belongs to my son, the Lord al-Ma'mūn<ref>Al-Amīn and al-Ma’mūn were half-brothers: the former had been governor of Egypt under ar-Rashīd, the latter was in Khorāsan.</ref>. But when Muḥammad al-Amīn heard of this, he was filled with anger, gathering an army and made war upon his brothers. But Al-Ma’mūn killed al-Amīn, [813 A.D.] and sat upon the throne of the empire. When the strife broke out between the two brothers, a certain rebel<ref>Several rebels rose in Egypt in that time originally siding al-Amīn against his brother al-Ma’mūn. One of them – who is probably the unnamed rebel here referred to – was Yazīd ibn al-Khattāb, who, with an army of al-Qays and Yaman Arabs, laid siege to Fusṭāṭ.</ref> arose and assembled an innumerable army and kept the road between Egypt (''Miṣr'') and the East under his control. He robbed those who were Journeying to Miṣr, or Upper Egypt or Abyssinia or Nubia, of all their goods so that travel was interrupted on the roads and all the tracks through fear of him. This attack upon Egypt lasted long on account of the disturbed state of government of Baghdad. And the insurgents rose against the government in Egypt, and gathered the taxes for themselves. (PO 10, pp. 427 - 428).

From the Life of Patriarch Joseph [830 - 849 A.D.].

When the patriarch had recovered his strength a little, he took thought for the affairs of Abyssinia and Nubia, and sent a letter to the people of those countries, and enquired after them and their churches. But he did not succeed in communicating with them on account of hostility between their kings and the Muslim governors (''wūlāt'') of Egypt. And he prayed to God that there might be peace between them, so that he might attain his object, which was to restore the buildings under the jurisdiction of the father, Saint Mark the Evangelist. And '''[p. 193]''' God heard his prayer and answered his petition. Now this war had lasted fourteen years between them, until Ibrāhīm, brother of Al-Ma'mūn, began to reign. He set guards on the road to Abyssinia and Nubia. Now the king over the Nubians was Zacharias (''Zakariāʾ''). So Ibrāhīm sent, and said to him: - "If you will do what other kings have done before thee, then send the tribute for the past fourteen years. Otherwise we will make war upon thee." Now a deacon, named George, was the secretary of the governor (''wālī'') of Upper Egypt. So he wrote to the patriarch to make known to him what was contained in the letter of Ibrāhīm, the prince. And the patriarch, on hearing it, glorified God, and rejoiced, saying: - "This is an opportunity for me also to write to the kings of what concerns the Church." So he wrote a letter full of the grace of the Holy Ghost, as it behoved him; and he saluted and praised the kings, and informed them of the kindly treatment that he had received from the princes of the Muslims, since the Lord had seated him upon the glorious and holy throne. And he added: "I am unworthy of this post, but I was desirous of obtaining news of you. Only my sin prevented my communicating with you, on account of the wars which have been waged in the land of Egypt, and the rebellion of the Bashrudites<ref>Dionysius of Tell-Mahre, the Jacobite patriarch of Antioch paid a visit to Patriarch Joseph of Alexandria in 832 A.D. Both patriarchs were requested by the Caliph to advise the Bashrudites to end their rebellion. The rebels paid no heed to the advice and a bloody repression ensued.</ref> [sic!] against the commands of the prince, until he slew them, and laid their dwellings waste, and demolished their churches. But now we have found an opportunity by this correspondence of making known to you what has happened. Any now, my friends, you are bound to accomplish your duty to these princes. And if it were wrong that we should bid '''[p. 194]''' you do any of these things, then I have undergone punishment from my brethren, as Joseph, the son of Jacob, suffered from his brethren. And now you are bound to pray that there may be peace between you, O you that love God, and that peace may appear in the Church for your sake."

The epistle Abba Joseph dispatched to the governor (''wālī'') of the mines near Uswān, that he might forward it. And when this letter reached King Zacharias, and was read to him, he said: - "What shall I do concerning the prince's demand upon me? Who will collect for me the tribute (''baqṭ'') of fourteen years in human souls, that I may send them to him? For I cannot leave my capital, lest the savages (''al-barbar'') who are in rebellion against me should take possession of it. Now must I dispatch my son to the prince." So the king sent for his oldest son, whose name was George (''Jirjah''). And he had the trumpet blown, and appointed a herald who proclaimed that George should reign after him. Then he sent him to Miṣr, in company with the envoys who had come thence together with gifts which he had prepared.

And when George arrived at Miṣr, he was met by the blessed father Abba Joseph. On seeing the patriarch, George, son of King Zacharias, rejoiced greatly, and prostrated himself before him. Then the patriarch gave him his benediction, and informed him of some of the events that had taken place, in order to excuse himself for the delay in sending a letter to the kingdom of the Nubians. But George replied: - "Blessed is the Lord, who deals not with us after our sins. But it was our fault that hindered thee till this time, and it is thy holiness that has made me worthy to kiss thy holy hands, O thou Lamp, that enlightenest the orthodox throughout the world!”

'''[p. 195]''' Then George started upon the road to Baghdad. And he begged the patriarch to pray for him that God might bring him back in safety. On his arrival at Baghdad, the capital of the empire, the prince received him with joy and said to him: "God gives thee the tribute (''baqṭ'') of all the past years, in return for thy coming to my court and thy obedience to me." And George remained with him many days in honor. Afterwards the prince dismissed him with many gifts of gold and silver and garments, and dispatched a troop of soldiers with him, that they might conduct him to his own country in safety.

So he returned to Miṣr with great ceremony, holding a golden cross in his hand, while all the people welcomed him, according to the honor which the caliph had paid him. And George requested leave of the patriarch that he might transport into the governor’s palace (''qasr al-malik'') where he was lodging, a consecrated sanctuary, (''haykal mukarraz'') made of wood that could be taken to pieces and put together again. And there were with him bishops from his own country, who celebrated the Liturgy for him, so that the king's son (''ibn al-malik'') and all his companions made their communion there. And he gave orders that the wooden gong (''nāqūs'') should be struck on the roof of the palace at the time of the Liturgy, as it is done at the churches. And all men marveled thereat; and all the Christians rejoiced and glorified God for what he had shown forth through the prayers of this holy man, the patriarch. And in his days the said king's son set out and started upon his homeward journey. Therefore our father, the patriarch, proceeded with him, as far as a place called Būlāk, (''Būlāq'') with great state. And the father was thereby consoled for the trials which he had passed through.

'''[p. 196]''' Now who will not marvel when he hears these wonders namely that every patriarch who sits upon this holy throne directs his care towards three departments (''aqsām'') of business; the care for the synodical letter to the patriarch of Antioch; secondly our relations with the Abyssinians (''al-ḥabasha'') and the Nubians (''an-nūba''); and thirdly the carrying out of decrees issued by the governor of Egypt to the patriarch and bishops, that the affairs of the orthodox churches may be kept in good order? And God brought these three departments together for our father, the patriarch Abba Joseph, by the coming of the caliph Al-Ma'mūn from his country and the patriarch's interviews with him, and the arrival of his brother Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch [818-849 A.D.], with whom he held intercourse, and the coming of the son of the king of the Nubians, as we have related, and the prosperity of affairs, and his seeing the great glory in truth, as the prophet David says: - 'All nations shall worship before him.'

And God worked for him another wonder, so that he performed for him all that he had prayed for, in order that the see of the illustrious father, Saint Mark (''Mārī Marqus'') the Evangelist, might be glorified. May the blessings of his prayers preserve us. There was at that time a bishop named John, whom the father, Abba James [819-830 A.D.] had ordained for the land of the Abyssinians. Now the king of the Abyssinians had gone forth to war. Then the people became disaffected, and drove away that bishop, and appointed another of their own free choice, thus breaking the canon (''qānūn'') [i.e. the Arab/ Nicene Canons, q.v.]. And the aforesaid bishop returned to Egypt and took up his abode at the monastery of Baramus in Wādī Habib, because he had first become a monk there. But the Lord, who loves mankind, and desires to save them and restore them to the knowledge of the truth, '''[p. 197]''' did not allow that country and its inhabitants to remain in their disobedience, but he raised up against them the evangelical throne once more, that the Lord might show forth wonders in the following manner. For he sent down upon them and upon their cattle a plague with great mortality, and caused their king to be defeated by all who fought against him; and his followers were slain. So, when he came back from the war, great sadness fell upon him. And he did not know what had been done to the bishop, nor how he had been banished from their city. For it was the queen who had caused this mischief, acting as Eudoxia did in her time against John the Golden Mouth. As soon therefore as the king learned this, he hastened and wrote a letter to the good shepherd, Abba Joseph, saying to him: "I prostrate myself before the evangelical throne, upon which thy paternity has been counted worthy to sit, and by the grace of which my royal authority is confirmed. How the people of my country have strayed away from the light of the holy see, and have set their feet in a path full of thorns by driving away thy vicar. Therefore the Lord has sent down the punishment of that dead upon our heads, and has given us a taste of his vengeance through the death of men and cattle by the plaque. Moreover he has forbidden heaven to rain upon us. But now, our holy father, overlook our folly, and send us someone who will pray to God for us, and intercede for us, that we may be saved by the acceptable prayers."

When the father had read this letter, he rejoiced over the king's faith and quickly sent and summoned that bishop from the monastery of Baramus, and having encouraged and consoled him sent him back to the Abyssinians. And he dispatched an escort of trustworthy men with him on account of the dangers of the road, and gave him sufficient provision for the journey. And he dismissed '''[p. 198]''' the party, giving them his blessing that God might make their path easy. And God heard him; for they safely reached the friendly king, who rejoiced over them with all the natives of the land.

After this Satan, the enemy of peace, suggested an idea to some of the people of that country. Accordingly, they waited upon the king, and said to him: "We request thy majesty to command this bishop to be circumcised. For all the inhabitants of our country are circumcised except him." And the working of Satan was so powerful that the king approved this proposal, namely that the aged bishop should be taken and circumcised, or else that he should return to the place whence he had come. And when the bishop recollected the hardships of his journey, both when he departed and when he returned, and then of what he would experience again, he dreaded the difficulties of the road both by land and water. So he said: "I will submit to this, for the salvation of these souls, of which the Lord has appointed me, as shepherd without any merit of mine. Yet now Paul the apostle enjoins us, saying: - If any man is called without circumcision, let him not be circumcised." So when he made this concession to them, God manifested a miracle in him, as he wrote to our father the patriarch, Abba Joseph; namely, that when they took him to circumcise him, and stripped him, they found the mark of circumcision in him, as if he had been circumcised on the eighth day after his birth. And he swore in his letter that he knew nothing of this before that day. Thus the king and the people of the country were satisfied, and rejoiced greatly over this wonder, and accepted the bishop with joy.

When the letter containing an account of this matter reached the patriarch he rejoiced greatly over the return of those erring ones to their shepherd and over the miracle which had been manifested, saying: "Blessed is '''[p. 199]''' the Lord, who has turned the captivity of his people and saved them from the hand of the enemy, and has not left them in error for ever."

And because this good shepherd took so much care of his sheep and gave his life for them, he appointed many bishops, and sent them to all places under the see of Saint Mark the evangelist, which include Africa and the Five Cities (''al-khams Mudun'') and Al-Kairuwān and Tripoli and the land of Egypt and Abyssinia and Nubia. (PO 10, pp. 503 - 512).

After this Satan brought upon Abba Joseph another trial. For this father was merciful, and desired not the perdition of any man. So Satan put it into the heart of the unjust judge (''qāḍī''), who had become his instrument, that he should seize the Roman (''ar-rūm'') and Abyssinian (''al-ḥabash'') pages (''ghulmān'') of the patriarch, who were not yet of full age, and try to make Muslims of them. Now many people used to give information, one against another, for this cause concerning the pages belonging to their households, whom the judge thereupon took into custody and perverted to the religion of Islam, by means of persecution and intimidation. He also sometimes imprisoned their masters for a time, and when they bribed him, he set them free. Then he made curious inquiries concerning the Roman and Abyssinian pages of the patriarch, who had been sent as presents to him from Africa and the Five Cities and Abyssinia and Nubia. For he was told that the patriarch had pages at Alexandria, who were being taught in the school (''fil-maktab yata’allamūna''). So he sent his officers thither in the company of the deposed bishop of Miṣr, whose name was Banah, the interpretation of which is "Fire". The bishop went as far as the city of Alexandria, and entered the house wherein the pages were. And he took them and led them away like lambs to '''[p. 200]''' the slaughter, while they wept helplessly until they were brought into Miṣr, being eight in number. Then when the unjust judge saw them, he rejoiced, saying: "This is a matter which will disappoint and vex the patriarch." Next he said to our father: "It is not lawful for thee to resist the princes' command nor to trample upon their orders; and it is not lawful for thee to attempt to enslave these youths and make Christians of them." The patriarch answered: "I do not resist the prince’s command nor any good words, but only unjust orders". The judge said to him: "Then am I unjust in thy opinion?" He replied: "Thou knowest that none of thy predecessors forced any one like these, who are Christians and the sons of Christians, to become Muslims. For they were presented to the churches as gifts, and came from the king of the Abyssinians, or from the Nubians or Romans; and they were sent to me as a present, and given to me." But the judge, through Satan's power over him, would not listen; and, as David says, he was like the deaf asp that stops her ears, and will not hear the voice of the charmer. Therefore he gave orders that the youths should be brought in, while the patriarch was there, and intimidated them so that they acknowledged themselves Muslims before him in the patriarch's presence, although he tried to hold them to the Christian faith. (PO 10, pp. 527 - 529).

At that time the judge of Alexandria sent and summoned the holy father, Abba Joseph the patriarch, and the metropolitans with him. And when he appeared in the judge's presence, he said to him: "I am informed that thou hast pages, whom the judge, my master, commanded thee not to take to thyself again. Some of them are in '''[p. 201]''' thy house, and thou hast converted them to thy religion." Then the holy man answered and said to him: "I have none of these of whom thou speakest, nor have I beheld the face of one of them since that day." There upon the Judge ordered that the patriarch should be beaten upon his neck without mercy; and they belabored him soundly, and did not cease from beating him for a considerable time. In consequence of this his head was bowed, and he could not raise it for his weakness; and he did not open his mouth to utter a word, except when he said thus: "I thank thee, Lord Jesus Christ." But we, his children, wept bitterly for witnessing what was done to him by this wicked judge. Yet the patriarch did not despair of mercy, but was filled with courage. And so these metropolitans marvelled, and said: "Blessed be God, who has counted us worthy to behold as faithful a champion." And our blessed father repeated the words of the Lord concerning the unjust judge that the Lord would show forth vengeance in him, which should come upon him, as Luke says: 'God shall soon avenge his elect who pray to him day and night, though he is long suffering concerning them.'

After this the patriarch Joseph wrote to the patriarch John an answer to his synodical letter. (PO 10, pp. 536 - 537).

From the Life of Cosmas, the 58th Patriarch [901-913 A.D.].

He [Cosmas] consecrated a metropolitan (''muṭrān'') from among the monks, for the regions of Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabashah'') which is a vast country, namely, the kingdom of Saba (''Sābā'') from which the queen of the South came to Solomon (''Sulaymān'') the son of David (''Dāwūd'') the king. If the king of it wished to make a tour through it, he would take a whole year making the tour, Sundays excepted, '''[p. 202]''' until he returned to his place. It is a country bordering upon India (''al-Hind'') and the parts near to it. It is included in the see of my Lord Mark (''Mārī Marqus'') the Evangelist up to our own day.

When the said metropolitan (''muṭrān'') had come thither - his name was Peter (''Butrus'') - its [Abyssinia's] blessed king received him with joy. When the death of its king drew near, he [the king] summoned the metropolitan (''muṭrān'') and delivered to him the crown of the kingdom and his two sons and said to him: "Thou art the vicar of the king Christ, the great God, by Whose authority are all the kingdoms of the world. Behold, I have delivered to thee my kingdom and my two sons and I have committed them into thy hands so that thou mayest direct them by the will of the Lord, and upon the one of them whom thou shalt judge to be worthy, gentle and good, place the crown of the kingdom." Then the king went to his rest. The metropolitan (''muṭrān'') was a wise man and saw that the younger son was more accomplished than the elder one, and he placed upon him the crown and installed him as king. Lo, a monk from the monastery of Abba Anthony (''Anbā Andūnah'') was making a tour round the countries and was passing through the land, and with him a companion, who was making a tour with him, whose name was Victor (''Buqtur''). They both penetrated into the lands of Abyssinia and presented themselves to the metropolitan and demanded of him that he should give them dinars and endow them both with some of his money, but he did not give anything to them. Then Satan (''ash-Shaitān'') instructed them that one of the two of them should put on the garments of bishops and that the other should act as his disciple. They wrote counterfeit letters, as if from the patriarch, in which they said: "News has reached us that there has come to you an erring man, whose name is Peter, and that he has said about us that we sent him to you as metropo-'''[p. 203]'''-litan and this is not correct, and neither are the letters which [he has] with him from us nor have we consecrated him, but he has counterfeited [as if from us] what has reached you through his hands. He whom we really sent is the metropolitan (''muṭrān'') who shall come to you with our letters in his hands. On being informed of this, remove Peter (''Butrus'') from you and install this [man] Menas (''Mīnā'') in the see. News has also reached us that this Peter seated the younger son of the king on the throne and rejected the elder [one], and this is unjust, because the elder has more right to the kingdom than the younger." They both went with the letters to the elder son of the king who was alone in a solitary place, and a few people had followed him. When he learned of the contents of the counterfeit letters, he rejoiced exceedingly, and he gathered together to him the army and made known to them the letters and what was in them, and he found thereby a means to make war against his brother. The army joined him, and he vanquished him [his brother] and captured him and banished him and he banished the metropolitan also, and installed that monk Menas in his place. After a few days a difference arose between these two false monks, and Victor (''Buqtur'') plundered the cell of the archbishopric (''maṭranah'') and took all that was in it and became a fugitive and embraced al-Islam and wasted all that of which he had got possession in what was not pleasing to God.

When reports of Menas reached the patriarch and of what he had done in order to banish the metropolitan and to install himself in his place, he [Cosmas] grieved exceedingly and he wrote letters and anathematized and excommunicated him. When the king heard of this, he took Menas the false monk and slew him. Afterwards, the patriarch did not consecrate for them [the Abyssinians] a '''[p. 204]''' metropolitan (''muṭrān'') during the remainder of the days of his patriarchate, and neither did the patriarch who sat [upon the throne] after him until after five patriarchs, and [this] was Philotheus (''Filātāūs''). The biography will make this clear to us when we have need for the knowledge thereof, when we reach it with the help of God, since-it is not requisite that we should mention the rest of the account of this before we reach it. Then the king ordered that Peter (''Butrus'') the metropolitan (''muṭrān'') should be brought back to his see, but he found that he had already died in exile. His disciple, [however], had survived, and he prayed [to be allowed] to journey to Miṣr, but the king did not permit him [to do this], and said to him: "Thou shalt sit in the place of thy master." Then he asked the king to allow him to journey to Miṣr so that the patriarch might consecrate him metropolitan, and [that] he would return. He [the king] would not do this, but clothed him with the garments [of bishops] against his wishes and installed him without consecration. He remained up to the time of the father Philotheus (''Filātāūs'') the patriarch, till he became old and very aged, and he used to perform the acts of bishops. (Burmester II-, pp. 118 - 121; cf. our note 10).

From the Life of Menas, the 61st Patriarch [938-957 A.D.].

Miṣr at that time belonged to the Caliph (''Khalīfah'') of Baghdad. The Wālī of it [Egypt] [who was appointed] by him [the Caliph] was a man known as the Ikhshīd.<ref>Mohammed b. Tughj al-Ikhshīd, governor of Egypt (935-946 A.D.).</ref> He was appointed three years before this father was made patriarch. Then he journeyed to Palestine (''Filistīn'') and died there. He left behind [him] two sons, one of them '''[p. 205]''' was Abū-l-Qāsim and the other [was] Abū-l-Ḥasan. They were appointed to the government (''wilāyah'') in the place of their father.

An insurgent made an insurrection against them; [he was] from the west and his name was ''Ḥanāniya'' and they fled away before him to Palestine, and he took possession of Miṣr. When they learned that his troops were in Miṣr only, they returned to fight against him and they routed him. They were both youths and with them there was a master (''ustādh'') [who had] belonged to their father, whose name was Kāfūr.<ref>Kāfūr “al-Ikhshīdī” ruled alone from 960 to 966 A.D.</ref> He was of Nubian (''Nūbī'') race, captured from the lands of Nubia (''Nūbah''), and his master had given him in his childhood to one who taught him writing and literature and all that he needed to know. When he [''Kāfūr''] grew up and he [his master] saw that he was distinguished and skilled, he delivered to him his kingdom and his two children. This [one] was like Joseph (''Yūsuf'') in Miṣr. When seven years had passed both the sons died, and the master (''ustādh'') Kāfūr succeeded them. (ibid. II, p. 128).

From the Life of Philotheus, the 63rd Patriarch [980 - 1003 A.D.].

In his [Philotheus’] days, the king of Abyssinia, (''al-Ḥabashah'') sent to the king of Nubia (''an-Nūbah'') a youth whose name was George (''Jirjis''), and made known to him how the Lord had chastened him, he and the inhabitants of his land. It was that a woman, a queen of Bānī al-Hamwīyah<ref>As no place or people of this name is known in Ethiopia today, Conti Rossini suggested that “Damuta” (Damōt) should be read instead of “Hamūya”. The queen referred to here seems to be the one who historically was responsible for the rise of the Zagwe dynasty.</ref> had revolted against him and against his '''[p. 206]''' country. She took captive from it many people and burned many cities and destroyed churches and drove him [the king] from place to place. That which befell him was a retribution for what the king who [was] before him had done to the metropolitan (''muṭrān'') in the days of the father Abba Cosmas (''Anba Quzmā''), as we have explained earlier<ref>Menas, an Egyptian monk on a tour in Ethiopia, introduced himself with counterfeit letters as the legitimate Metropolitan of Ethiopia sent by the Patriarch in place of the one already in office in Ethiopia. He also succeeded in deposing, by fraud, the then king of Ethiopia, who was the younger son of the deceased king, and in having the older son proclaimed in his place. After several years the fraud was discovered, the king expelled the false metropolitan and requested the Egyptian monk who had been companion of the former legitimate metropolitan, to take his place. The monk asked to go to Egypt to receive the legitimate ordination. The calamities and plague which struck the country were believed to be a sign of the divine wrath. (Hist. of the Patr. II, pp. 118-121; see above the Life of Cosmas).</ref>, through his falsification and his fraud. He [the king] said to him [George] in the letter which he sent to him: "I desire that thou shouldst help me and partake with me in the fatigue, for the sake of God and for the sake of the unity of the Faith, and that thou shouldst write a letter on thy part to the father, the patriarch, in Miṣr to beg him to absolve us and to absolve our lands and to pray for us, that God may remove from us and from our country this trial, and may grant to us that he [the patriarch] may consecrate for us a metropolitan (''muṭrān'') as was the custom of our fathers, and that he may pray for us, that God may remove His wrath from us. I have mentioned this to thee, O brother, for fear lest the Christian (''Nasrāniyyah'') religion pass away and cease among us, for lo, six patriarchs<ref>Viz. Cosmas III [+933 A.D.], Macarius [+953 A.D.], Theophanes [+956 A.D.], Minas II [+974 A.D.], Ephrem [+978 A.D.] and Philotheus [978-1002 A.D.].</ref> have '''[p. 207]''' sat (on the throne) and have not paid attention to our lands, but they [the lands] are abandoned without a shepherd, and our bishops and our priests, are dead, and the churches are ruined, and we have learned that this trial has come down upon us as a just judgement in return for what we did with the metropolitan (''muṭrān'')." When the letter reached George (''Jirjis''), the king of Nubia (''an-Nūba''), and he had learned of their contents, he sent on his part letters and messengers to the patriarch Philotheus (''Filātāūs''), and he explained to him in them all that the king of Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabashah'') had mentioned to him, and he begged him to have compassion on his people. He acceded to his request, and he consecrated for them a monk from the Monastery of Abba Macarius (''Abū Maqār''), whose name was Daniel (''Danyal''), and he sent him to them as metropolitan (''muṭrān'').

They received him with joy, and God removed from them His wrath and put an end to the affair of the woman who had risen up against them. (Burmester II, pp. 171-172).

From the Life of Zakharias, the 64th Patriarch [1003 - 1031 A.D.].

In the evening of that day on which they consecrated him, Abraham (''Ibrahīm'') Ibn Bishr arrived with the decree (''sijill'') and accompanied by the two masters (''ustādhain''). When he arrived outside the city, one of his acquaintances met him and said: "A patriarch has already been consecrated." He said to him: "And who is he?" He said to him: "Zacharias (''Zakhāryā'') the priest who [was] in the Church of Michael (''Mikāyīl'') [known as] ''an-Nūbah''." (ibid. II, p. 176).

He [al-Ḥākim] wrote a decree (''sijill'')<ref>The decree was made about 1008 A.D., after the Christians, especially the Copts, had suffered heavy persecutions and vexations from al-Ḥākim (996-1021 A.D.).</ref> that whosoever of the Christians (''Nasārā'') in Miṣr wished to go to '''[p. 208]''' the lands of the Greeks (''ar-Rūm'') or to the lands of Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabashah'') and Nubia (''an-Nūbah'') or to other [lands] should not be prevented [from doing so] by anyone. Before this, they were prevented from [doing] it. (ibid. II, p. 196).

He [al-Ḥākim] marvelled and said to them [the monks]: "Unto where does his [the Patriarch's] judgement<ref>Ar. “Ḥukm”: authority, judgment etc.</ref> extend?" They said to him: "His judgment is executed in the lands of Miṣr, Abyssinia (''Ḥabashah''), Nubia (''Nūbah''), the Pentapolis, Africa (''Ifriqiyah'') and other places. (ibid. II, p. 206).

He [John]<ref> John II, ‘Abdūn, the 77th Patriarch of Antioch [1003-1022 A.D.], was taken to Constantinople where the Emperor, according to the “Lives”, tried to make him adhere to the Melkite conversion.</ref>) said to him: "O my master, the king, may the Lord preserve thy kingdom and thy authority: - He knows that I do not cease from prayer and supplication for thy powerful kingdom, as the Holy Scriptures command us, so that our life may be in quietness and peace. Thy authority has not the right to force anyone to forsake his religion, as we have two kings, namely, the king of Abyssinia (''Ḥabashah'') and the king of Nubia (''Nūbah''), and they do not force anyone of the people of your religion who is dwelling among them to change his faith. Now I beseech the Lord Christ to establish thy Kingdom without disturbance and to preserve all of us according as has been revealed to him." The interpreter interpreted all that he said except [about] the two kings, the Abyssinian (''Ḥabashī'') and the Nubian (''Nūbī''), for he added to this and he said: "We have two kings greater than thou." And this [was because] the bishop of Malaṭya had bribed the interpreter with money and had come to an agreement with him '''[p. 209]''' to turn the speech against him [John], whereby the king would be enraged against him [John], even though with a single word. (ibid. II, p. 218).

The father [the patriarch] went out walking, without a beast, to Tumbārah so that he might salute a Nubian (''Nūbī'') man, a monk, whose name was ''Shishīh'',<ref>The same episode is reported by Al-Makīn [q.v.] where the monk is called Sawsana an-nūbī.</ref> and he [the patriarch] received his blessing before he blessed him [the monk], and he honoured him with much honour and humbled himself before him and venerated him. When he had departed from him, those who were with him, asked him and said to him: "What is the reason of thy respect for the state of this [one] and for humbling thyself before him, and for giving him precedence over thee in the blessing, thou, the patriarch of the land?" He said to them: "This [man] al-Ḥākim cast together with me to the lions after they [gaolers] had starved them, and the lions were obedient to him, and licked his feet before mine." (ibid. II, p. 228).

From the Life of Christodulos the 66th Patriarch [1046 - 1077 A.D.].

The first [trial] which came upon the father, the patriarch, [was] that a calumnious report was written about him to the ''wazīr'' al-Yazūrī that he [Christodulos] had forbidden the king of Nubia (''an-Nūbah'') to send the offering. Then the ''wazīr'' executed an order against him for a hundred dinars. He sent [it] by a Turkish (''Turkī'') youth [who] belonged to ‘Adad ad-Dawlah, who was in charge of (''mutawālī'') military affairs and travellers in the ''Rīf''. His [name] was Durrī, and he journeyed to him [Christodulus] and he seized him, and he journeyed with him to '''[p. 210]''' Cairo (''al-Qahirah'') and he delivered him to 'Adad ad- Dawlah [who] honored him and lodged him in his house. He, namely, ’Adad ad-Dawlah, went to the ''wazīr'' and with him [was] Abū-l-Bishr, the physician of al-Azamīah, mentioned before, and they both spoke with him [the wazīr] about the affair of the patriarch Abba Christodulos (''Anbā Akhristūdūlūs'') and [said] that [there was] no truth in what was related about him. Then he commanded him [Christodulos] to be set free, and he [Christodulos] returned to Damrua. (ibid. II, pp. 263 - 264).

[in the following passage reference is made to a battle between the army ("the troops", ''al-'askar'') of the Fatimite king al-Mustanṣir and Naṣr ad-Dawlah ibn Ḥamdān the commandant of the corps of Turks in the service of the king. The "troops" were formed mainly by "slaves", i.e. Nubians.]

Naṣr ad-Dawlah ibn Ḥamdān<ref>The fight between Nubian and Turkish troops in the service of al-Mustanṣir is described also by other historians, e.g. Maqrizi [q.v.]. The story related by the History of the Patriarchs seem to be the earliest account. It gives the name, titles and other details of the chief officers of the Nubian troops in Egypt. The word “''ʿabīd''” was then currently used in Egypt to indicate “Nubian troops” [cf. Abū Shāma, Ibn Muyassar, q.v.]…</ref> and those who were with him reached Alexandria after having been routed, and he made alliance with Qais and his Lowatis (''lawāt'') but he displayed hypocrisy, and troops came out from Cairo (''Miṣr'') to seek him, and the chiefs of them [the troops] were Amīn al-Umana’ abu l-Yamīn Sawaris ibn Makrāwah ibn Zunbur, and he was invested with a robe of honour and was girt with a sword with golden ornamentation above the hilt, and he was surnamed "Master of the chiefs of the Sword and the pen", and the Ustādh 'Azīz ad-Dawlah, the '''[p. 211]''' superintendent of the slaves (''Zimām al-‘Abīd''), and Najāh al-Dawlah Baghrā, and Naṣr al-Juyūsh ibn Asad ad-Dawlah Baldakūsh and they arrived at Maḥallat al-Amīr. On account of these many chiefs in this army, they differed and their views did not agree, and none of them followed the opinion of the other, even if it were right, and so they did not succeed, and did not reach anything on account of their disagreement. Men separated from them on account of their bad advice and their corrupt management and their lack of agreement. The Banī Ḥamdān and those who [were] with them overcame them, and they routed them and made them prisoners, and they were in possession of all the lands of the ''Rīf'' both the Eastern and the Western, and they pillaged them and they devastated them and they slew their inhabitants. They violated women, and they slaughtered children [carried] on the bellies of their mothers and the backs of their fathers, and they pillaged the churches and ruined them, and they erased the faces of the pictures which remained in them. The Lewatis (''al-Lawātiyyīn'') took the father, the patriarch, Abba Christodoulus from his dwelling - place, and they plundered all that was in it, and they took very much money which he had. (ibid. II, pp. 278 - 279).

Some of them [Copts] excused themselves on account of the dearth and of what the people [endured] on account of it.

Then he [Christodoulus] arose in anger, and he said: "If ye refrain [from helping] me, I shall go to the ''qādī Sadaqah'' and to the Nubian (''an-Nūbī''), and to Banī Harīsa and to the Muslims (''al-Muslimīn''), and I shall borrow from them, and I shall ask for alms. (ibid. II, p. 279).

The father, the patriarch, appointed the aforesaid Poimen (''Bimūm'') bishop of the See of Armant in the place of him [Basil], and he consecrated a man whose name was Phoebammon (''Bifām''), bishop of the Oases (''al-Wāh'') and this '''[p. 212]''' [was] in Tūt [of the] year seven hundred and eighty-seven of the Martyrs [1070 A.D.]. He [Christodoulos] sent them both away in company with Abba George (Anbā Jirja), bishop of Batu, that he might enthrone both of them, and [then] go on with his letter to the king of Nubia (''an-Nūba''), entreating in it for something with which to assist him [Christodoulos] so that he might: spend it on what was arranged for him [to pay] to the Lewatis (''al-Lawātiyyīn''), and informing him [the king] about what had befallen him. When they reached Armant, they found its bishop alive [and that] he had not died, namely Abba Basil (''Abbā Bāsīlīūs''). (ibid. II, pp. 280 - 281).

When they [the two bishops] found the bishop [of Armant] alive, [and that] he had not died, Poimen (''Bimūm'') journeyed with Abba George (''Anba Jirja''), bishop of Batū, to the king of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''). When the two of them reached him, he honoured them both, and Abba George consecrated for the king a new church which he had built. The Holy Spirit descended upon one of the vessels in which [was] the water for the consecration. The king took it [the vessel] in his hand, and he went with it to the dwelling. He [George] consecrated in this church four sanctuaries (''hayākil'') on that day, and the king gave to him that which had brought him back to the patriarch Abba Christodoulos (''Anbā Akhristūdūlūs'') in Alexandria, and Poimen (''Bimūm'') [was] with him. (ibid. II, p. 282),

The deacon John (''Yu’annis''), the monk, one of the sons of the saintly Bessus (''Bisūs''), related to me that he was present on a certain day, [when] he [Bessus] [was] on the top of the keep (''jaūsaq'') praying, and eighteen Sudanese (''as-Sūdān'') men entered the monastery and took possession of it, and seized one of the monks and tortured him. The father Bessus (''Bisūs'') came down from the keep to them, and he grasped with his hand the neck of their leader and cast him out from the door of the monastery.

'''[p. 213]''' He continued to seize them one by one by the neck until he had cast them all out, and they [the monks] fastened the door. These Sudanese (''as-Sūdān'') swore that their eyesight had been blinded and that his [Bessus’] hand upon their necks was like a heavy stone. (ibid. II, p. 293).

A congregation of his [Bessus’] sons, the monks, at the Monastery of Abba Khame (''Abū Kamā''), among whom [was] Macarius (''Maqārah'') the Nubian (''an-Nūbī''), related to me that he had informed them about the killing of my brother Fahd two days before the news reached him that he had been killed. (ibid. II, p. 296).

It happened [when] the Amīr al-Juyūsh [was] on his journey to Upper Egypt (''as-Ṣa’īd'') to [fight] until he conquered it, [that] a man whose name [was] ‘Alī-al-Qiftī, falsely accused to him the patriarch, and said to him: "A metropolitan (''muṭrān'') whose name [was] Victor (''Buqtur'') who had been appointed by Christodoulos (''Akhristūdūlūs'') the patriarch, had demolished a mosque in the lands of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''), and that in the lands of Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabashah'') [there is] a metropolitan (''muṭrān'') whose name [is] Cyril (''Qūrīl'') and he has respect for the Muslims (''al-Muslimīn'') and loves them and honors them."

The Amīr al-Juyūsh dispatched from Upper Egypt (''as-Ṣa’īd'') a letter to his son al-Awhad in which he ordered him to arrest the patriarch. He arrested him and kept him prisoner with him, until a messenger whom the Amīr al-Juyūsh had sent to the king of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''), known as Ḥisām ad-Dawlah Jawāmird, arrived and made known to him the contrary of what 'Alī al-Qiftī had related to him. When he [the Amīr al-Juyūsh] returned to Cairo (''al-Qāhirah''), he caused the father, Abba Christodoulos (''Anbā Akhristūdūlūs'') the patriarch, to be brought to his council in honor and with respect, and he caused to be '''[p. 214]''' brought Ḥisām al-Dawlah Jawāmird and 'Alī al-Qiftī the aforesaid. Ḥisam al-Dawlah accused him ['Alī al-Qiftī] of falsehood with regard to what he had related to him [the Amīr al-Juyūsh]. He confessed and acknowledged his falsehood. (ibid. II, p.316).

There was arranged a journey of Mercurios (''Marqūrah''), the aforesaid bishop, known as ''al-Wa'wā'' to the lands of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''), as a messenger to the king from the patriarch, and [there was] with him a messenger from the Amīr al-Juyūsh to him [the king]. He [the Amir's messenger] [was] a noble man, surnamed Saif al-Dawlah, and he was known as ''as-Sarīf ar-Radī'' to summon an ''amīr'', known as ''Kanz ad-Dawlah''. He had acted with duplicity in the lands of the Upper Egypt and had spoiled them and plundered them, and he had ruled over them before the arrival of the Amir al-Juyush in Egypt (''Miṣr''). When he [''Kanz ad-Dawlah''] was informed of his [Saif ad-Dawlah's] journey to Upper Egypt, as we have said at the beginning, he fled from him to the land of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''). When the aforesaid bishop and the messenger who was with him had journeyed to the lands of Nubia with the letter from the patriarch, the king delivered him [Kanz ad-Dawlah] to them, and they escorted him back to Egypt (''Miṣr''), and the Amīr al-Juyūsh put him to death, and crucified him at the Iron Gate (''Bāb al-Hadid'') [which is] between Cairo (''al-Qāhirah'') and Miṣr. (ibid. II, pp. 317 - 318).

From the Life of Cyril, the 67th Patriarch [1077 - 1093 A.D.].

Abba Cyril (''Aba Qīrillus'') the patriarch,, was most of his time at the Church of Michael (''Mikāyīl'') on the Island of Cairo (''Miṣr''), in the place known as the Elect (''al-Mukhtara''), abiding in the Keep (''jausaq'') which was in it. He used to long to live in the ''Rīf''. but he was not able [to do so] on account of the many messengers arriving from the lands of Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabasha'') and Nubia (''an''-'''[p. 215]'''-''Nūba'') and returning to them, and of the requirement of the Sultan that he [Cyril] should present himself to him at all times.

Solomon (''Salamūn''), king of Nubia (''an-Nūba''), relinquished the kingdom and retired from it, and he delivered it up to George (Jirja), the son of his sister, and he withdrew to worship and [to lead] the ascetic life. It was in the second year of the patriarch of Abba Cyril (''Anbā Qīrillus'') that Solomon (''Salamūn''), the aforesaid, went to a valley (''wādī'') known as Saint Onuphrius (''Abū Nafr'') to worship there in a church [dedicated] to his name. Between it and the borders of Nubia (''an-Nūba'') [it is] a journey of three days, and between it and Aswān [it is] a journey of ten days. The wālī of Aswān at that time was As’ad ad-Dawlah Shardakīn al-Kawwāsī. One of the brothers of Kanz ad-Dawlah came to him and said to him: "My lord, dost thou wish me to go to seize Solomon (Salamūn) who was king of Nubia (''an-Nūba'') and to bring him to thee?" He said: "Certainly". He took with him twenty men, and they rode good camels and they journey in secret until they reached the church in the valley of Abba Onuphrius (''Abū Nafr''), and they made an attack on it suddenly, and they seized the aforesaid Solomon (''Salamūn'') and they brought him to As'ad ad-Dawlah, and he dispatched him to Cairo (''al-Qāhirah''). When he reached it, all who [were] in it from among the ''amīrs'' and eminent people (''muqaddamīn''), met him with drums and flags and trumpets. When he entered Cairo, Amīr al-Juyūsh honored him and caused him to lodge in a beautiful mansion. He bore to him robes and furniture and vessels, and he [Solomon] remained in this condition for the space of a year, and then he went to his rest and he was buried in the Monastery of the Saint, my lord George (''Mārī Girgis'') at al-Khandaq.

'''[p. 216]''' The father Abba Cyril consecrated a metropolitan (''muṭrān'') for Abyssinia (''al-Ḥabashah''). He was a learned young man whose name [was] Severus (''Sawīrus'') the son of the sister of Victor (''Buqtur'') the deceased, metropolitan. He had been brought up there with his aforesaid uncle. He [Severus] made many promises to Amīr al-Juyūsh so that he approached Abba Cyril (''Abā Qīrillus'') [and asked him] to advance him, and he [Cyril] consecrated him. He [Severus] said that he would continue [to supply] him [Amīr al-Juyūsh] with presents from there, and would allow the kings to obey him. When he [Severus] had journeyed and had arrived in the lands of Abyssinia, Cyril (''Qūrīl'')<ref>The original may be translated: “The king gave him [a sum], which he brought to the Patriarch” etc.</ref> whom we have mentioned before, opposed him. The father Christodoulos (''Akhristūdūlūs'') had said to Amīr al-Juyūsh that he had not consecrated him (''Qūrīl'') and that he [was] an usurper of the priesthood, and that he had quarreled with him and had opposed him. Then this Cyril (''Qūrīl'') collected his wealth and journeyed to Dahlak, and there, was with him much money. The chief (''sāhīb'') of Dahlak arrested him, and he took his money and he dispatched him to Amīr al-Juyūsh. When he reached Cairo, he [Amīr al-Juyūsh] caused him to be brought to his Council. Then he enquired concerning him, and he was informed of the correctness of what had been said about him, and he imprisoned him in the Treasury of Flags (''Khazānah al-Bunūd'') for a time. Then he beheaded him in the year eight hundred and six of the Martyrs. [1090 A.D.] (ibid. II, pp. 327 - 329).

Then the patriarch of the Armenians (''al-Arman'') arrived in Cairo (Miṣr), and ... he confessed to him [Cyril of Alexandria] the Orthodox upright Faith which is our Faith, [we] the company of the Jacobites (''Ya'āqibah''), in '''[p. 217]''' the presence of a great multitude which was at the Ceil of our father, Abba Cyril (''Anbā Qīrillus''), the patriarch, on that day, and there was made known amongst all the people the genuineness of the agreement of the Copts (''al-Qibt'') and the Armenians (''al-Arman'') and the Syrians (''as-Suryān'') and the Abyssinians (''al-Ḥabashah'') and the Nubians (''an-Nūba'') on the Orthodox, upright Faith on which the saintly, virtuous fathers agreed, and with which Nestorious (''Nastūr'') and Leo (''Lawūn'') and the Council of Chalcedon (''Khalkudūniah'') disagreed, (ibid. II, pp. 345 -346).

The children of Baptism [Christians] experienced great fear on account of the domineering nature of Amīr al-Juyūsh and of what happened through him to the bishops, until God - praised be He - was gracious [unto us] through the arrival of a fine gift from Basil (''Bāsil'') king of Nubia (''an-Nūbah''), and with it the son of the king who was before him [Basil], and [who had] died, in order that the patriarch might make him [the son] bishop, for [it is] their custom, when the king dies, that his son is not made king in his stead, but the son of his [the king's] sister is made [king]. (ibid. II, pp. 349 - 350).

Amīr al-Juyūsh said to him: "If the Metropolitan (''muṭrān'') was arrested, how was he able to give to thee thy rights? Nevertheless, the king is [?] supreme lord in his lands." Then he turned to ''Rijāl'' the brother of the Metropolitan (''muṭrān'') and he said to him: "Thy brother accepted our conditions that he should build in the lands of Abyssinia four mosques, and he has not done [so]." ''Rijāl'' said to him: "O my lord, he built seven mosques in the places, where it was possible to build [them], and their case is well known, namely, [how] the Abyssinians (''al-Ḥabashah'') demolished them and wished to kill him [the Metropolitan], and that, when the news '''[p. 218]''' of this reached the king he arrested the Metropolitan and imprisoned him. (ibid. II, p. 350).

A certain good, trustworthy [person] related to me that the illustrious Amīr al-Juyūsh said in his letter to the king of Abyssinia: "If thou dost not do thus and thus, I shall demolish the churches which [are] in the land of Egypt (Miṣr)." He [the king] wrote to him a reply, saying, "If thou demolish a single stone of the churches, I shall carry to thee all the bricks (''tōbi'') and the stones of Mecca (''Makkah''), and I shall deliver all of them to thee, and if a single brick of it [Mecca] is missing, I shall send to thee its weight in gold."
(ibid. II, p. 351).

From the Life of Gabriel II, the 70th Patriarch [1132 - 1146 A.D.].

There occurred in his days a great battle between the Sudanis (''al-'abid as-Sūdān'') and the soldiers at a place called Kum ad-Darb to the south of Cairo (''Miṣr'') in the region of Aṭfīḥ, and many people of the Sudanis (''Sūdān'') were slain. And the Amīr Ḥasan seized the father, the patriarch, Abba (''Anbā'') Gabriel (''Ghabryāl'') and he confiscated his [possessions], and he imprisoned him in the Treasury of the Flags, until the scribes paid to him from their female slaves and the merchants aided him with their money, so that there was borne to him a thousand dīnārs, and God delivered him from his hands. And when God saw his [Ḥasan's] oppression and his evil and his killing of the people and his taking by force of the property of the people, without [any] right, he raised up against him a body of the soldiers of the State (''ajnad dawlati-hi''). And they went to [the province of] ''al-Gharbiah'' to its ''wālī'', and he was a Christian (''Naṣrānī'') man, an Armenian (''Armanī'') called Bahrām, and he was de-'''[p. 219]'''-signated as ''Tāj ad-Dawlah'', and he was a chief of the Armenians (''Arman''), for he was of the race of their kings. Then he came to the Land of Egypt (''Miṣr'') with the Amīr al-Juyūsh Badr al-Jamālī, on his coming from Acre (''Akka'') in the days of al-Mustanṣir Billah. And he continued in the service of the State, and they advanced him and they made him ''wālī'' of provinces (''wilāyāt''); and he kept his religion, and he was exalted and respected by them, and they had a good opinion of him and love for him, and they made him ''wālī'' of [the province of] ''al-Gharbiah''. And the soldiers went to him, and they cried to him for help, and they wished for him and besought him that he should be a ''wazīr'' and ruler over them. Then he entered with them into Cairo (''al-Qāhirah''), and they took him and made him a king without his choice. Then the amīr Ḥasan fled and he hid himself, and his father returned to his former state. And he made this ''amīr'' ''wazīr'' and he was a Christian (''Nasrānī''). And al-Hāfiz reigned as caliph on the day of his return to the caliphate (''al-Khilāfah'') in the months of the year five hundred and twenty-nine of the Lunar [Year] [1134 - 1135 A.D.]. (Burmester III, pp. 45 - 46).

And God performed at the hands of this patriarch wonders and miracles and good works, and I shall record some of them. And it is what took place in the lands of Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabashah''), and this [was] that the king of Ethiopia summoned Abba (''Anbā'') Michael (''Mikhāyīl'') - and his name before his consecration [as] Metropolitan (''muṭrān'') of Ethiopia [was] Habīb - and he sought from him that he should consecrate for him bishops in excess of the usual number according to the recognized custom established from ancient times, but he refused this. And he said: "I have not the power to do anything, except on the advice of the patriarch." And the king dispatched to the patriarch a letter asking him about this, and another letter to the king of Egypt which his messenger accompanied. '''[p. 220]''' And an order of the caliphate (''khalīfah'')<ref>Sic! In the “History of the Patriarchs”. It should be read “caliph”.</ref> went out to the patriarch to comply with what he asked. And he excused himself and said to the caliph (''al-Khalīfah''): ‘O Sire, if the bishops for Ethiopia became more than this number, they will dare to consecrate an Archbishop, and they will free themselves from the obedience of the patriarch of Egypt (''Miṣr''), and they will dispense with them, and they will begin to appoint (patriarch) for themselves, and there will not remain for them any need of the patriarchs of Egypt (''Miṣr''), and they will not owe obedience to them, and this will drive them into enmity and hostility towards whomsoever borders their lands from among the Muslims (''al-Muslimīn''), and discipline will be relaxed among them. (ibid. III, pp. 56 - 57).

From the Life of John V., the 72nd Patriarch [1147 - 1157 A.D.].

And in the days of al-Hāfiz, Rudwān Ibn Walkhāsī made a hole in the place in which he was at the Castle.<ref>In jail.</ref> And he went out through the hole, and he crossed over to al-Gīzah, and he collected a body of soldiers and Arabs (''Al-‘Arab'') and Moors (''al-Maghāribah''), and he entered Cairo (''al-Qāhirah''), and took possession of it and was supreme. And in the latter part of the day of his entry into it [Cairo], he was killed inside the Grey Mosque (''al-Aqmar'') which is at the ''Rukn al-Mukhallaq'' at the hands of the Sudanis (''as-Sūdān'') and those who agreed with them from among the soldiers. (ibid. III, pp. 69 - 70).

Then everyone of them fled for himself from the gates of Cairo. And they left behind their money and their houses and their families. And the Sudanis (''as-Sūdān'') '''[p. 221]''' pillaged them, and they dissolved as salt. And as for Majd al-Islām Ruzzīk, their ''wazīr'', he took a small saddle - bag, [and] he put in one side of it jewellery and hyacinths (''yakindas'') and emeralds, and many things of this kind, and what would be the value of the land-tax (''kharāj'') of the Land of Egypt (''Miṣr'') for a year ... And he journeyed alone southward of Cairo (''Miṣr''), and he fell in with a band of Arabs (al-''ʿArab''), the headman of whom was called Jacob (''Ya'qūb'') Ibn al-Bīd. And his slaves (''ʿabīd'') took him and stripped him, and they took the horse and all that [was] on it, and they departed from him and they left him. And he remained alone in the desert naked and confused. (ibid. III, pp. 81 - 82).

And the hands of the Ghuzz<ref>Originally, the Turkish troops in Egypt; later on, the word “ghuzz” (“ghozz”) was vaguely applied to all bands of robbers.</ref> were stretched out against the inhabitants of Cairo (''Miṣr'') from among the Christians (''an-Nasārā''), the Sudanis (''as-Sūdān''), and the Armenians (''al-Arman''), and the Turks (''al-Atrāk'') of the Cairenes (''al-Miṣriyyīn''). And they used to kill them and to sell them, if they found some one to buy from them, if not they killed that person; and they robbed their possessions and they took their women folk. And they used to cry for sale a Christian (''an-Nasrānī''): "Who will buy an infidel?", and a Turk (''at-Turkī'') of Cairo (''al-Miṣri''): "Who will buy a dissolute Turk (''Turkī'') [who] spent the night in the bitter cold? "<ref>The Arabic original (''turkī khalī’ bāt fī-s-saqīʾ'') is rhymed.</ref> and a negro (''al-Aswad''): "Who will buy a Sudanese (''as-Suwīdān'')?" And they used to sell them at a vile price, a Christian (''an-Nasrānī'') for twenty ''dirhams'', and ten ''dirhams'' a Turk (''at-Turkī''), and five dirhams a negro (''al-Aswad'') ... And Asad ad-'''[p. 222]''' Dīn<ref>The uncle of Saladin, whom Nureddin sent to Egypt to support the Fatimid king against the advancing Crusaders.</ref> continued to remain around Cairo (''al-Qāhirah'') and to blockade Shawār, until Shawār conveyed to the king Amaury (''Marī''), king of the Franks (''al-Afranj''), a great [sum] of money, so that he came with his army.

And when the Bedouins (''al-ʿUrbān'') informed Asad ad-Dīn Shirkūh of the approach of the Franks (''al-Afranj'') from the districts, he departed with his troops to Upper Egypt (''aṣ-Ṣa’īd''). And when the king Amaury (''Marī'') arrived at Bilbais, there was borne to him from the Caliph (''al-Khalīfah'') and the ''wazīr'' many things in the way of money and presents; and he rested at Bilbais for one month. Then he came to Cairo (''al-Qāhirah''), and he halted with his army around Cairo. Then the army of the Franks and Amaury their king, and the army of the Muslims (''al-Muslimīn'') and Shawār, their master, marched in search of Asad ad-Dīn Shirkūh and his army. And when they pursued him, he crossed over [the river] to the western side, and marched towards the Upper Ṣa'īd, and they overtook him at a spot called Al-Bābain, and they encountered him. (ibid. III, pp. 87 - 89).

And in the days of this patriarch, [John V] a letter arrived from the king of Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabashah'') for Al-'Ādil Ibn as-Salār requesting the consecration of a metropolitan (''muṭrān''). And there was with him a metropolitan (''muṭrān'') called Abba (''Anbā'') Michael (''Mikhāyīl'') and his name was Habīb al-Atfīhī. (ibid. III, p. 90).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

1. al-Khitat

2015-10-31T14:20:55Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 586-673]'''

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

''1.) From "Al-Khiṭaṭ"''

[General Geographical Information]

The First Climate stretches across ... the "Nile of Egypt" as far as the country of the Ḥabasha and. the town of Dumqala in the country of the Nūba. (Wiet 1,1,ch.11, §37, p. 42; Bouriant, p. 31) <ref> Maqrīzī’s statements on the stronomical position of Dongola, distances between places in Nubia, the desert east and west of the Nile etc. have been omitted. Of the geographical passages, only those containing historical or legendary data have been included in this collection.</ref>

West [of Egypt] there is the Western Desert; to the south, the desert of the Nūba and the Ḥabasha. (W.1,1, ch.III, §1, p. 51; B., p. 36).

'''[p. 587]''' The frontier of Egypt begins at the Sea of the Rūm at Alexandria, or, according to others, at Barqa; traverses the land, passing behind the Oases (''al-wāhāt'') and continues as far as Nubia; then it turns [eastwards] along the borders of Nubia and those of Aswān, touches on the territory of the Beja which lies south of Aswān till it reaches the Sea of Qulzum. (W.I,1,ch.IV, §3, p. 54; B., p. 39).

Those who know well the history [of Egypt] say that the width of Egypt, from Aswān, in the remotest districts of Upper Egypt (''aṣ-Ṣa'īd al-a‘lā'') near the Nubian frontier, to Rosetta is about 30 days' journey. (W. ibid.; pp. 39 - 40).

After reaching the southernmost Oases, [if] you face towards the east and walk in the direction of the Nile; you will reach the river after eight days. Then if you go [upstream] following the Nile, you will reach the end of the territory of Islam, beyond this lies the country of the Nūba. Cross the Nile and go eastward from Aswān, leaving that town behind, in the direction of 'Aydhāb on the coast of the Sea of Ḥejāz: from Aswān to 'Aydhāb the journey takes five days. (W.1,1,ch.IV, § 8, p. 57; B., p. 41).

Traders go from Upper Egypt to the Maghrib, Nubia, the Beja country, Ḥabasha, Ḥejāz and Yemen. (W.I,1, ch. IX, §34, p. 114; B., p. 76).

[The Marvels of Ancient Egypt<ref>Most legends and fanciful tales about ancient Egypt were borrowed by Maqrīzī from ''Akhbār Miṣr wa-‘Aja’ibi-ha'' (The Stories and Marvels of Egypt) by Ibrāhīm Waṣif Shah. Bible apocrypha and commentaries (e.g. by Flavius Josephus) were widley known to ancient Arab writers.</ref>: A Bridge Across the Nile in Nubia]

[Pharaoh ''ʿAdīm'', son of ''Naqtāīm''] built a bridge<ref>This “bridge” is most probably the unfinished oblisk, still lying in the Aswān granite quarry. The ancients may have mistaken it for the rest of a giant bridge built across the Nile.</ref> across the Nile at a point where Nubia begins. On this '''[p. 588]''' bridge he erected roar statues, each facing one of the four directions; each statue held in its hands two arrows to hit any one who dared to approach from that direction. The statues remained in place until the Pharaoh of Moses - blessings upon him destroyed them. This king (''ʿAdīm'') erected, at the entrance to Nubia, the temple which has remained until our time.<ref>I.e. the time of the first writer who recited this story.</ref> (W.I, 1, ch. IX, 94, pp. 141 - 142; B., p. 90).

[The Origin of the Hawk Worship in Nubia]

The mother of [pharaoh] ''Marqūnis'' (''Marqukis'')<ref>Many different readings of this name.</ref> was the daughter of the king of the Nūba. Her father was a worshipper of the star ''as-Suhā''<ref>A dim star in the Ursa Major constellation.</ref>, which he called God. She asked her son to build a temple especially for her in which she would find seclusion. He built it, decorated it with gold and silver plates and erected a statue (''ṣanam'') in it, and had it [the statue] covered with silk curtains.

The queen used to enter it with her maidens and her retinue and prostrate herself before it three times every day; she instituted a monthly feast during which she offered [to the idol] victims and frankincense day and night. She also appointed a priest from the Nūba to perform the celebration, to offer victims and to burn frankincense. She did not cease from [trying to persuade] her '''[p. 589]''' son, until he, too, prostrated himself before the statue and called others to worship it. When the priest saw that the king had become a true worshipper of the star, he wanted to give the star ''Suhā'' a symbol (''mithāl'') in the form of an animal to which worship be paid. He decided to play a trick: (he waited) until the time when the hawks became very numerous in ''Miṣr'' thus causing great inconvenience to the population. Whereupon the king invited this priest and asked him the cause of such an increase in the number of hawks. He answered: "Indeed, your God sent them so that you erect [a statue] similar to them to be adored". ''Marqūnis'' said: "If that will satisfy him, I shall make it". He said: "Surely, the God will be satisfied". So [the king] ordered that the likeness of a hawk be made two cubits high and one cubit wide, of solid gold; he had its eyes made from two rubies, he put two necklaces of pearls set on rows of green stones around his neck and hung a pearl on its beak; its thighs were ornamented with red pearls. He then placed it on a pedestal of chiselled silver standing on a base of blue glass and had it erected under a vault on the right side of the sanctuary (''haikal''). He ordered that all kinds of spices (''al-afāwiyah'') and aromatic resins (''as-sumūgh'') be burnt. He offered it a black calf and the first brood of the chickens and the first fruits and flowers. (W.1,1, ch. X, §11, pp. 152- 153; B., p. 97).

[The Nubians and Some Neighbouring Peoples]

Epidemics in Egypt are always caused by an abnormal corruption which is easily spread by the air. This corruption may begin in Egypt itself or in the neighbouring countries, such as the [country of the] Sūdān, Syria or Barqa.<ref>Cf. Michael the Syrian (q.v.).</ref> (W.1,1,ch. XIII, p. 205; B., p. 132).

'''[p. 590]''' In the Commentary of the Fourth Book of Ptolemy<ref>The first Arab commentator of Ptolemy was Al-Khuwārizmī (q.v.). This passage, however, is taken from Al-Ḥamdānī (q.v.).</ref> it is said; Concerning the countries, of the [inhabited] quarter which is near the centre of all the Earth, such as Barqa, Egypt, the Oases, the land of the Nūba, and the Beja arid the land of the coast east of the Nūba and the Ḥabasha, all these countries lie in the angle which extends its influence on all the inhabited quarters [of the Earth] situated between the north [wind] (''dabūr'') and the south [wind] (''janūb'') [B: vent du nord]. [In other words] these regions torn altogether the western half of the inhabited quarter (of the Earth) which is under the direct influence (''tadbīr'') of the Five Planets together. The inhabitants of these lands worship God, venerate the Genii (''al-junn''), practice wailing for the dead and bury their dead in graves with different ceremonies: they have different customs, rites and beliefs because mysteries (''asrār'') appeal strongly to them, so that every [racial] group (''tā’ifa'') among them performs one or another secret ceremony (''al-umūr al-khaffīyya'') which they all profess and perform. From these mysteries (''asrār'') originated the mathematical sciences (''al-‘ulūm ad-daqīqa''). When they are subject to foreign rule, these peoples are wretched and are generally lazy and cunning. When they have foreigners subjected to their rule, they show great generosity and kindness. Men take a great number of wives, and women alike have a number of husbands; as they [men] feel strongly inclined to intercourse, they have many children and the women are frequently pregnant. Many men are, however, weak and effeminate. (W.1,1, ch. XIII passim, pp. 205 - 206; B., pp. 134 - 135).

'''[p. 591]''' [The Nile]

The river [Nile] originally had no regular course, but flowed into swamps, and branched off on into the land, until King Naqrāwūs sent an expedition to Nubia comprising men who straightened the course. They dug several canals to flow from the main course so as to supply water to the towns which they built; one of these was the canal to the town of Amsūs.

... The same author [i.e. Ibn Waṣīf Shāh] adds: Al-Walīd, the son of Dawma' [B.: ''Darmaʾ''), the Amalecite ... sent one of his servants by name ''ʿAwn'' to Egypt; then he himself went [to Egypt].

... He [Walīd] had the idea of exploring the sources of the Nile, and finding out what peoples were living on its banks. He spent three years making preparations for the expedition, then he set out with a numerous army. He never passed through a country without exterminating the inhabitants. He passed through the countries of the Blacks (''umam as-sūdān''), went beyond them, then he entered the country of the gold (''arḍ adh-dhahab'') and saw there small rods (''qudbān'') sticking out of the ground. (W.I,1, ch. XV, §2-3, pp. 225 - 227; B., pp. 146 - 148).

... [Idrīsī says]: This lake [i.e. the one from which the Nile river finally flows] is called ''Kuwarā'' (''Kurī'', ''Kūra''), after the name of a tribe of Sūdān who dwell on its banks. These ''Sūdān'' are a savage people and eat the men whom they can capture. The river ''Ghāna'' (''nahr Ghānah'') and the great river (''baḥr'') of the Ḥabasha flows from this lake. On flowing out of the lake, the Nile crosses the country of the ''Kuwarā'' (''Kurī'', ''Kūra'') and the Yana (''Yanna'', ''Nana'') a tribe of Blacks (''Sūdān'') between Kanem (B.: ''Katem'') and the Nūba. On reaching Dongola (''Dumqala''), the town of the Nūba, it enters into the Second Climate flowing in a [north-]easterly direction. (W.I,1,ch. XV, § 16, pp. 229 - 230; B., p. 149).

'''[p. 592]'''... Navigation of the boats coming downstream from the Nūba ends where the Nile reaches the cataracts (''al-janādil''), as well as the navigation by the boats coming upstream from the Ṣa'īd. Outcrops of rocks allow to beats no through-passage, except at the time of the flood. (W., ibid., pp. 231 - 232; B., p. 150).

What he [Idrīsī] says about the branch of the Nile, which flows across ''al-Ḥabasha'' is not true. The flood-season of the Nile occurs in Egypt at the same time as in the country of the Nūba and [in the other countries lying] beyond it to the south. There is no difference between the two regions except on two particulars: the first is that in the land of Egypt it flows in a rocky bed (''ukhdūd''), while there [in Nubia] it spreads far and wide over the lands. The second point is that in Egypt the flood is measured by the Nilometer (''miqyās''), but in Nubia it is quite impossible to measure it because the waters are dispersed. Those who have a good knowledge of Egypt, know well that the increase of water in the Nile is caused by the rains in the southern region. (W., ch. XV, §24, pp. 244 - 245; B., p. 160).

It is told that the Nile is formed by ten streams which flow from the above mentioned ''Jabal al-Qamar'' – each five streams gathering into one tributary. Then the ten streams flow into two lakes - five streams into one lake; then a river (''baḥr'') flows from the eastern lake smoothly (''latīf''), eastwards near Mount ''Qāqūlī'' (or: ''Qāqūl'', ''Qāqarlī'') and passes by the towns of that region, until it enters the Indian Sea. From the two lakes, six rivers flow, i.e. three rivers from each lake; the six rivers unite in a vast lake which is called "The Swamp" (''al-baṭīḥa''); on it there is a castle (''qaṣr'')<ref>Probably, a natural, but unidentified cliff protruding into the Nile. Cf. Al-‘Umarī (q.v.) from whom this passage was borrowed.</ref> which resembles a mountain '''[p. 593]''' round which the waters divide into two streams. One of them flows out from the western side of the Swamp, and this is the "Nile of the Sūdān" which becomes a river (''baḥr'') and is called the "Great River of the Damādim" (''baḥr ad-Damādim''). It turns towards the west between Samghara and Ghāna, passing south of Samghara and north of Ghāna, it touches the town of Barīsa, then disappears under a mountain south of that town beyond the equator as far as ''Rafila'' (?), after which it forms a lake in that region, then the remainder of the water continues flowing westwards till the lands of Mallī and Takrūr and ends in the [western] ocean, south of the town of ''Qaltabū'' (''Qalab.tū'' ?, ''Qalb.twā'.F.l.sū.''?). The other half begins on the northern side and flows northwards as far as to the east of the town of Jīmī (''Hīmī''); there it divides into two branches, one branch flows eastwards to the town of ''Saḥart'', then turns south, then again southeast, to the town of Saḥarta (''Sahrīyya'' ?), then to the town of ''Marka'', and ends at the equator at Long. 65°, where it forms a lake (''buḥairah''); as for the main branch [of the Nile], from the place where it parts from the [Saḥart] branch, east of the town of ''Shīmī'', it continues its course in the northern direction, passes by the borders of the country of the Ḥabasha, then flows north on the countries of the Sūdān to the town of Dumqala, until it falls over the cataracts to Aswān ... etc. (W.I,1,ch. XVI, §25, pp. 245 - 246; B., p. 161).

Mas’ūdī<ref>Maqrīzī here reviews the opinions of the ancient philsophers on the cause of the Nile flood.</ref> said: The Indians (''al-hind'') say that the flood of the Nile and its decrease depend on the torrential rains. We know that this is true because [it occurs regularly] in connection with the stars (''al-anwāʾ'') causing '''[p. 594]''' the rainy season and thunderstorms. The Rūm said that the Nile neither increases nor decreases, and that the flood and its ebb are due to the many [hidden] springs which feed it. The Copts say that the increase and the decrease are caused by some springs on the coast, which can be observed by those who travel and explore its upper course. Others say that the Nile neither increases nor decreases, but that its flood is due to the wind blowing from the north, which stops its water and forces it to overflow into the countryside. Others say that the Nile flood is caused by a wind blowing called ''Mullathan'' (''muln'': B.: ''Moltan''), which brings the rain-carrying clouds from below the equator; therefore it rains in the countries of the Sūdān, the Ḥabasha and the Nūba, and the mass of these waters reaches Miṣr at [the time of] the increase of the Nile and Irrigates it. (W.I, 1, ch. XVII, §13, pp. 255 - 256; B., p. 167).

All these eight rivers end into one lake out of which one river flows and this is the Nile of Egypt. It traverses the country of the Nūba and merges with another river, the source of which is not in the region across the equator. That lake is vast and round, its diameter equalling 3° [degrees]. The distance of its centre from the beginning of the inhabited lands in the west is 71°; the stream flowing from this spring meets the Nile at a point distant 43° 40’ from the nearest inhabited land in the west. (W.I, 1, ch. XIX, pp. 267 - 268; B., p. 175).<ref>Maqrīzī reported different opinions of ancient scientists about the origin of the Nile and the cause of its annual flood. (I,1,ch. XV-XVI, pp. 230-256, passim). Then he quoted Avicenna’s opinion about the superior qualities of the Nile water (ch. XIX, p. 268).</ref>

'''[p. 595]''' [An Expedition Against the Blacks (''Sūdān'')]

Towards the beginning of the 30th year of the reign [of the Egyptian King Nadares b. Sabin b. Qobīim], the Zanj and the Nūba branches of the Sūdān carried out a raid on his kingdom, troubled and pillaged it [Nadares] gahtering his armies from the districts (''a'māl'') of Egypt, prepared boats and sent a general called ''Filūtus'' (Bilatus?, B.: ''Philotheos'') with 300,000 men and another general with another similar army. He sent 300 boats up the Nile. On each boat there was a magician (''kāhin''), each one capable of doing a special miracle. Then he himself set out with a numerous army, met the multitude of the Sūdān who numbered about one million, defeated them, killed a great number and took many prisoners: his armies pursued them until they arrived at a place where elephants are found, in the country of the Zanj. He captured a great number of these animals, as well as leopards (''numūr'') and other wild animals and sent them to Egypt, where he had them tamed. On the borders of his country he built a light-house (''manār'') on which he recorded his journey, his victory and the time he spent on the expedition. Later, he then died in Egypt and was buried in a "naos" (''nawūs''), in which he had set up many effigies symbolizing the stars (''aṣnām al-kawākib''), gold, precious stones (''jawhar''), jewels and statues. On the "''naos''" (shrine) was engraved his name and the date of his death. Charms (''ṭilasmāt'') were placed on it [''naos''] so that they might keep [evil-doers] away. (W.I,l,ch. XXIII, §5, pp. 298 - 299; B., p. 199).

'''[p. 596]''' [A Tax on Nubian Slaves Abolished by Sultan Nāṣir Ibn Qalāwūn]

One of the taxes and privileges abolished by the Sultan [Nāṣir Ibn Qalāwūn] was the tax of the chieftains (''shadd az-zu’amāʾ''),<ref>Bouriant: “droit de garantie”. Some Arab scholars interpret “''shadd az-zu-‘amāʾ''” as a decree made in order to curb the arrogance of the chieftains. “''Shadd''” was, however, a custom duty levied by the Sultan at ‘Aydhāb. Some chieftains in Upper Egypt probably enjoyed the privilege of levying such tolls.</ref> which was a very peculiar institution (''jiha mufrada''). He also abolished the tax (''huqūq'') levied on the Blacks (''Sūdān''), and the inspection of the boats and whatever was prescribed as payment on every slave, girl or man, at the time they were admitted into the hostels (''khānāt'') for the purpose of shameful actions (''li-'amāl al-fāḥishah''); on that occasion it was customary to levy a fixed tax on every male and female. (W.I,2, ch. XXXII, §16, p. 27; B., p. 255).

[Nubians in Egypt under the Fatimite Dynasty]

Ibn Muyassar [q.v.] says in his "History" that the slaves in the service of the lady mother of the Imam (''ʿabīd as-sayyida umm al-imām'') al-Mustanṣir billah Abū Tammīm Ma'add b. aẓ-Ẓāhir li-'azz dīnillah Abūl-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. al-Ḥākim biamrillah Abū 'Alī Manṣūr b. al-'Azīz billah, numbered five thousand, without counting (those in) the army.

When the government (''ad-dawla'') passed from the Fatimites into the hands of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb the latter suppressed the corps of the Blacks slaves (''al-'abīd as-sūd'') in the Egyptian army as well as the Egyptian emirs (''al-umarā' al-miṣriyyīn''), the Bedouins (''al-'urbān''), the Armenians (''al-Arman'') and others, so that the army consisted (only) of Kurds and Turks. (W. 1.2, ch. XXXIV, §§21-22, p. 45; B., p. 270).

'''[p. 597]''' [Enterprises of the Pharaoh Naqrāwūs]

Master Ibrāhīm b. Waṣīf Shāh tells us in his book "Stories and Marvels of Egypt" that the old [town of] Miṣr (''Miṣr al-qadīma'') was called Amsūs and that the first king of the land of Egypt was Naqrāwūs, the powerful, (''al-jabbār''), son of Miṣrāīm, and [that] the meaning of Naqrāwūs is "king of his own people".

It is said that it was this king who straightened the bed of the Nile. Formerly, [this river] spread between two mountain ranges. He sent an expedition [of men] to the country of the Nūba to straighten the Nile bed (''handasū-ha''). They dug a large canal (''nahr'') flowing from it and built towns along it and planted many trees. He also wished to know the sources of the Nile: he therefore set out [on an expedition] and travelled until he arrived beyond the equator and found himself at the shore of the Dark Lake of Pitch (''al-baḥr al-aswad az-ziftī'') where he saw the Nile welling up to the surface of this lake like a network [of streams]. From there the streams entered ''Jabal al-Qamar'', flowed out of it and ended in [some] swampy lakes (''batā’ih''). It is also said that it was he who erected the statues which are found in that region. When he returned to Amsūs, he divided his kingdom among the children. (W., p. II, t.3, ch.II, §§1,2,5, pp. 6-8; B., p. 375).

After him [Naqrāwūs], his son ''Khaslīm''<ref>Gen. 10, 14: “Khaslukhīm”.</ref> became the king ... it was he who built the bridge (''al-qanṭara'') over the Nile in the country of the Nūba. When he died he was placed in a temple (''nāwūs'') together with his treasures and a talisman. (W., ibid., §15, pp. 14 - 15; B., pp. 379 - 380).

'''[p. 598]''' They [the Egyptians] made as their king 'Adīm, son or Qafṭurīm, (''Qofṭīm'') ... In Nubia he built a bridge (''qanṭara'') over the Nile and he reigned 14 years ... During his days Qos was built and he raided the Ḥabasha and took prisoners. (W., ibid., §40,43 passim, p. 39; B., p. 395).

After her [i.e. Nūriāt, a sorceress queen], Marqūnis became king; he was good and wise. His mother was the daughter of the king of the Nūba. This princess did many wonderful things (''ʿajā’ib''). During his reign all sort of wondrous objects (''kullu gharība'') were made. (W., ibid., §§ 72-73, p. 47; B., p. 400).

He was followed as king by his son ''Badāris'' (B.: ''Todrās'') who extended his power over all the provinces.

He carried out a raid in the land of the Zanj and the Ḥabasha (branches) of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). He sent 300 boats (''safīna'') down the Nile, met the Sūdān who were about one million in number and defeated them; he killed the majority of them and took a great number of them prisoners. He also took back to Egypt elephants and leopards (''numūr''). On the frontiers of his country he built light-houses (''manārāt''), on which he engraved his name, the account of his journey and of his victory.

In his time God sent the prophet Ṣāliḥ to the Thammūd. It is also said that it was he who settled the Nubians (''an-Nūba'') where they are now. During the war he waged in the land of the Ḥabasha and at the time of the slaughter he made among the Black peoples (''umam as-sūdān''), he found among them a nation (''umma)'', who could read the books of Adam, Seth (''Shith'') and Idrīs; he bestowed favours on them and assigned a homeland to them, in a land lying at one month's distance from Egypt (''arḍ Miṣr''). These people were called "''Nūba''". He died at Memphis (''al-manf''). (W.,ibid., §§80-81, pp. 48 - 49; B. pp. 401 - 402).

'''[p. 599]''' His son ''Hazaba'' (other reading: ''Harbatā'', ''Harnabā'') reigned after him. Hazaba’s father had taught him the worship of the only one God and had kept him away from the worship of idols; but after the death of his father, Hazaba fell back to the worship of idols in use among his people.

... He carried out a raid against the ''Hind'' and the ''Sūdān'', built one hundred boats of the same type as the boats (''sufun'') of the ''Hind''; he set out and took with him a woman ... he built temples (''hayākil'') in which he erected effigies symbolizing the Planets, (''aṣnām li-l-kawākib''), he raided the coast of Syria, subjected its inhabitants and returned to Egypt; he then raided the Nūba and the Sūdān and imposed on them a tribute which they had to bring to him. He raised the prestige of the priests (''al-kahnah'') and ascribed his victory to the help of the Planets. (W. ibid., §83, pp. 49 - 50; B., pp. 402 - 403).

It is said that the pharaoh of Joseph was called ''ar-Rayyān'' (''Riyān'') b. al-Walīd b. Layth b. Fārān (Qārān) b. Amrū b. 'Amalīq b. Balqa' b. 'Āber b. Aslīḥā b. Lūdh b. Sām b. Nūḥ. It is also said that the pharaoh of Joseph is the grandfather (''jidd'') of the pharaoh of Moses, i.e. the father of his father (''abū abī-hi'').

... He set out on a campaign against the Maghrib with an army of 900,000 men, crossed the territory of the Barbar, the majority of whom he subjected, proceeded to the Green Sea, then marched southwards; went up to the Nūba and returned to Menf. (W., ibid., §105, p. 56; B., pp. 406 - 407).

She [Dalūka, the Old Lady], in order to protect Egypt against the enemies, built a wall which extended from the frontiers of ''Rafaḥ'' (B.: ''zinj'') to Ifrīqiya, the Oases and Nubia. All along this wall there were gates with guards watching day and night, keeping fires alight con-'''[p. 600]'''-tinually. She had this wall (''jidār'') built around Egypt within six months; this is the wall known tinder the name of the Wall of the Old Lady (''ḥā'iṭ al-'Ajūz''). (W., ibid., §122, p. 61; B., p. 410).

When Egypt was ruled by Juriā (B.: Gouriāq), the daughter of Ṭūṭis, the first pharaoh of Egypt, who was also the pharaoh of Ibrāhīm ... she built a fortress (''hiṣn'') on the frontiers of Egypt, facing the Nūba and a bridge (''qanṭara''), under which the water of the Nile flows. When she became ill, she left her cousin, ''Dalīfa'' (B.: Zelfa), daughter of Māmūn to reign; then she died. (W. II, vol. 3, ch. 3, §6, p. 78; B., p. 420).

[Nubians in Egypt at the Time of the Arab Conquest]

It is said that 'Amrū ibn al-'Āṣ granted the population of Alexandria their lives and that, rather than massacre or plunder, he put them under the protection of Islam in the same way as he had done to the Nūba. (W.II, 3, ch. XIII, §12, p. 156; B., p. 474).

Know that this sand [i.e. the Western Desert] is spread over the surface of the Earth. Some people call it the "sand of the dunes (''ar-raml al-habīr''; B.: "le sable mamelonné")." The length of this desert, which begins behind the two mountains known as Tāy', reaches the sea, on the east, and, stretching behind these mountains, extends as far as Egypt and Nubia and the Ocean and takes five months' journey to walk across. (W.II, 3, ch. XXI, §1, p. 220; B., p. 523).

'''[p. 601]''' Chapter XXX<ref>Whole chapters from Maqrīzī’s ''Khiṭaṭ'' (XXX-XXXIV, XXVI-XXXVII), which preserved Aswānī’s invaluable statements, are quoted in the following pages. Unfortunately, Maqrīzī copied from Aswānī only the geographical description, and very little of the statements on the History of Nubia. It is often impossible to distinguish which passages are quotations from Aswānī and which are Maqrīzī’s own summaries. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Manūfī (q.v.), who wrote in the 16th century a treatise on the Nile, read Aswānī’s book and quoted lengthy passages from it. A comparison between the borrowings by Maqrīzī and those made by Manūfī proves that Maqrīzī’s text is substantially faithful to al-Aswānī’s original book. Only place names are spelt in different ways. For the various readings of place names, see G. Troupeau, ''La description de la Nubie d’al-Aswani'', ''Arabica'' 1, 1954, pp. 276288. (I am indebted to Prof. Leclant for this communication and a copy of Troupeau’s article). (The headings of chapters are from Maqrīzī, the sub-headings are the editor’s additions).</ref>: The Cataracts and the History of the Nūba in Retrospect

‘Abdalla b. Aḥmad b. Salīm (Sulaym) al-Aswānī said in his book entitled "History of the Nūba, Maqurra, ‘Alwa, the Beja and the Nile" (''Akhbār an-nūba wa-l-maqurra wa-'alwa wa-l-buja wa-n-nīl''): -

The first village (''balad'') of the Nūba is the village (''qarya'') of al-Qaṣr, five miles from Aswān. The last stronghold (''hiṣn'') of the Moslems is an island called Bilāq, one mile away from the [first] village of the Nūba, situated on the Nubian river bank. From Aswān to this place there are huge cataracts (''janādil'') in the river (''al-baḥr''): boats cannot pass through, except with the skillful help of the local fishermen, who are well acquainted with them, because these rocks are steep and the Nile divides here into many streams. The roaring of the cataracts is heard from a great distance. In this village there is an armed garrison (''musallaḥa'') and a gate leading to the country of the Nūba. Between this village and the first cataract (''janādil'') of the Nubian country there are ten halting places (''marāḥil''). The Moslems [who live] in this district (''nāḥiya'') have a free hand there: they own properties in the neighbourhood and carry out trade in the upper part. There is also a number of Moslem inhabitants but none of them speaks Arabic. This district is narrow and uneven, very mountainous and situated exclusively on the Nile, its villages being ranged in lines along its banks, with palm and ''muql'' (''bdellium'', Theban palm-tree).

'''[p. 602]''' The upper part of this district is broader than its lower part and has vine plantations (''kurūm''); the Nile does not water its fields because of the upward slope of the land [from the river]. The cultivated area is one or two or three acres (''faddān'') and is watered by water-wheels (''dawālīb'') drawn by oxen. They [the inhabitants] plant little, wheat (''qamḥ''), but more barley and rye (''sult'').

Because the cultivated area is narrow, they plant continuously never allowing the land to go fallow. In summer, after fertilising it with manure and [new] earth, they sow it with ''dukhn'' (''pennisetum millet''), ''dhurra'' (''sorghum millet''), ... (''al-jāwrus''), sesame and beans (''lūbiyah'').

In this district is located the town of Bujarāsh<ref>“''Bujarāsh''” is the reading adopted by Wiet (Op. cit., p. 253, n. 4). For other readings and discussion, cf. Wiet, 1, c.</ref>, the capital of al-Marīsī, as well as two fortresses (''qal’a''), one of which is the fortress of Ibrīm. There is also the port (''minā'') known as ''Adwāʾ'' [cf. Wiet, ''ibid.'', note 6], reputed to be the homeland of Luqmān the Wise and Dhū-l-Nūn. There are also the marvellous ruins of a temple (''birbā''). This district is ruled by a governor (''wālī'') called "the Lord of the Mountain" (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabāl''), representing the Great Lord of the Nūba (''ʿazīm an-Nūba''). He is among the highest ranking of their ''wālīs''. This district borders on the land of Islam and anyone who comes from the land of the Moslems to Nubia has to deal '''[p. 603]''' with him, whether for the purpose of trace or to bring a gift to him or to his Lord (''mawlā''). He receives everyone and presents all [visitors] with slaves, but allows no one, Moslem or otherwise, to travel [up country] to visit his Lord.

At the first cataract in the country of the Nūba there is a village called Baqwā (''Ta'wā'', ''Taqwā''; B. : Taqoui),<ref>J. L. Burckhardt, ''Travels in Nubia'', London 1822, read Takoa and identified it with Wadi Halfa.</ref> which is a terminal port for the boats of the Nūba sailing upstream from al-Qaṣr on the frontier of their country. The boats cannot go further. No one, Moslem or otherwise, is allowed to go upstream beyond this point, except by permission from the Lord of the Mountain. Between the port and the Upper Maqs (''al-maqs al-a'lā'') there are six stopping places [all the length] full of cataracts. This is the worst part I ever saw in this district, for it is narrow, extremely difficult to navigate and full of cataracts and intervening rocks, where the Nile sometimes becomes as narrow as fifty cubits (''dhirāʿ'') only. The land on either side is cut by narrow passages (''majāwib''), steep heights and mountainous passes so narrow that neither a rider nor any ill-equipped traveller on foot can cross them. On both the western and the eastern [banks] there are sands. These mountains provide the inhabitants with a [natural] fortress (''hiṣn''), where the inhabitants of the district bordering the land of Islam seek shelter. In some islands there are palm-trees and some plantations of negligible value. Their staple food is fish. They also use fish oil (''shahm'') to anoint themselves. These islands are part of the Marīs and are under the authority of the Lord of the Mountain. The commander of the garrison (''musallaḥa''), which is in the Upper '''[p. 604]''' Maqs, is appointed by their Lord (''Kabīr''). He keeps a very tight control over them, so tight that even their greatest man (''ʿazīma-hom''), when he passes through, is stopped by any man from the garrison, who feigns to search him, so that he might do the same to the [King's] sons, his viziers and anybody else.

Here neither the ''dinar'', nor the ''dirham'' are of any use because they do not use money in their transactions, except with the Muslims beyond the cataract they do not buy or sell with money, but carry out their transactions by the exchange of slaves (''raqīq''), cattle, camels, iron tools and grains.

Nobody is allowed to pass beyond this point except by permission of the king (''malik''): whoever transgresses this [law], is liable to the death penalty, whosoever he may be. By this precautionary measure, whatever happens [in their kingdom] is kept secret, so that their army can attack a country or carry a raid in the [environing] desert without anybody knowing.

The emery (''sinbādh'', whetstone) which is used in polishing gems, comes from this spot in the Nile. They dive for it and recognize it by its coldness when touched, compared with other stones. If they have any doubt as to its nature, they breathe on it and it forms a light film of moisture.

Beyond this garrison, there is a village called ''Sāy'', which is on a cataract. [Sāy] is one of their seats [of government], where a bishop resides. There is a ruined temple (''birbā'').

Next comes the district (''nāḥiya'') of ''Saqlūdhā'',<ref>Burckhardt, ''Travels'', 523, identifies this region with Dār Mahās.</ref> which means the "Seven Governors" (''wūlāh'') ; its land '''[p. 605]''' is very similar to the region bordering the land of the Muslims, somewhere wide, somewhere narrow, with its palm-trees, vines, ''muql'', and other plantations. There are few cotton plantations from which they make rough cotton material, and there are also some olive trees. The Wālī of this district is directly appointed by their king (''kabīr'') and under him are other governors who exercise authority.

A fortress (''qal’a'') called ''Astanūn''<ref>Burckhardt, (ibid.): Tinareh.</ref> (other readings: ''Astūn'', ''Asfūn'') is located there and it marks the beginning of the third cataract, which is the most difficult cataract to cross, because there is a mountain protruding into the Nile from the east to the west, and the water gushes through three passages, and might even be limited to only two [passages] at low tide.<ref>Aswānī made the journey Aswān-Dongola in summer. Qurbān Bayrām – which Aswānī celebrated soon after his arrival at Dongola – fell in late August.</ref> It has a terrible roar but [presents] a beautiful view as the waters fall on it [the bedrock] from the heights of the mountain. South of it, the [river] bed is full of rocks lying in the middle of the Nile, stretching over the distance of three days' journey [''abrud''] as far as the village of ''Bastū'' (''Nastū'', ''Sanū'', ''Banstū'', ''Yastū'', ''Yasīr''), which is the last village [in the territory] of the Marīs and the beginning of the country of Muqurra. From this place to the frontier of the Muslims the language of the people is the Marīsī, and this (''al-Marīs'') is the last [most northerly] district of their king (''mutamallik''). '''[p. 606]''' There is the district (''nāḥiya'') of Baqūn<ref>Several different readings of this name are possible. Cf. Wiet III, p. 255, n. 10.</ref>, which means "marvel": it is so called because of its beauty.

I did not see a wider district on the Nile: I estimated that the width of the Nile in this district, from east to west, is five days' journey. The islands break up the Nile into several streams, which flow among them through a low-lying land and [along] an uninterrupted string of villages and fine buildings with pigeon towers, cattle and camels. The bulk food supplies to their capital come from this district. Their [commonest] birds are the ''taghṭīṭ'', the ''nūbī'', the ''babbāgh'' and other beautiful birds. Their king prefers to spend his leisure in this district. [Al-Aswānī] said: I was with him on some of these occasions and we made our way in the narrow canals under the shadow of trees from both banks. The crocodiles in this country are not harmful. I saw them [the inhabitants] swimming across these canals. Next comes ''Safadh Ba'al''<ref>A tentative reading. Other readings Wiet III, p. 256, n. 5; Quatremère, ''Mémoires'' 2, p. 13: Sefid Bakl.</ref>, which is a narrow district, similar to the one on the borders of their country, with the difference that at Safadh Ba'al there are beautiful islands, and within less than two days' journey are about thirty villages with beautiful buildings, churches and monasteries, many palm-trees, vines, gardens, cultivated fields and broad pastures on which one can see camels (''ibil'') and very fine dromedaries (''jumāl suhub'') for breedding (''mu'abbala li-n-nitāj''). Their king often comes here because the southern border of this district is contiguous with Dongola (''Dunqula''), the capital. From the town of Dongola, the capital of the country, to Aswān, is a '''[p. 607]''' distance of fifty days away. He [al-Aswānī] gave a description of it and then said: they roof their houses with the wood of the ''sunt'' tree and the ''sāj'', which is carried to them by the Nile during the flood season, in planks (''isqālāt'') with carvings (''manḥuta''), and no one knows where they come from. I saw for myself some very strange signs (''ʿalāma gharība'').

The distance between Dongola and the beginning of the country of 'Alwa is more than that between Dongola and Aswān. In that region there are big and small villages (''al-qurā wa-ḍ-ḍiyyāʿ''), islands, cattle, palm-trees, muql, cultivated fields and vines, many times as much as is seen on the side bordering the land of the Muslims. In these places there are large islands [several] days' journey in length, in which there are mountains and wild beasts and lions (''as-sibāʿ'') and stretches of desert, where the traveller fears to travel without water. From these districts the Nile turns eastwards and westwards for long stretches equalling several days' journey, until the land becomes even on the district where the bend of the Nile reaches the mine known as ''ash-Shanka''<ref>Shanqa. Troupeau: “the great Nile bends between Dongola and Khartoum”. It may be recalled to mind that “''shanqa''” is also the name of a measure of capacity for liquids, mentioned by Maqrīzī in the story of al-Omarī. (See below ''Kitāb al-Muqaffā'').</ref>; it is the country known as ''ash-Shanqir''. Al-Omarī, whose name was Abū 'Abdurrahman 'Abdalla b. 'Abdulhamīd b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abdul'azīz b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abdalla b. 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb originated in this country. He had waged several wars in Nubia and Bejaland, had defeated the army of Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and occupied this district until he met his fate.

'''[p. 608]''' The hippopotamuses are numerous in these places. From this place<ref>Today’s Berber.</ref> begins the road leading to Sawākin, Bādi', Dahlak and the islands of the Red Sea.

The Omayyads who escaped death by fleeing to Nūba passed along these roads. In this district there is also a number of Beja, who are known as ''az-Zanāfij'': they had migrated to Nubia long ago and settled there; all of them lead their own pastoral life and preserve their own language, not mixing with the Nūba, nor settling in their [Nubians'] villages. They are under a wālī, who is appointed by the Nubian King. (W. II, 3, pp. 252 - 258).

Chapter XXXI: About the Branching of the Nile as from the Country of 'Alwa and About its Peoples

The Nūba and the Muqurra are two races (''jinsāni''), each speaking a different language. Both live along the banks of the Nile. The Nūba, who are the Marīs, are neighbours of the land of Islam. There is a five miles gap between the frontier of their country and Aswān. It is said that ''Salhā'', the ancestor (''jadd'') of ''an-Nūba'',<ref>''Sic'' (with the article) in Arabic. It may be intended as the name of an individual person or of a people.</ref> and ''Muqurrī'' (or ''Muqurrā''), the ancestor of ''al-Muqurrah'',<ref>''Sic'' (with the article) in Arabic. It may be intended as the name of an individual person or of a people.</ref> were (both) from Yemen. It is said that (both) ''an-Nūba'' and ''Muqurrī''<ref>Without “''al''-“.</ref> were from Himyar: most of the genealogists agree that all of them (''annahum jamī'an'') are descendants of Ḥam b. Noah. Between the Nūba and the Muqurra there were wars before [the coming of] Christianity.<ref>Most probably the A.D. time before the evangelisation of Nubia, rather than the time B.C.</ref>

'''[p. 609]''' The land of al-Muqurra begins at a village called ''Tāfa'',<ref>This statement could be correct if we assumed that “''al-Marīs''” or “''an-Nūba''” should be written instead of “''al-Muqurra''”, the mistake may be due to an oversight by Maqrīzī or by some copyist. Considering that in the time of al-Aswānī al-Marīs (=an-Nūba) and al-Muqurra formed one kingdom with Dongola as capital, it was perfectly true that the kingdom of al-Muqurra began at Tāfa. As for Bujarāsh, the “royal town” of the same kingdom, this statement can be accepted as truthful because Faras (Bujarāsh) was in Aswānī’s time, a former capital of a kingdom, seat of an Eparch and a most flourishing town. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 137, rejected this statement as erroneous, on assumption that the northern frontier of the kingdom of Maqurra necessarily was the “Maqs” near Akashah.</ref> the day’s distance from Aswān. Their royal town (''madīnat maliki-him'') is called Bajarāsh, less than ten day's journey from Aswān. It is told that Moses - God may be pleased with him! - raided them before he began his [prophetic] mission in the time of the Pharaoh, and destroyed Tāfa. They were [at that time] pagans (''Sābi’a''), who used to worship the Planets (''Kawākib'') and erect statues to them; later both the Nūba and the Muqurra became Christians. The town of Dongola is the capital of their kingdom (''dār mamlakati-him'').

The frontier of the country of 'Alwa is [marked by] some villages on the east bank of the Nile, called al-Abwāb. This district (''nāḥiya'') has a wālī who is subject to the Lord of ‘Alwa and is known under the name of ''al-wahwāh''.<ref>Other possible readings: “raḥrāḥ”, “dāḥdāḥ”, “wānwāḥ”, “wāwāj”, discussed by Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 181.</ref> From this district the Nile branches into seven streams, one of which coming from an eastern direction, has turbid water but gets so dry in summer that people camp on its bed. When the flood season comes, water springs from its bed and rises up in pools which are in the river; then rains and downpours come in the rest of the country and the level of the water rises. It is also said that the head of this river is a large source (''ʿain'') which flows from a mountain.

'''[p. 610]''' The historian of the Nūba said: - Simon (''Sīmūn''),<ref>An inscription in the Church of Sonki West mentions one “simeon, Eparch of Pachoras”. The inscription is written on the right side of the portrait of “King Georgios, son of King Zacharias”, who can easily be identified with King George II (969-1002 A.D. ?). As the office of the Eparch of Nobatia was the highest in the Nubian political organisation, one might suggest that Simeon, the Eparch, was the same person as “''Sīmūn''” (''Simiūn''), the Crown Prince of ‘Alwa.</ref> the Crown Prince (''ṣāḥib ‘ahd'') of the country of ‘Alwa, told me that under the mud of the bed of this river, there is a large fish (''ḥūt'') without scales, of a kind which is not found in the Nile. It is found by digging as deep as the size (''qāmah'') of a man or more until it emerges. It is a big fish. Along this [river], there is a race (''jins'') which is mixed [by intermarriage] between the 'Alwa and the Buja: they are called "''Dīhīyyūn''" (''Dījīyyūn'', ''Dasīhūn'') and another race called "''Bazah''": the bird called the "''Bāzīn'' pigeon" comes from their land. Behind these [peoples] there is the frontier of the country of Ḥabasha.

Then there is the White Nile (''an-Nīl al-abyaḍ''), which is a river coming from the west; it is intensely white like milk. He [al-Aswānī] said: - I asked an experienced traveller who came from the western parts of the countries of the Sūdān about the Nile in their country and its colour. He said that it flows out of mountains of sand, or out of a mountain of sand; then its waters run together in the country of the ''Sūdān'' into large pools, flows towards unknown countries, but, in that place, it is not yet white: it acquires that colour on account of the kind of soil through which it flows, or because of another river which enters it. On its banks there are peoples of different races (''ajnās'').

'''[p. 611]''' Then there is the Green Nile (''an-Nīl al-akhḍar''), a river which flows from the south-eastern direction. It is intensely green, very transparent in colour, so that one can distinctly see what kind of fish there are in its depths. The taste [of the Green Nile water] is different from that of the [White] Nile; he who armies from it soon becomes thirsty. The fish is the same in ail (these rivers), but its taste is different. During the flood season such kinds of wood as teak (''as-sāj''), log-wood (''al-baqm''), ''al-qānāʾ'' (?) (''ghātā'') and a wood which smells like the olibanum (''labān''), float downstream. Also large logs are brought down which can be worked into nalms for boats. This (kind of) wood also grows on its banks. It is also related [by al-Aswānī] that the wood of frankincense (''bakhūr'') is found [in the flood waters]. He said: - I saw that some planks (''siqālāt'') of ''sāj'', which are carried during the flood season, bear some strange signs. These two rivers, viz. the White and the Green, meet near the capital of the sovereign (''mutamallik'') of the country of 'Alwa and each of them keeps its own colour for about one day's journey, after which they mingle up. Their waters, when they meet, throw up big waves. He said: - I spoke with someone who took water from the White Nile and poured it into the Green Nile: the water [of the White Nile] remained for one hour the colour of milk before it mingled up. Between these two rivers is an island, the end of which is not known, nor does anybody know the end of these two rivers. The width of the first one is known [at the beginning], but further on it expands and its width increases as much as one month's journey, and further on its width has not been explored at all, for the peoples who live there, fear one another in fact, many races (''ajnās'') dwell on these two rivers. He [Aswānī] said: [Someone] told me that some kings (''mutamallik'') of the country of 'Alwa set out to visit the '''[p. 612]''' extreme frontier [of the island], but they failed to reach it after a number of years, and that, on its southern extremity, there is a race who, during the day-time, dwell together with their beasts in houses [built] like vaults, under the surface of the ground, because of the excessive heat of the sun, and come out during the night. Among them there are people who go naked.

The other four rivers also flow from a south-eastern direction all in the same season. Their sources cure not known. They differ from the White and the Green Rivers in width and in the number of streams and islands. All these four [rivers] flow into the Green river as well as the first one mentioned, then join the White [river]: all [their banks] are inhabited and cultivated. One journeys through them by boat. One of these four comes from the country of the Ḥabasha. Al-Aswānī said: As I wanted to know more about these rivers I went on asking questions to this and that person, but I did not find any informant who told me that he had personally explored the source of all these four rivers. The one whom I asked said, on the authority of others, that [these rivers] begin in a wasteland (''kharāb''): [he said] that during the flood season some parts of boats (''alāt marākib'') and doors (''abwāb'') and other things are carried down these rivers and this proves that beyond that waste there is other inhabited land (''ʿimāra'').

As for the flood season, all agree that it is caused by the rains together with a substance that comes down spontaneously (''mādda ta'tī min dhāti-ha'') with the flood water and the proof of it is that this river dries up and its bed is inhabited; then, during the flood season, water springs [from its bed] and what is marvellous about it is that the flood, takes place at the same time in these '''[p. 613]''' rivers [which finally merge together], as well as in the other districts and countries, viz. in Egypt, in the two Thebaids (''aṣ-Ṣa'īdayn''). at Aswān, in the two kingdoms of Nūba and 'Alwa and in the land beyond them, What is peculiar of this flood is that it may occur, for example, at Aswān, and not at the same time at Qos, but here it will be noticed later. Whenever the rains are abundant in the upper regions of the Nile and the streams come together, one understands that that is a year of plenty (''riī'' "good irrigation"); but whenever the rains in the upper regions are scarce, one knows that that will be a year of drought.<ref>At this point, we have omitted a passage on navigation on the Red Sea (“Sea of China”) to the East African Coast, which has no connection with Nubia.</ref>

... Some of the four rivers come from the countries of the Zanj because they carry wood of the zanjī type. ''Suyya''<ref>Sic, in the Wiet edition. Undoubtedly, this was a copyist’s mistake for “''sūbah''”.</ref> is the capital of 'Alwa (''al-'Ulwā'') [situated] to the east of the great island between the two great rivers (''al-bahrain''), the White and the Green, at its northern tip, near their junction, on the eastern bank of the river (''an-nahr'') which dries up and on the bed of which people camp. It has fine buildings (''abniya husān'') and large monasteries (''dūr''), churches rich with gold and gardens; there is also a great suburb (''rabaḍ'') where many Moslems live. The king (''mutamallik'') of 'Alwa is more powerful than the king (''mutamallik'') of Muqurra, has a larger army and more horses than the Muqurran (''al-muqurrī''): his country is more fertile and larger; but palm trees and vines are less numerous in his country. The commonest grain among them is the white dhurra (''ad-dhurra al-bay-dāʾ'') which resembles rice; with it they make their bread (''khubz'') and their beer (''mizr''); '''[p. 614]''' they have plenty of meat because of the abundance of cattle and large plains for grazing plain land, so vast that it takes several days to reach the mountains. They have excellent horses (''ʿitāq''), tawny camels (''ṣuhub'') of pure Arabian pedigree (''ʿurāb''). Their religion is Christianity (''naṣrānīyya'') of the Jacobite sect (''ya’aqiba''); their bishops (''asāqifa'') are dependant on the Patriarch of Alexandria (''ṣāḥib al-iskandarīyya'') like the Nūba; their books are in Greek (''bi-r-rūmīyyah'') and they translate (''yufassirūnaha'') [these] into their own language. They are less intelligent than the Nūba. Their king can reduce to slavery any of his subjects he wants whether he be guilty of a crime or not, and they do not oppose him, rather they prostrate themselves before him. They do not revolt against his order, however, unjust it may be; [on the contrary] they call out loudly "May the king live (''al-malik ya'īsh''!)! And let his order be executed!" He [the king] is crowned with [a crown of] gold. Gold is found in plenty in his country.

One of the marvels of his country is that on the great island between the two rivers there is a race called ''al-Karsā'': they have a vast land which is fertilised (''muzdara’a'') by the Nile and the rain. When the time for sowing comes, everyone goes out with whatever seed (''bidhr'') he has and traces the boundaries of the land according to his quantity of seed; he spreads a little of the seed at the four corners of the field and puts the [remainder of the] seed in the middle of the enclosure and also a little ''mizr'', then he goes away. The next morning, he finds that the area he has enclosed has been sowen and the ''mizr'' has been drunk.<ref>This is a legendary, or grossly exaggerated, tale about the intervention of monkeys.</ref> When it is harvest '''[p. 615]''' time, he harvests a small part of the crop and places it wherever he likes together with a little ''mizr'' and away he goes; then he finds that all the crop has been harvested and grounded. If he wants to have it thrashed or winnowed, he acts in the same way. If any one wants to clear his seed from the weeds and, by mistake, uproots even a little seed, he will find [on the morrow] that all the seed has been uprooted. This district (''nāḥiya''), where the things I have just mentioned take place, contains vast territories (''buldān'') equal to two months' journey in both length and width; and all of it is sown at the same time. The provisions (''mīraʿ'') of the [people of the] country of 'Alwa and of their king come from this district: they send the boats and these come back loaded. Sometimes there is war between them. Al-Aswānī said: - This account is true and is well known among all the Nūba, the 'Alwa and the Moslem traders, and all those who travel over that country: they have no doubt about it, nor suspicion. Were it not so well known and widely spread, no one would believe any part of what I reported, but would treat it as a shameful lie. The natives believe that the ''jinn'' do this and that they appear to some of their wizards who, by means of some stones, have the power to subject them [the ''jinn''] to their will and to work wonders for them. [The natives claim] that even the clouds obey [their wizards].

Al-Aswānī said: - One of the wonders of Nubia - about which the King of Maqurra told me – [is] that, when they have rains on the mountains, they, soon afterwards, collect fish on the ground. I asked them what kind it was. They said that it was small in size and has a red tail.

Al-Aswānī said: - I saw many tribes of the people whom I mentioned before; most of them believe in the Creator '''[p. 616]''' (''al-bārī'') and make offerings to Him in the form of the Sun, or the Moon or the Stars. Some of them do not know the Creator and adore the Sun and the Day [''an-nahār''; B.: ''an-nār'', the Fire); some others adore whatever they like; trees or animals. He said that he saw a man in the council of the King of Maqurra (''majlis 'azīm al-muqurra'') and questioned him about his country. The man answered that the distance from it to the Nile is three months' journey. He questioned the man about his religion and the man replied: 'My Lord (''rabbī'') and your Lord and the Lord of the King and the Lord of every man is but One'. He asked: 'Where is He?' The man answered: 'In Heaven alone: Glory to Him!' He also said that if the rains are late, or the people are hit by the plaque, or if pestilence falls on their cattle, they climb the mountain and pray to God and they are heard promptly and granted their demands before they come down [from the mountain]. [Al-Aswānī] asked him: 'Did He ever send an Envoy (''rasūl'') among you?' He replied: ‘No’. So al-Aswānī told him about the mission of Moses and 'Isā and Moḥammed - God be pleased with them! - and the wonders which they wrought! The man answered: 'If they have wrought this, they should be believed.' Then he said: ‘I [too] should have believed in them, had they done that [in my presence]’.

... The author said: - The Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla vanquished the Nūba and took their kingdom since the year... (lacuna)<ref>Some MSS have a blank here, while others have none. According to one MSS, the year seems to be 725 H. (1325 A.D.). Cf. Wiet, op.cit., p. 265, n. 5.</ref> and built a mosque in Dongola where he gives lodging to foreign travellers.

'''[p. 617]''' [The Kanem]

Know that one the [west-] bank of the Nile there is the [country of the] Kānem. Their king is a Moslem: between him and the Māllī there is a very great distance; his capital is called ''Jīmī'' and the beginning of his kingdom, on the side of Egypt is a village called ''Zalā'' (Zella), and on the opposite side there is a village called ''Kākā'': between the two there are about three months' journey. They wear the muffler (''yatalaththimūna''). Their king lives in seclusion and can be seen on two feast days in the morning and in the afternoon; throughout the rest of the year nobody may speak to him except from behind the screen (''ḥijāb''). Their staple food is rice which grows without being sown; they have wheat, dhurra, figs, lemons, egg-plant, turnip, fresh dates: they trade by exchanging home-made cloth called "''dandī''"; each piece (''thawb'') is 10 cubits in length; they buy it in pieces of 1/4 cubit each or more; they also make use of cowry (''wadaʿ''), glassware (''kharz'', glassware, shells), pieces of copper, paper (''waraq''): all this is exchanged against pieces of that cloth.

In the south of their country there are places which are very hot (''shi’ārī'') and deserts (''sahārā'') inhabited by savage people similar to the ''Ghūl'' with human features; a horseman cannot overtake her, yet she can do harm to men; she appears during the night under the form of sparks (''filal'') of bright fire; if anyone attempts to catch her, she flees away from him; even though he runs after her, he cannot catch her: she will constantly flee ahead of him; if he throws stones at her and hits her, sparks of fire fly from her. In their country the gourd plant (''al-yaqtīna'') is held in great esteem so that they use it to make boats to cross the Nile. These countries between Ifrīqiya and Barqa extend southwards as far as the '''[p. 618]'''middle of the western parallel: the land is rainless and rugged and unattractive.

The first [person] who spread Islam there was a certain al-Hādī al-'Uthmanī, who claimed to be a descendant of Osman b. 'Affān. After him [the population] passed over to the Yazmīyyīn of Sayf b. Dhū-l-Yazan. They belong to the rite of the Imām Malik b. Uns. Justice is administered among them and they are very conservative about religion and tough. They built in the city of Miṣr a ''madrasa'' for the Mālikī [rite], called "''madrasa ibn Rashīq''", in the year 641 H. (1243 A.D.) and the students from their country come and settle here. (W. II, 3, pp. 252 - 258; B., pp. 554 - 560).

Chapter XXXII: The Beja who are Said to be a Berber People

The first village of the Beja country is that known as ''al-Khirba'' (B.: ''al-Hazabah''). The emerald (''az-zumurrud'') mine is found in the desert of Qos. The distance between this place and Qos is about three days' Journey.

Al-Jāḥiz mentioned that there is no other emerald mine in the world apart from this. The emerald is found in deep dark caverns entered with lamps and ropes to indicate the way out and prevent one becoming lost. Mattocks are used to dig it out: it is found in stones surrounded by a gangue which is not pure and lacks lustre.

The other extremity of the Beja country is where it joins Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabasha''). Within this island - I mean to say the "island of Egypt" (''Miṣr'') - the Beja occupy a territory which extends as far as the coast (''sayf'') of the sea where the islands of Sawākin, ''Bāḍiʿ'' and Dahlak are found. The Beja are nomads, who look for fresh grass '''[p. 619]''' wherever it may be found for grazing: [they move around] and live in their tents made of skins. Their rules of descent are matrilinear (''min jihat an-nisāʾ''); each section (''baṭn'') [of a tribe] has its own chieftain (''ra'īs''), but they have no king (''mutamallik''). They follow no [God-given] religion (''dīn''). The inheritance is passed to the son of the sister (''ibn al-ukht'') or to the son of the daughter (''ibn al-bint'') to the exclusion of the son (''walad'') of the deceased. This is done on grounds that concerning the son born to a sister of the deceased, or the son of the daughter [of the deceased] there can be no doubt as to who is the father, the child can only be her own child.

In the past they had a chief whom all the [other] chiefs obeyed, and who used to reside in a village called ''Hajar'' (''Hajr'') in the remotest part of the Beja land. The Beja ride tawny dromedaries (''najab'') which are bred in their country; they also have very numerous camels (''jumāl'') of the Arab breed. Cattle, goats, and sheep are extremely numerous among them. Their cattle are beautiful with long shining horns; these too are in great numbers, as well as rams and sheep, which are of a spotted breed and produce abundant milk. Their food consists of meat and their drink is milk: they make little use of bread (''khubz''; Bulaq ed.: ''jibn'': cheese), yet there are some who eat it. Their bodies are healthy and their stomachs are thin; their complexion is rather light; they run very fast; in speed they surpass [all] the other men.

Also their camels are very speedy and can last the pace for a long time running well and endure thirst. When mounted on camels, [the Beja] can overbake horses and fight in battle; they turn them around at their will, and run for very long distances over the country. It '''[p. 620]''' must also be mentioned that the Beja go to combat on camelback and throw spears: if [the javelin] has struck the target, the camel runs toward it so that its master might seize it [the target]; if the javelin strikes the ground, the camel bends his neck [to the ground] so that its master may pick it up.

Some time in the past there arose among them a man called ''Kilāz'' (''Kilār''). He was strong and brave, and had a camel of incredible speed; the camel, as well as his master, was one-eyed. [Kilāz] promised his people that he would go to [pray in] the masallā of Fusṭāṭ (''Miṣr'') on the day of the feast. This was already so near, that it seemed impossible, but he kept the promise and arrived at the Moqattam [at the time agreed upon]. Several horsemen ran after him, but could not overtake him. This was the man who caused sentinels to be posted at the foot [of the Moqattam] at the beginning of the feast. The Tulunides and other emirs of Egypt (''Miṣr'') used to post at the foot of the Moqattam Mountain, at a place next to the quarter of the Ḥabash,<ref>See below p. 696.</ref> a numerous garrison in charge of the security of the population until the celebration of the feast had ended.

[Beja Customs]

The Beja are a people living under the protection of Islam (''aṣḥāb dhimma''): if anyone has committed treachery, the man who has suffered [the treachery] raises a piece of cloth on a spear-head and says: "This is the off shoot (''ghars'') [Quatremère read: ''ʿarsh'' "la tente"] of N.N. [the traitor]"; by this he means to say: "I am the traitor". Thus he claims for himself the responsibility<ref>The meaning of this gesture was – in our opinion – a warning by the wronged man preparing to retaliate.</ref>, until they come to an agreement. They are '''[p. 621]''' exceedingly hospitable: if any visitor comes to one or their, [by night], the host kills a lamb to honour him. If the visitors number more than three, the host slaughters a camel [or an ox] from the nearest herd, whether it belongs to him or to another. If there is no animal at all he slaughters the mount of the guest himself and compensates him with a better one.

Their weapons are spears, called ''subā’ īyya'', seven cubits long, so called because the iron-head with which they are equipped, measures three cubits; the iron part equals a sword in width; they never lay them down except at certain [definite] times, because at the end of the wooden handle there is a sort of catch which prevents it from slipping from their hands. The women make these spears; they make them in a place where no man is allowed to enter except when buying from them. If any of these women has a girl-child from the visitors, they (the women) rear her; but if she has a boy-child, they kill him saying that men are able only to cause quarrels and wars.

They have shields (''daraq'') made of haired ox-skins and also shields turned round the side (''maqlūba'') made of buffalo skin, called Axumite (''aksumīyya''), and also others called ''dahlakīyyah'' (Dahlak islands) and others made of the skin of a sea-animal. Their bows are large and thick, made of wood of ''sidr'' (lote-tree) and ''shūḥāṭ'', the shape of the Arab bow, with which they discharge poisoned arrows; this poison is made from the roots of ''ghalqah'' (''Peganum harmala'', a poisonous tree of Arabia) boiled on the fire until it becomes like glue. If they want to test it, one of them makes an incision on his body and lets the blood flow, then he applies this poison: if the blood flows back [towards the wound)]they know that the poison is good, then he wipes away the blood to prevent it from entering his body and causing death; if it enters '''[p. 622]''' the body of a man, he is instantly killed, however, small the wound may be; it has no effect except on bleeding wounds; if it is drunk, it causes no harm.

[The Beja Country]

Their territories are rich in minerals: the further one penetrates the country the better and more abundant the gold is. They have silver mines, copper, iron, and lead, magnetic ore (''mal-maghnatīs''), marcasite (''al-marqashitā''), amethyst (''al-jamshīt'', ''al-ḥamsīt'') , emerald (''az-zummurrud''), asbestos stone (''hijāra bīshtā''). If the asbestos is soaked in oil, it kindles like a wick. In addition to these (minerals), there are others, but all the Beja work mainly to find gold, while they completely neglect the other minerals. In their valley there are the ''moql'' (dom-palm, bdellium), the myrobalan-tree (''al-ihlīj''), shoemantum (''al-idhkhir''), the absynth (''ash-shīh''), a kind of wormwood or broomplant, the common senna (''as-sanā''), coloquint (''ḥanẓal''), ''al-bān'' (ficus bengalensis) etc and, at the extremity of their country there are date-palms, vines, odoriferous and other wild plants. There is wild game such as lion, elephant, leopard (''numūr'') and panther (''fuhūd''), monkeys, badger, (''ʿannāq al-arḍ'') "ursus meles", civetcat (''zabād'') and an animal similar to gazelle, beautiful with golden horns, which does not survive in captivity. Among their birds, there is the parrot (''babbāgh''), the ''taghṭīṭ'' (Bouriant: ''naqīṭ'') and the ''nūbī'', the turtle-dove (''qāmārī''), the guinea-fowl (''dajāj al-ḥabash''), the Bāzīn pigeon, etc.

All their men are deprived of the right testicle, and their women are deprived of the ''magna labia'': the edges are drawn together and let heal so that, at marriage, it is necessary to make an incision convenient for the man's organ. This practice has become rare. It is '''[p. 623]''' told that the reason for it was that after a king had defeated them in war, he made a peace-treaty and laid down among the conditions that at birth, all girls should be deprived of their breasts and the boys should be deprived of their genital organs; by so doing he intended to stop procreation among them; they accepted the conditions, but inverted the terms, so that they cut the breasts of the men and the vulva (''furūj'') of the women. There are some who cut their own two incisors, lest they resemble donkeys, as they say.

At the extreme end of their country, there is another tribe called (''Bazāh''), among whom the women all have the same name and also the men. [It is said that] a Muslim man, a camel-owner, happened to pass through their country: they called one another saying: - This is [a] God who came from Heaven and is now sitting under a tree! They looked at him from afar.

They hold snakes in great esteem of which there are many kinds.<ref>Fabulous stories about snakes and poison-making in Bejaland are reported by Maqrīzī (pp. 269-270).</ref>

The Beja are troublesome and aggressive. At the rise of Islam and even before it, the Beja carried out raids into the eastern bank of Upper Egypt, where they destroyed several villages. The Pharaohs of Egypt used to invade their country and, at times, they made agreements because they were in need of the minerals. Also the Greeks (''ar-Rūm''), when they occupied Egypt, left some obvious remains [of their working]. Their mines and the managers were still there [running the mines], when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs.

'''[p. 624]''' [Beja-Arab Relations]

'Abd ar-Raḥmān b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥakam said that [some of] the Beja met 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ during his withdrawal from Nubia along the Nile. He asked them about their affairs: he was told that they had no king to whom to refer to; he despised them and left them; they made no treaty or peace [with him]: The first who signed a treaty and agreement with them was ‘Ubaidallah b. Ḥabḥāb as-Salūlī. He ('Abd al-Ḥakam) said that he found the letter of ibn Ḥabḥāb whereby [the tribute] was fixed at 300 young camels (''bakr'') every year, so that they alight be allowed to come [down] into the [Egyptian] countryside (''rīf''), but only in transit as merchants, without right of residing and on condition that they kill no Moslem or dhimmī; if they killed any, the agreement would become null and void; not to give asylum to the slaves (''ʿabīd'') of the Muslims, and hand back those who ran away if they sought refuge among the Beja. It is said that for any of these runaway slaves, as well as for any sheep, they [the Beja] had to pay four dinars; for a cow, ten dinars. Their agent (''wakīl'') lived in the Egyptian territory as a hostage in the hands of the Moslems.

Later on, the Moslems became numerous in the mines and by intermarriage with the Beja; many Beja of the tribe known as ''Ḥadārib'' professed Islam, [only] superficially they live in the territory next to Upper Egypt, i.e. from the frontier up to al-'Allāqī and to 'Aydhāb, which is the harbour, from which one sails for Jeddah and beyond. There is another tribe among them called Zanāfij, who are more numerous than the Ḥadārib, but they are subject to them as serfs, escorts (''khufarāʾ'') and guards and the Ḥadārib entrust their cattle to them. Every chieftain of the ''Ḥadārib'' owns a number of the ''Zanāfij'' as patrimony (''humla''): they are like slaves (''ʿabīd'') and many be be be-'''[p. 625]'''-queathed from one to another. In the past the Zanāfij were masters [of the ''Ḥadārib''].

The raids of the Ḥadārib on Muslim territory multiplied; at that time the wālīs of Aswān came from Iraq and reported the affair to the Commander of the Faithful, Al-Ma'mūn. He sent 'Abdalla b. Jahm who fought them several times, and made a peace-treaty with them signed by him and Kanūn, their paramount chief, who lived in the village of Ḥajar mentioned above. The following is a copy of the treaty: "This is the letter (''Kitāb'') written by 'Abdalla b. al-Jahm, servant (''mawlā'') of the Commander of the Faithful, head of the victorious army, agent (''ʿāmil'') of the emir Abū Ishāq, son of the Commander of the Faithful ar-Rashīd [Hārūn], in the month of Rabī al-Awwal of the year 216 H. [April 831 A.D.], to Kanūn 'Abd al-'Azīz, chief of the Beja in Aswān. You have asked me to give you a safe conduct and I undertake to give you and your people security in my name, as well as in the name of all the Muslims. I answered and I offered you the promise in my name and in the name of all the Muslims, as long as you and they are straight forward to keep what you gave me and what you laid down as condition in this treaty, viz. that the plain and the mountains of your country, from the extreme frontier at Aswān in the land of Egypt, up to a frontier between Dahlak and Bāḍīʿ belongs as property (''mulk'') to al-Ma'mūn ‘Abdalla b. Hārūn the Commandant of the Faithful. You and all your people are servants (''ʿabīd'') of the Commander of the Faithful, but he acknowledges you as king (''malik'') of your country, over which you rule. You must pay every year that tribute (''kharāj''), which has been customary among the Beja, i.e. 100 camels (''ibil''), or 300 dinars in cash, to be paid to the Treasury (''bait al-māl''), the choice between this and that will be decided by the Commander of the Faithful and his wālīs. You '''[p. 626]''' must not subtract any part of it, i.e. of the tribute. You and your people must not say anything unworthy at any time when mention is made of Moḥammed the Prophet, or of the Koran (''Kitāb Allah'') or His religion.- You must not kill any Moslem, free or slave; otherwise the protection (''dhimma'') will cease, viz. the protection of God, of his Prophet, the protection of the Commander of the Faithful and that of the Moslem people, and the murderer's blood will be shed in the same way as that of the enemies (''ahl al-ḥarb'') and their children. No one of you should help enemies of Islam with money or guide them to any place belonging to the Moslems, or spy on their army (''ʿizzah''): should this happen, the agreement of protection will become null and void, and his (i.e. of the offender) blood will be shed. Also, if anyone of you were to kill a Moslem, intentionally or unintentionally, whether he be a free man or a slave, or a man having the status of protection (''ahl adh-dimma'') or if anyone causes damage financially to any Moslem or the people under their protection, whether it be in Beja country, or in Moslim country or in the Nūba country, or any other place, on land or at sea, he shall pay for the killing of the Moslem 10 times the blood-price (''dīyya''), equivalent to 500 camels; for the killing of a slave of the Moslem, ten times the price [of the slave], or for the killing of a dhimmī, ten times the dīyya that is paid in the country of the victim; for any financial damage to the Moslem or the dhimmī, ten times as much. If a Moslem goes to the Beja country to trade or to reside or is in transit or on pilgrimage to Mecca, he must enjoy the same security as one of your people until he leaves your territory; you must not give asylum to fugitive slaves (''ubbāq'') of Moslems: if any of them arrives [in your country] you must return him to the Muslims; you must give back the livestock property (''amwāl'') of the Muslims whenever any '''[p. 627]'''crosses [the frontier] into your country, without obligation on their part to pay back to you anything for that [service]. If you enter [the countryside (''rīf'') of] Upper Egypt for trade or in transit, you must neither carry arms [openly], nor enter the towns and the villages under any pretext. You must not prevent a Moslem from entering your country and carrying out trade there by land or by sea; you must keep the way free from danger, and you must not prevent any Moslem or ''dhimmī'' from travelling; you must avoid stealing anything from a Moslem or a ''dhimmī''; you must not pull down the mosques (''masājid'') which the Moslems have built in ''Sinja'' (Bouriant: ''Sīḥa''), ''Hajar'' and other places throughout your country. If you do that, the treaty becomes null and void and you will enjoy no protection. Kanūn Ibn 'Abdel 'Azīz must reside in the countryside of Egypt as an agent (''wakīl'') to the Muslims to execute the conditions stipulated for the payment of the tribute, and to pay the compensation for any offence (''iṣāba'') committed by the Beja against the life or property of the Moslems. No Beja man may cross the frontier of al-Qaṣr beyond the village of Qubbān, in Nubia, whether voluntarily or involuntarily. 'Abdalla al-Jahm, mawlā of the commander of the Faithful, undertakes to guarantee safety to Kanūn ibn 'Abdel 'Azīz, chief of the Beja according to the conditions laid down in this our letter, to be ratified by the Commander of the Faithful. If he infringes [any of the conditions] or commits acts of violence, neither the treaty nor the protection will remain valid. Kanūn must allow the agents (''ʿummāl'') of the Commander of the Faithful to enter his country to collect the alms (''sadaqāt'') of those Beja who have emoraced Islam; he must also faithfully execute the terms agreed upon between him and ‘Abdalla b. Jahm, which he has sworn by an oath [in the name] of God, which is the most solemn oath a man can take. Kanūn ibn ‘Abdel '''[p. 628]''' ‘Azīz and all the Beja will enjoy God’s unfailing promise of protection (''ʿahd Allah wa-mīthāqi-hi''), as well as the protection (''dhimma'') of the Commander of the Faithful and the protection of Abū Ishāq [= ''al-Mu’tasim''], son of the Commander of the Faithful, the protection of 'Abdalla b. al-Jahm, and the protection of the Moslems [and their assurance] that they will fulfil the terms offered by 'Abdalla b. Jahm so long as Kanūn b. 'Abdel 'Azīz will fulfil all the terms laid down to him. If Kanūn b. 'Abdel 'Azīz or any of the Beja alters [any clause of the treaty], the protection of God (''dhimmat Allah''), the protection (''dhimma'') of the Commander of the Faithful, and that of the emir Abū Ishāq son of the Comander of the Faithful ar-Rashīd, the protection of 'Abdalla b. Jahm and the protection of the Muslim become null and void." All that was [written] in this letter was translated, word by word, by Zakariah b. Ṣālih al-Makhzūm, one of the inhabitants of Jedda, and by 'Abdalla b. Ismā'īl al-Qorashī, then it was entered in the register by a number of [judiciary] witnesses of Aswān.

[Al-Qummī's Campaign]

The Beja kept that agreement for some time, then they resumed their raids into the country of Upper Egypt; many complaints were made against them to the Commander of the Faithful Ja'far al-Mutawakkil 'alā Allah. He appointed Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla al-Qummī to wage war against them. He [Qummī] asked to select his men as he wished: he did not like to have a numerous army because of the difficult roads; he marched on them [the Beja] from Miṣr with a powerful troop of selected men; some boats sailed by sea. The Beja gathered in numbers mounted on camels to oppose them. The Muslims were terrified by that multitude. He [al-Qummī] kept them [the Beja] busy by writing them a long letter on ''ṭūmār'' [rolled] paper and wrapped it in '''[p. 629]''' a piece of cloth: they gathered to read it, then he fell on them. He also had bells tied to the neck of the horses, causing the camels of the Beja to flee in all directions, not standing the noise (''ṣalṣala'') of the bells. Then the Muslims hurled themselves in pursuit and many Beja were killed in the slaughter. The Beja chief himself was killed, and his nephew (''ibn akhīhi''<ref>Balādhurī: “ibn ukhti-hi” (“his sister’s son”).</ref> = his brother's son) took his place: he asked for a truce and al-Qummī made a peace-treaty on condition that he would pay a visit to the Commander of the Faithful. So he went to Baghdad and was Introduced to al-Mutawakkil at Surra-man-ra'ā in the year 241 H. [b. 22 May 855 A. D.]. A peace-treaty was signed on condition that he should pay the tribute (''itāwa''), as well as the ''baqṭ''. The condition was also laid down that they [the Beja] would not prevent the Muslims from working in the mines. Al-Qummī resided at Aswān for sometime and consigned to the stores of the town all the armament and equipment he had brought for that raid; the wālīs [of Aswān] continued using this war material until it was finished.

[Al-Omarī]

When the Muslims became very numerous in the mines and mixed with the Beja they [the Beja] became less troublesome. Gold was produced in considerable quantity because of the multitude of miners. People heard about it and came from several countries. One of the prominent people who travelled thither was one 'Abū ’Abdur-raḥmān b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥamīd al-Omarī (Bouriant: ''al-'Amarī'') after he had fought against the Nūba in the year 255 H. [868 A.D.]. He had with him [an army of] Rabī'a and ''Juhayna'' (Bouriant: ''Gahinahs'') and other Arab '''[p. 630]''' tribes. The population in the mines region of the Beja increased so much that 60,000 beasts of burden were engaged to transport supplies (''mirah'') from Aswān to them, without counting what was imported by boat from Qulzum to 'Aydhāb.

The Beja were friendly with the Rabī'a and intermarried with them.

It is said that the Beja magicians (''kuhhān''), before any of them adhered to Islam, had announced on behalf of their divinity (''ma'būd'') that they should [one day] become subject to the Rabī'a. This is what actually happened when Omarī was killed: the Rabī'a occupied the island (''jazīra'')<ref>The Beja territory between the Nile and the Red Sea.</ref> and the Beja helped them: they expelled those Arabs who were hostile to the Rabī'a. The Beja chieftains gave their daughters in marriage to them and so the enmity against the Moslems ceased.

[The Beja Magicians]

The Beja of the interior, who live in the desert of tha country of 'Alwa along the [Red] Sea up to the frontier of Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabasha''), are, likewise the Ḥadārib, nomads (''za'n'') and shepherds, have the same food, use the same beasts of burden and the same weapons; the only difference is that the Ḥadārib are more courageous and less turbulent.

The Beja of the inner country have remained pagans (''ālā kufr''), following the worship of Satan (''Shayṭān'') and the decisions of their magicians. Each clan has its own magician (''kāhin''), who erects a leather dome (''qubba'') where they worship. If they ever want to consult him (the magician) about their needs, he takes off his garments and enters the ''qubba'' walking backwards towards it, '''[p. 631]''' then he comes out to them looking somewhat like a madman [or epileptic], shouting: - "The Devil greets you and advises you to withdraw from such and such a place, lest a people should attack you. You have asked about such and such a raid; well, go, because victory will be yours and you will take such and such spoils, the camels which you will seize from such and such a place will be mine, as well as that slave girl whom you will find in such and such a hide-out, and a sheep of such and such a kind." He utters these and similar words. They believe that most of what he foretells them will become true. If they take booty, they separate from it the part which he specified [as belonging to him] and they give it to the magician. If any [Beja] objects to this [i.e. to paying the magician his due], they refuse to let him [the objector] [the right of] drinking the milk of their she-camels. If they decide to move to another place, the magician puts his leather dome on a special camel and they claim that that camel can hardly rise on its feet and walk with great effort and that it sweats profusely although the qubba is quite empty. There are still some [clans] among the Ḥadārib who follow this practice and some who hold this [belief] together with Islam.

The Historian of Nubia, from whom I have summarized what I have related here above, said: I read a letter written by some tribes (''ajnās'') to the Commander of the faithful Alī ibn Taleb, where the mention of the Beja and the Kajah occurs. It is said in the letter that they are very wild, but little inclined to stealing. Actually, that is true about the Beja as for the Kajah, I do not know them.

Here ends what Abdalla b. Aḥmed [al-Aswānī], the Nubian Historian, reported.

'''[p. 632]''' [Other Writers on the Beja]

Abū-l-Ḥasan al-Mas'ūdī said: - The Beja settled in the territory between the Red Sea and the Nile of Egypt and are divided into branches [but] which have established one king (''malik'') [other reading: ''mulūk'', several kings] to rule over them all.

In their land there are gold mines where native gold ore (''tibr'') is found; there are also emerald mines. They go in big troops (''sarāyā'') or in smaller parties (''manāsir''), mounted on dromedaries, into the country of the Nūba where they carry out raids. In the past, the Nūba were stronger than the Beja, until Islam penetrated there and prevailed; in fact, a great number (''jamā’a'') of Muslims came and settled in the region of the gold mines region, at 'Allāqī and 'Aydhāb; [then] in that territory Arabs of the tribe of Rabī'a b. Nizār, b. Ma'add, b. 'Adnān settled and their power increased considerably since they intermarried with the Beja and the Beja became stronger. Then some Rabī'a became related to the Beja by intermarriage, and the Rabī'a, thanks to their relation with the Beja, became more powerful than the neighbouring tribes such as the Qaḥṭān and others who had settled in that territory.

The ruler of the mines [region] at this time, which is the year 332 H. [= 943 A.D.] is Bishr b. Merwān b. Ishāq b. Rabī'a, who owns 3,000 warriors. Their allies are the Mudar<ref>Bouriant read: “Miṣr” instead of “muḍar” and translated “their allies are in Egypt, Yemen … etc.”.</ref> and the Yaman, as well as 30,000 Beja spear-men mounted on camels and carrying native (''bijāwiyya'') leather shields. They are of the Ḥadārib tribe and are [the only] Muslims among the Beja: while the Beja living in the inner parts are pagans who worship an idol of theirs.

'''[p. 633]''' The land of these Beja nomads who own the emerald mine is bordering on 'Allāqī, where there is [also] the gold mine. Between 'Allāqī and the Nile there are 15 days and the nearest town is Aswān.

The island of Sawākin is less than one mile in length and in width: between it and the Red Sea (''al-baḥr al-ḥabashī'') there is a strait which one can swim across. Its population consists of a branch of Beja called al-Khāsa, who are Moslems and have their own king (''malik'') on the island.

Al-Hamadhānī said: - Kana'ān b. Hām married Arsal daughter of ''Betāwīl'', b. Taris, b. Yapheth; she gave birth to ''Khafā'' (Khaqā ?), the ''Asāwid'' [= the Blacks], the ''Nūba'', the ''Fazzān'', the ''Zanj'', the ''Zaghāwa'' and other tribes of Blacks (''ajnās as-Sūdān''). It was said that the Beja are descendants of Ḥam, son of Noah; it was also said that they are descendants of Kūsh b. Kana'ān b. Ḥam; others said that the Beja are one of the tribes of the Ḥabash (''Ḥubsh''). They have tents of [woven] hair, their complexion is darker than the Ḥabasha; they wear the same dress as the Arabs. They have no towns or villages or cultivated fields, they live on what they import from the land of Ḥabasha, Egypt (''Miṣr'') and Nubia. The Beja were idol worshippers, then they embraced Islam under the emirate of 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ. They are quite generous; they are divided into tribes and subtribes (''afkhādh''), each of them under a chief (''ra'īs''): they are all shepherds and live only on meat and milk. (W.II,3, pp. 267 - 280; B., pp. 561 - 571).

'''[p. 634]''' Chapter XXXIII<ref>We omit the first part of this chapter which consists of quotations from Al-Mas’ūdī (q.v.) about the geographical position of Aswān, its resources, etc..</ref> : The Town of Aswān

... In the month of Dhū-l-Hijja of the year 344 H. [= April/May 956 A.D.], the king of Nubia made a raid on Aswān and killed many Muslims. Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla al-Khāzin marched with an army from Miṣr to fight him by order of Unūjūr, the son of Ikhshīd, in the month or Muḥarram of the year 345 H. [= May/June 956 A.D.]. They moved by land and river, and sent [to Miṣr] a number of Nubians they had taken prisoner and [later] beheaded them. The king of the Nūba was defeated and al-Khāzin advanced into Nubia until he took the town of Ibrīm and made its inhabitants prisoners. Then he returned to Miṣr about the middle of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 345 H. [26 August 956 A.D.] bringing with him 150 prisoners and a great number of heads [of people he had beheaded].

Al-qādī al-Fāḍil<ref>Saladin’s famous secretary (q.v.).</ref> said that the revenue of the frontier town of Aswān in the year 585 H. [= 1187 A.D.] was 25,000 dinars.

Kamāl Ja'far al-Edfūwī said: At Aswān there were 80 delegates in charge of the taxation (''rusul ash-sharʿ''), and the revenue of Aswān in one year was 30,000 ardab of dates (''tamar''). A clerk told me that in his office there were forty head-clerks (''sharīf khāṣṣa''), and that in another office he saw sixty head-clerks, without counting the minor employees. He also said: - I saw for myself in one office about forty archivists (''mu'arrikh''). This was after the year 620 H. [= 1219 A.D.]. In the town of Aswān lived the Banū Kanz, a branch of the Rabī’a, who were valiant and praiseworthy emirs, of whom al-Fāḍil as-Sadīd Abū-l-Ḥasan b. 'Arrām wrote the biographies, des-'''[p. 635]'''-cribe their merits, the names of those who honored them and those who opposed them. When Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb sent an army against Kanz ad-Dawla and his men (''aṣḥāb''), they abandoned their country, - the army [of Saladin] entered their [Kanz’s] homes and found there poems written in their praise, among which a poem by Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. az-Zubayr in which the poet said:

"He whom the fate forsakes, finds at last
protection from these men, whose support
involves no humiliation.
Whenever they grant it, everything under
the planets becomes afraid;
whenever they deny it, everything on earth
becomes miserable."

It is said that Saladin<ref>According to Al-Edfūwī (q.v.) it seems that the reward to the poet was given by a member of the Kanz family.</ref> rewarded [the author] with one thousand dinars and assigned to him a "sāqiya" farm worthy 1,000 dinars.

A garrison of the regular army, equipped with weapons, was stationed at Aswān to defend the borders from attacks by the ''Nūbah'' and the ''Sūdān''. After the fall of the Fatimid dynasty this precaution was neglected: therefore the king (''mutamallik'') of Nubia, with ten thousand men, attacked and occupied the island in front of Aswān and took prisoner all the Muslims who lived there.

After this, the importance of Aswān as a frontier dwindled to nothing and the Awlād Kanz have occupied it since the year 790 Η. [= 1388 A.D.] and caused much damage.

'''[p. 636]''' They [the Kanz] were several times at war with the wālīs of Aswān until the great trials (''mihan'', sufferings) which fell [upon the people] as from the year 806 H. [= 1403/1404 A.D.], during which the territory (''iqlīm'') of Ṣa'īd was devastated, and the Sultan's, power over the frontier town of Aswān practically ceased: he is no more represented by a wālī in the town of Aswān and this situation lasted for several years.

Then, the Muḥarram of the year 815 H. [1412 A.D.] the Hawwāra invaded Aswān and fought the Awlād Kanz, defeated them, killed many people and took prisoners from women and children and reduced all to slavery, pulled down the walls of the town of Aswān and went away with the prisoners; they left behind them heaps of ruins without a single person living there.

The town remained in this state after it had been [the flourishing town] described by Selim al-Aswānī in his book "''Akhbār an-Nūba''". He said that Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥamīd al-Omarī when he conquered the mines, wrote to Aswān inviting the merchants to come out and join him with equipment for the mines. A man called 'Uthmān b. Ḥanjala at-Tamīmī went to join him with 1,000 beasts loaded with equipment and wheat (''burr'').

He [Aswānī] mentioned that when al-Omarī returned to the Beja country after his campaign against the Nūba, the population [in the mines] increased so much that the beasts which transported the provisions to them from Aswān numbered 60,000 head, without counting the boats which carried provisions from Suez to 'Aydhāb.

He [Aswānī] said: - Some of our trustworthy, old people (''shuyukh'') of Aswān, or precisely of a village called Ashashī, which is two and-a-half days' distance '''[p. 637]''' from Aswān, assured him that they had seen on the eastern bank on the Nile, a walled village before whose gate there was a sycomore-tree and people went in and out: but when they went to that place [to ascertain what they had seen] they found nothing; this [phenomenon] happens in winter, and not in summer, before sunrise; and all the inhabitants admit the truth of this fact.

Aswān has many kinds of dry dates (''tamar'') and fresh dates (''ruṭab'') (Bouriant: "''fruits''" and "''legumes''" respectively), among which a kind of ruṭab which are greener than the garden-beet (''salq''). Hārūn ar-Rashīd ordered to collect for him [samples] of all kinds of the dates of Aswān on date of each quality to be collected for him; they filled one ''waiba''<ref>''Wayba'': a dry measure equalling 33 litres.</ref> and nobody in the world, except in Aswān, knows how dates become tamar, (i.e. dry dates) without being first ruṭab (green). (W. II, 3, pp. 280 - 286; B., pp. 572 - 576).

Chapter XXXIV: Philae (''Bilāq'')

Philae is the last fortress belonging to the Moslems, [it is situated] on an island near the Cataracts, surrounded by the Nile. There is a big village (''balad'') which is thickly populated. It is rich in palm-tree. At this island, the boats of the Nūba as well as those of the Moslems of Aswān land. The distance between this place [Philae] and the village of al-Qaṣr, which is the first village of Nubia, is one mile; between Philae and Aswān, four miles. From Aswān to this place is a continuous cataract (''janādil''), unnavigable by boats unless '''[p. 638]''' they are guided by experienced fisherman who [usually] fish there. At al-Qaṣr there is a garrison and a gate leading to the country of the Nūba. (W. op.cit., p. 282; B., p. 577).

Chapter XXXVI<ref>According to Maqrīzī and Qalqashandī, two peace-agreements and baqṭs were signed, the first in the year 20 (or 21) H./ =641 or 642 A.D., under the emirate of ‘Amrū. (Qalqashandī, VIII, p. 6; q.v.); the second in the year 31 H./ 652 A.D., under the emirate of ‘Abdalla. (See Maqrīzī, below, and Qalq. V, p. 276). The conditions stipulated under the second agreement are mentioned by most Arab historians; the terms of the first baqṭ, are mentioned (not very clearly) in the traditions recorded by Ibn Abd al-Ḥakam (q.v.).</ref> : The ''Baqṭ''

§ 1 - ''Baqṭ'' is the name given to the [consignment of] Nubian slaves who are brought to Egypt every year, as a tribute imposed on them. It is an Arabic word used by them [Arabs] when a [piece of] land [is rented] to express the [amount of] rent in vegetables or green fodder (''baqṭ min baql wa-'ushb'') i.e. a piece of grazing land; in this sense it also means a small sum of money. It is also used by them to say, for example, that the Banī Tamīm are a portion (''baqṭ'') of the Rabī’'a tribe, or a branch or a sub-division (''qiṭ’a''): in this sense it would mean a portion or a fraction of property (''māl''): for example, a portion of land (''baqṭ al-arḍ'') or a portion of anything (''baqṭ ash-shayʾ''). ''Baqṭ'' is also called the portion of grain which is given at the rate of one-third, or one-quarter; baqṭ is also that part of dates (''tamar'') which,when they are harvested, fall out of the basket because during the harvest, the reaping hook missed them.

In the subject which we are dealing with, the word ''baqṭ'' means what is in possession of the Nūba.

'''[p. 639]''' § 2 – The ''baqṭ'' is received from them [Nubians] in a village called ''al-Qaṣr'', five miles from. Aswān, between Philae and Nubia. ''Al-Qaṣr'' was the port (''farḍa'') of Qos. The first time that this ''baqṭ'' was imposed on the Nūba, was during the emirate of 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ, when, after the conquest of Egypt, he sent 'Abdalla b. Sa'd Abī Sarḥ to Nubia, in the year 20 H. [641 A.D.], or in the year 21 H. according to others, with an army of 20,000 men. He remained there some time, and 'Amrū wrote to him to come back. After the death of Omar, the Nūba broke the peace agreement (''ṣulḥ'') which had been drawn up between them and 'Abdalla b. Sa'd; their raids in Upper Egypt multiplied, they caused damage and devastation, so that 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ invaded their country a second time when he was emir of Miṣr, under the caliphate of Osman, in the year 31 H. [= 652 A.D.].

He besieged them in the town of Dongola (''Dumqala'') and shelled them by means of catapults (''manjanīq''), which were unknown to the Nūba. He broke down the [roof of the] church with stones ([rom the catapults] and this astonished them. Their king, by name ''Qalīdurūt'' (''Balīdurūb'', ''Qalīdurdāt'') asked for peace and went out to meet 'Abdalla looking humble, sad and submissive. 'Abdalla met him, raised him and gave him a place near him ['Abdalla]; then he concluded the peace agreement with him, on condition [that he paid] 360 men every year, while 'Abdalla undertook to supply him with grain, as [the king] had complained of the scarcity of food in his country. Of this [agreement] he left a written document as follows:

'''[p. 640]''' [The Peace Agreement<ref>Maqrīzī confused the terms of the 7th century baqṭ with other conditions imposed later, especially under the 13th century Mamelukes.</ref>]

"Omitting the conventional greetings (''al-basmala''),.. this is the convention given by the emir 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ to the chief (''ʿazīm'') of the Nūba and to all the people of his kingdom, a convention binding all the Nubians, great and small, from the boundary line of Aswān to the frontier of 'Alwa. 'Abdalla b.Sa'd b. Abī Sarī gave them security (''amān'') and truce (''ḥudna''), valid between them and the neighbouring Muslims of Upper Egypt, as well as the other Muslims and the dhimmī. You, Nubian people, will be safe under the guarantee (''amān'') of God and His Prophet Moḥammed, that we shall not fight you and shall not wage war upon you, nor shall we carry out raids [on your country], as long as you keep the condition laid down between us and yourselves: that you enter our country in transit only, not for the purpose of settling there; we also shall enter your country in transit without settling there. You must protect any Muslim or anyone who is under our protection (''mu'āhid''), if he settles in your country or travels through it, until he leaves the same. You must hand back any fugitive slave (''ābiq'') belonging to the Muslims who seeks shelter in your country: you must deliver him to the country of Islam; you must likewise return any Muslim who fights against the Muslims, you must drive him out of your country [and deliver him] to the country of Islam, without befriending him or without hindering him in any way. You must take care of the mosque (''masjad'')<ref>Such conditions, as the upkeep of a mosque in Dongola, are anachronistic for the year 652 A.D. Al-Aswānī, who visited Dongola about 970 A.D., was hardly allowed to celebrate ''Qurbān Bayrām'' outside the city walls.</ref> which the Muslims have built in the enclosure of your town, you must not prevent anyone from praying there, or interfere with any Muslim who goes there or lives close to it, '''[p. 641]''' until he goes away. You must keep it swept, and lighted with lamps and respect it. You must give 360 men every year, whom you will hand over to the ''imām'' of the Muslims: they must be chosen from slaves (''raqīq'') of your country, adults, without bodily defects, both male and female, excluding old men, old women and sucklings: you will hand them to the wall of Aswān. The Muslims do not undertake to drive away enemies who [may] attack you, or prevent them from attacking you, from the frontier of ‘Alwa to the territory of Aswān. If you give shelter to any slave of the Muslims, or you kill a Muslim, or an ally, or if you allow any damage to be done to the mosque which the Muslims have built within your town, or you retain any part of the 360 men, the treaty and truce become null and void, and we leave it; all to God to decide [by war]<ref>Qur’ān, 10, 109.</ref>, for He is the best Judge. In such a case we take as witness, on our side, God and his Promise (''mīthāq''). his Protection (''dhimma'') as well as the protection of his Envoy [Moḥammed]; you, on your side, will call as witness in your favour the dearest things of your religion, the protection of Christ (''al-Masiḥ''), the protection of the Apostles (''al-hawwārīyyīn'') and the protection of those persons whom you hold in the highest respect in your religion and your community. May God be witness between us and you on this."

This treaty was written by 'Umar b. Sharhabīl, in the month of Ramaḍān of the year 31 H. [April-May 652 A.D.].

The Nūba paid to 'Amrū b. as-'Āṣ what was agreed upon in the ''baqṭ'' before they broke it. [In addition] they gave forty slaves as a present, but he would not accept them. He returned the gift to the superintendent of '''[p. 642]''' the ''baqṭ'' (''kabīr al-baqṭ''), a man called ''Saqmūs'' (''Samqus'', ''Nastaqūs''). This man bought provisions (''jahāz'') and wine (''khamr'') which he sent to them<ref>Arabic: “''ilay-hi''” (to him). Logically one might expect “''ilay-him''” (to them), i.e. the Nubians.</ref>. 'Abdalla, too, sent them such cereals, wheat, barley, lentils, clothing material, and horses according to the promise. This custom (''ar-rasm'') continued until it became a prescription (''rasm'') which they still repeat every year when they pay the ''baqṭ''; the forty slaves, who were offered to 'Amrū as a present, are taken by the wālī of Miṣr.

According to Abū Khalīfa Ḥamīd b. Hishām al-Buhturī, the amount fixed in the peace treaty with the Nūba is 360 slaves to the Treasury (''fayʾ'') of the Muslims, 40 slaves to the Governor (''ṣāḥib'') of Egypt; in return, the Muslims pay to the Nūba 1,000 ''ardab'' of wheat (''qamḥ'') and the delegates [of the Nubian king] 300 ''ardab''; the same quantity of barley; 1,000 jugs (''aqnīn''<ref>Several readings are proposed. Cf. Wiet, op.cit., p. 296, n. 6. Caetani (Ann. IV, par. 110, pp. 520-521) read “''iqtīz''”, but admitted that a measure called by this name was unknown to him.</ref>) for the king, and 300 for his delegates, and two horses of the breed used by the emirs; l00 pieces (''thawb'') of cloth of [various] kinds (''asnāf''); 4 pieces of cloth called ''qabātī'' for the king and three for his delegates; 8 pieces of the cloth called ''buqturiyyah''; five pieces of the cloth marked (''mu'lama''; Wiet reads ''Mu'allama'') a mantle (''jibba'') of nappy silk (''mukhmala'', velvet, or wool, fabric) for the king (''malik''), 10 pieces of the cloth (''qums'') called Abū Buqtor, 10 pieces of ''Ahāsī'' (''ahhāsī'', ''ajāsī'') which made is a thick fabric. Abū Khalīfa said: - Neither the book of 'Abdalla b. Wahb, nor the book of al-Wāqidī contains these details, but I had them from Abū Zakaria who told me: - I heard my father Osman b. Saleh telling this story, and I '''[p. 643]''' remember well what I heard. He said: One day I was called to the council [in the presence] of the emir ‘Abdalla b. Tāher, while he was [governor] of Egypt [625-327 A.D.]: the emir said to me: ‘Are you Osman b. Saleh whom we have summoned to give information about the document of the ''baqṭ'' of the Nūba?’ I said: 'Yes.' Then Maḥfūẓ b. Suleiman drew near and said: - 'What a strange country this is! We sent for the learned people (''ʿulamāʾ'') to ask about something they know, and also [we sent] for this shaykh, and none of them helps us [with the much needed information] !’ I said: 'God save the Commander of the Faithful! The information you want about the Nūba, I have, as they were orally transmitted by the elders [shaykhs] who heard it from the shaykhs who were present there when the truce (''ḥudna'') and the peace agreement (''ṣulḥ'') were drawn up.' Then I spoke to them about the Nūba according to what I had heard. [The emir] did not approve the supply of wine. I told him: 'Also 'Abdel 'Azīz b. Marwān disapproved of it.' This council was held in Fusṭāṭ in the year 212 H. [= 826 A.D.], after the peace treaty was signed between him and 'Ubaydalla b. as-Sarī b. al-Ḥakam at-Tamīmī, the emir [who was] his predecessor. Osman b. Ṣaliḥ said: - The emir, sent [someone] to the Chancery (''dīwān'') which was outside the great mosque (''al-masjad al-jāmi'ʿ'') of Miṣr and searched for the document concerning the Nūba and found that it was exactly as I told him: he was therefore very pleased."

Mālik b. Uns said that the peace treaty applied to the [whole] land of Nubia as far as the frontier of ‘Alwa and it was therefore forbidden to buy slaves there; but his contemporaries, such as 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥakam and 'Abdalla b. Wahb and al-Layth b. Sa'd, Yazīd b. Abī Habb and other jurists of Egypt held a different opinion. '''[p. 644]''' Al-Layth b. Sa'd said: - We know the land of Nubia better than Mālik b. Uns. Under the peace treaty we have undertaken not to carry out raids into their territory, but not to prevent enemies from attacking them. Whomsoever their king reduces to slavery, or the slaves which they make when they raid each other, can be legally bought; but those whom the Muslims reduce to slavery through abduction (''bughāh'') or by stealing (''surrāq''), are illegal business; some Muslims used to have Nubian slave girls as concubines.

[Qurqī's Journey to Baghdad]

The Nūba continued paying the ''baqṭ'' every year and used to receive in return what we have mentioned above, until the time of the Commander of the Faithful al-Mu'taṣīm billah Abū Ishāq b. ar-Rashīd. At that time, the chief (''kabīr'') of the Nūba was a certain ''Zakariā b. Yuḥannis''. Perhaps the Nūba had failed to pay the ''baqṭ'' and the wālīs of the Muslims had roused the neighbouring peoples against them and prevented the delivery of the provisions to the Nubians. Qurqī, son of their chief (''kabīr'') Zakariā, disapproved that his father professed obedience to a foreigner and [showed him] that it was impossible to pay [the whole amount of ''baqṭ'' which was 14 years in arrears]. His father said: - "What would you like to do?" "To revolt against them" - said he, "and to fight them". His father said: - "This (''baqṭ'') is something which our ancestors thought convenient to pay and I am afraid that you, too, may soon share the same opinion and will find it preferable to fighting the Muslims. I shall send you, as an envoy, to their kings; you will observe our situation and theirs: if you still remain of the opinion that we have enough power, we shall fight them knowing what we are doing; otherwise, you will ask the king to be generous towards us." So he sent '''[p. 645]''' Qurqī to Baghdad. The countries along his route decorated themselves, while he passed through the towns. The chief of the Beja, [who was travelling] for his own purposes, joined him on the [outward] journey to Baghdad;<ref>Maqrīzī, alone among the Arab historians, said that the Beja king journeyed to Baghdad together with the Nubian prince Qurqī in 835 A.D. Other Arab historians (Ṭabari, Ibn Hawqal, Miskawaih, q.v.) mentioned the journey of the Beja king to Baghdad in captivity, in the year 241 H./ 855 A.D.; Ibn Hawqal added that, on this occasion (855 A.D.), the Nubian king, too – (viz. Qurqī) went as a prisoner to Baghdad. I can hardly think Maqrīzī has made a mistake by confusing here two different events, i.e. Qurqī’s journey in 835 A.D. and the Beja king’s captivity in 855 A.D A plausible explanation may be that both the Nubian and the Beja king made the journey in 835 A.D. to settle the frontier troubles they had had with Egypt during 14 years. Possibly, more troubles may have arisen under al-Mutawakkil, followed by al-Qummī’s expedition. We learn from Taghribirdī (q.v.) that the Beja and the “''Nūba''” and other tribes of the inner regions (''Ḥubūsh'') were ready to ally against any invader coming from the Moslem countries.</ref> both of them met al-Mu'taṣīm and were impressed by what they saw in Iraq: numerous armies, large towns, beyond what they had seen on the way. Al-Mu'taṣīm invited Qurqī to sit near him, treated him very generously received his presents and gave him some which were much more valuable presents [than his]. He said to Qurqī: - 'Ask whatever you like.’ He asked for the release or the prisoners (''al-muḥabbasīn'')<ref>“al-muḥabbasīn”. We know nothing about such Nubian detainees of the circumstances of their detection at Baghdad.</ref> and this demand was granted. Al-Mu'taṣīm held him in great esteem and made him a present of the house where he stayed while in Iraq. He also gave orders that a house be purchased for their delegates at every stopping place along their route, because he [Qurqī] refused to enter [as a guest] anybody's palace. In Egypt, the Caliph assigned him a house (''dār'') in Gīza, and another in [the quarter of] Banī Wā'il, and another in the dīwān of Miṣr. He [also] assigned to him 700 dinars, to be drawn from the dīwān of Miṣr, and a horse with saddle and bridle, a decorated sword, a robe gold embroidered (''muthaqqal'')<ref>Although the word is not found in Arabic dictionaries, it sure indicates some richly embroidered fabric.</ref>, a turban '''[p. 646]''' (''ʿamāmah'') of silk (''khazz''), a woollen Shirt (''qamiṣ sharb'') and a mantle (''ridā’ sharb'') and a number of robes (''thiyāb''). To his delegates he offered a number of robes to be delivered on the arrival of the ''baqṭ'' at Miṣr. In addition, he offered them two camels<ref>Wiet read = “''humlān''” or ''hamalāh'' (two lambs). Quatremère (op.cit., p. 51) read “''jamalān''” (two camels) which seems more likely.</ref>. The officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'' was invested with robes of honour. They had to pay a specific fee to the officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'' and to his employees; whatever and above this the Nubians offered to the employees was to be considered a free gift, for which the employees should reciprocally offer a gift of the same value. Al-Mu'taṣīm examined the sum which the Muslims paid [to the Nubians]. He found that it was higher than the ''baqṭ'' and he disapproved of the supply of wine, grain and of the clothing material which was mentioned before. He decided that the ''baqṭ'' should be paid [once] every three years and confirmed this with a written document which remained in the hands of the Nūba.

The Nubian (''an-Nūbī'') complained about some citizens of Aswān who had bought lands (''amlāk'') from his [the king's] slaves. Al-Mu’taṣīm ordered that an investigation be made and summoned the ''Wālī'' of the country and the judge (''mukhtār li-l-ḥukm'') appointed for these affairs and also the Nubian subjects: [the wālī and the judge] asked them about the complaint raised by their Lord about what they had sold. They denied and said: - "We are subjects (''ra’īyya'')" and the complaint failed. He [Qurqī] asked also other things, for example, that the garrison posted at al-Qaṣr be transferred [to some other place] near the frontier between them and the Muslims, declaring '''[p. 647]''' that the garrison [at al-Qaṣr] was on Nubian soil; but Mu’taṣīm did not answer about this.

The Nubian Historian said that the institution of the baqṭ remained in force until the coming of the Fatimid dynasty in Egypt and that it was executed under the terms [decided by Mu'taṣīm] which also stated what was to be given the Nubians in return.

[Statements by Other Historians on the ''Baqṭ'']

Abu-l-Ḥasan Mas’ūdī said: - The baqṭ means the prisoners (''sabī'') who are delivered every year and brought to Miṣr as a tribute (''ḍarība'') imposed on them. Their number is 365 men for the Treasury, according to the terms of the truce stipulated between the Nūba and the Muslims; over and above that figure, forty men are given to the emir of Miṣr, and 20 to his representative (''khalīfah'')<ref>Sic, in Maqrīzī; but Mas’ūdī has ''nā’ibi-hi'' (his representative).</ref>, resident in Aswān who is the officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'', five to the judge (''al-ḥākim'') resident at Aswān, who, with the ''amīr'' of Aswān, witnesses the delivery of the ''baqṭ'', and twelve, i.e. one each to the twelve judiciary witnesses chosen among the citizens of Aswān who, with the judge, witness the delivery of the baqṭ, according to the custom (''rasm'') established since the beginning of Islam, when the truce was signed for the first time between the Muslims and the Nūba.

Al-Balāhurī said in his book "The Conquest (of the countries)" - The tribute (''al-muqarrar'') imposed on the Nūba is 400 men and they receive, in return, foodstuffs, i.e. cereals (''ghilla''). The Commander of the Faithful al-Mahdī Muḥammad b. 'Alī Ja'far al-Manṣūr [774-785 A.D.] fixed the amount at 360 men and one giraffe.

'''[p. 648]''' [The Fall of Nubia under the Mameluke Power]

In the year 671 H. [= 1272 A.D.] David, King of the Nūba became so wicked that he raided as far as near the town of Aswān. He destroyed several ''saqīyas'' by fire, after he had brought devastation at 'Aydhāb. The Wālī of Qos marched against him, but could not seize him. The wālī captured the Lord of the Mountains (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabāl'') with some Nubians and brought them to the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars al-Bunduqdāri in the fortress of the Mountain, where they were sawn in two parts between planks.

Shekanda (Sh.K.N.D.H.),<ref>We currently adopt Monneret’s reading “Shekanda”.</ref> son of the sister of the King of the Nūba came [to Cairo] complaining against his [maternal] uncle (''khāl''). The Sultan sent with him the emir Shamsaddīn Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī the ''ustādār'',<ref>Ustādār = “majordomo” in the Sultanian court.</ref> and the emir 'Izzadīn Aibek al-Afram, [who was] the emir jāndār,<ref>Emir jāndār = title of the Court official in charge of introducing the emir to the dīwān and the incoming mail to the Sultan. (Qalqashandī, IV, p. 20, q.v.).</ref> with a numerous regular army (''ʿaskar'') and soldiers of the ''wilayāt'', and nomad Arabs (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt and a number of pike men (''zarrāqūn'') and archers (''rumāh''), grenadiers (''harārīq''). They marched from Cairo (''al-Qāhira'') on the first day of Sha'bān and did not halt until they arrived in Nubia. [The Nubians], mounted on camels, armed with spears, and wore black ''dakādik'' [thick tunic] came out to resist them. The two sides fought a furious battle in which the Nūba were defeated; al-Afram stormed the fortress of ''ad-Derr'', killed [some] and others he took prisoners. Al-Fāriqānī advanced into Nubia by '''[p. 649]''' land and by river, killing and taking prisoners. He seized a very large number of cattle, established himself on the island of Mikā’īl at the head of the cataracts (''al-janādil'') and forced the boats to pass through the cataracts while the Nubian fled to the islands. He wrote a safe-conduct (''amān'') for Qamar al-Dawla, the representative (''nā’ib'') of David (''Dāwūd''), King (''mutamallik'') of Nubia, and he [Qamar] professed loyalty to Shekanda and called back the men (''rijāl'') of al-Marīs and the [others] who had fled.

Al-Afram, had waded across [a branch of] the Nile, to a castle (''burj'') in the middle of the water, laid the siege on it until he took it and killed 200 people there and took prisoner David's brother, while David succeeded in escaping. The army pursued him for three days, killing or taking prisoner [any one on their way. At last the population made their submission. David's mother and sister were captured, but not David. Shekanda was proclaimed King in place of David; he undertook to pay a tax (''qaṭī'ah''), every year of three elephants, three giraffes, five she-leopards (''fuhūd''), one hundred tawny dromedaries and four hundred oxen without blemish and also accepted the condition that the country of the Nūba should be divided into two halves, one half was appropriated to the Sultan and the other for the development (''ʿimārah'') and upkeep of the country, with the exception of the district of the Mountain (''bilād al-Jibāl'') which was to become the Sultan's own property because of its vicinity to the district (''bilād'') of Aswān, and this was about one quarter of the [whole] country of the Nūba. The dates and cotton produced in this district, as well as the other customary dues, where also to be given [to the Sultan]. The population was obliged to pay the ''jizyah'', so long as they remained Christians; every adult had to pay every year, one ''dinār'' per head. The formula '''[p. 650]''' of an oath was written for this purpose to be sworn by King Shekanda, and another formula for the oath of the people. The two emirs pulled down [some] churches (''kanā’is'') of Nubia and took away what was inside; they took about 20 Nubian princes (''umarā’ an-nūba'') [as hostages] and freed the Muslin citizens of Aswān and 'Aydhāb who were still held prisoners at the hands of the Nūba.

Shekanda was crowned with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mulk'') and sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlakah''), after having taken the oath and promised to bring to the Sultan all the private property, goods and cattle, which belonged to David and to all those who had been killed or taken prisoners, in addition to the old ''baqṭ'' which was 400 slaves (''raqīq'') every year, a giraffe. Of the slaves, 360 were destined to the Khalīfah and 40 to his representative (''nā’ib'') in Egypt. On the arrival of the complete ''baqṭ'', the Nubians were to receive 1,000 ardeb of wheat for their king and 300 ardeb for his delegates. (W. II, 3, ch. XXXVI, pp. 289 - 299; B., pp. 580 - 567).

Chapter XXXVII: The Desert of 'Aydhāb

For more than 200 years the 'Aydhāb desert route was the only one used by the pilgrims from Egypt and the Maghrib. They used to go by boat on the Nile from the town of Fusṭāṭ (''madīna Miṣr al-Fusṭāṭ'') as far as Qos; then they mounted camels and crossed the desert until they reached ‘Aydhāb; from there they embarked in boats (''jilāb'') sailing for Jedda (Judda), the port of Mecca. In the same way merchants from India, Yemen and Ḥabasha used to reach 'Aydhāb by sea, then cross this desert to Qos finally to arrive at the town of Miṣr.

This desert was crossed continually by people going to and fro, with caravans of merchants and pilgrims. One '''[p. 651]''' could fine loads of spices (''bahār'') such as cinnamon (''qirfa''), pepper (''filfil'') and the lake, lying on the way; and travellers, going in either direction did not touch anything until the owners came to take them.

So this desert was the usual route for the pilgrims on their way to and from Mecca, for more than 200 years, from about 450 H. to about 650 H., i.e. from the time of the extreme restriction (''ash-shiddat al-'uẓmā'') imposed [on pilgrims] in the days of the Caliph al-Mustanṣir billah Abū Tamīm al-Ma’add b. aẓ-Ẓāhir, when the overland pilgrimage was suspended, until the time when the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Ruknaddīn Baybars al-Bunduqdārī decided to cover (''kasā'') the Ka'ba [with a precious veil] and made a special key for it. From that time, i.e. the year 666 H. [= 1267 A.D.] the caravan of the pilgrimage went, overland and the number of pilgrims who went by this [‘Aydhāb] desert route decreased steadily. The goods of the merchants, however, continued being hauled from 'Aydhāb to Qos, until the year 760 H., when the merchants, too, abandoned this route. The distance between Qos and ‘Aydhāb across this desert is seventeen days’ journey without any possibility of finding water for three days, sometimes even four consecutive days.

‘Aydhāb lies on the coast of the sea of Jedda and has no walls. The majority of the houses are made of reeds. It was one of the biggest ports in the world on account of the ships from India and Yemen calling here to unload goods, in addition to the boats transporting the pilgrims.

When ships from India and Yemen ceased calling here, Aden, in the land of Yemen, became the great harbour (''al-marsā al-‘aẓīma''). Later on, about the year 820 H. [= 1417 A.D.] Jedda became the greatest sea-port in the world (''a’zam marāsī ad-dunyā'') together with Hormoz, which has a very great port (''marsā jalīl'').

'''[652]''' ‘Aydhāb lies in a desert where no vegetable (''nabāt'') grows. All foodstuffs are imported, even water. The population received great benefit from the [traffic of] pilgrims and merchants, as they used to levy a specific tax (''ḍarība'') for every load of flour (''ḥiml daqīq'') they took to the pilgrims; they also hired their boats (''jibāl'') to the pilgrims for the journey to and from Jedda: from this they made a good profit.

Every one in 'Aydhāb possessed at least one boat (''markab''), according to his financial position.

There are some pearl fisheries on these islands near ‘Ayahāb. Divers go at certain time, every year, with small boats (''zawārīq''). They remain there for some days, then come back with what they had been able to catch. The water in the [pearl] fisheries is not deep.

The life of the inhabitants of 'Aydhāb resembled that of beasts; it is much nearer to that of the wild animal than to man's habits. The pilgrims who hired boats from the inhabitants of ‘Aydhāb faced great dangers while crossing the sea because very often the wind drew them to landing places far away towards the southern deserts. Then the Beja (''al-Bujāh'') [used to] come down from their mountains, hire their camels and take the pilgrims across waterless deserts. Many [pilgrims] died of thirst there and the Beja would carry off all their belongings. Some others also died of thirst after they had lost their way. Those who succeeded in arriving safe and sound, entered 'Aydhāb like people who had come from their graves: they were so disfigured and their faces were worn [with exhaustion]. The majority of the pilgrims died in these ports. Those who, helped by favourable wind, landed at the port of 'Aydhāb were very few, indeed. The boats for the transport of the pilgrims have no nails: the planks are connected only with ''qunbār'', '''[p. 653]''' which is [a rope] made of [fibres of] the cocoa-tree (''nārjīl''): they mix it with fibres of palm-tree; then they soak it in grease (''samn''), or castor oil (''duhn al-kharwa''), or oil of shark (''qirsh''), a big fish which always devours those who drown. The sails (''qilāʾ'') of these boats are made of plaited leaves (''khūṣ'') of dora-palm (''muql''). The inhabitants of 'Aydhāb treat the pilgrims in an abominable way like devils.

Actually, they heap up men in their boats one on top of the other so as to extract the greatest profit. They do not care at all if one of them falls into sea. They only say: - We care for the planks (''alwāḥ''), let them care for themselves (''arwāḥ'').

The population of 'Aydhāb consisted of Beja who had their own king. They had also a wālī on behalf of the Sultan of Egypt. I met the qāḍī of 'Aydhāb at Cairo: he was a Black.

The Beja are a people who practice no [revealed] religion (''dīn'') nor have they any sensitiveness (''ʿaql''). Men and women go naked: they only wear a bit of cloth on their genitals, but many do not wear even this.

'Aydhāb has a torrid climate with a burning wind (''simūn''). (W., pp. 299 - 303).

... The emerald mine is in a waste land near Aswān. An office with inspectors and clerks was established there to pay the wages to the workers, and supplies were sent them [from Aswān] so that they could carry on their work. This mine lies amidst sandy mountains. The miners dig in a shaft, which, if it collapses, buries them all. The output of the mine is shipped to Fusṭāṭ whence it is distributed all over the country. Traders used to travel from Qos to the emerald mine in eight days walking at an ordinary speed. The Beja used to call there to collect '''[p. 654]''' their dues, for they were the overlords and guardians of the mine.

This mine is on the side of a mountain, facing the north, in a place called ''Aqrashanda''. The mountain rises alone in the middle of a plain, separate from all the other mountains and it is the highest of all. No settlement is to be found on it or nearby. Rain water is found at half-a-day’s distance or little more; the spring is called "''ghadīr a’yun''" (Pool of the Sources); water is plentiful if the rains are abundant, it is less if the rains are scanty. Emeralds are mined from a white stone found there, in the middle of a large desert (''mafāza''). There are three kinds of this white stone: one called ''ṭalq kāfūrī'' (Camphor, Amianthus), the second ''ṭalq fiḍḍī'' (silver amianthus), the third ''ḥajar jarawī'' (pomegranate stone). These stones are pounded until the emerald comes out, for it is deeply embedded in the stone. There are several kinds [of emerald]: one is called ''riyānī'' (? or ''riyālī'', doubtful reading), which is extremely rare and is found very seldom. When it is extracted it is soaked in hot oil, then wrapped in cotton wool and the cotton is rolled up and tied with strips of cloth or untanned skin or the like.

There was a very strict control in this mine, so that the workers when leaving the mine were carefully searched even in their intimate parts. Nevertheless, they used to steal some of it for their own private crafts.

The extraction of emerald from this mine continued until it was stopped by the vizier, one Lord 'Alam ad-dīn 'Abdalla b. Zanbūr in the time of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. Qalāwūn, about the year 760 H. (1358/59 A.D.). (W. ibid.)

'''[p. 655]''' Chapter XXXVIII: The Town of Luxor

... It is one of the main towns and its population is (called) ''Marīsi''. It is from this town that the "''marīsi''" donkeys are imported. (W. II, p. 303; B., p. 588).

[The Town of Qifṭ]

In the year 572 H. [= 1176-77 A.D.], there was a great revolt in the town of Qifṭ. The cause of it was that a ''dā'ī'' [propagandist for the Fatimids] from the clan of Banī 'Abd al-Qawī, claimed to be Dāwūd b. al- ‘Āḍid<ref>The son of the last Fatimid king of Egypt.</ref> and rallied a multitude of people around him. The Sultan Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb sent an army under the command of his brother al-Malik al-'Ādel Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb, and killed about 3,000 of the population of Qifṭ: they were hanged on the trees outside the town, [strangled] by their turbans and their robes. (W., p. II, t. 3, p. 111; B., p. 689).

... It is said that ''al-Wahāt'' was the son (''wuld'') of Hawīlā, son of Kūsh, son of Cana'an, son of Ḥam, son of Noah. His brother were ''Sabā'' (B., ''Seban''), son of Kūsh [who was] the father of the ''Ḥabash''; ''Shafnā'' (B., ''Shanba'') son of Kūsh, [who became] the father of the Zaghāwa and brother of Shanqā (B. Abū Shefaliā), son of Kūsh, [who became] the father of the Damādim ("le père des Abyssins Ramram").<ref>Thus is established, according to some tradition recorded by the Arab historians, the race relation between the inhabitants of the Oases, the Ḥabash, the Zaghāwa and the Damādim.</ref> (W. ibid., ch. LXXI, p. 113; B., p. 691).

[The Alum Export]

Mas'ūdī says: - The Oases form a region lying between the lands of Miṣr, Alexandria, Upper Egypt, the '''[p. 656]''' Maghrib and the land of that branch of Nūba which is called ''al-Aḥābish'' and others. In this region there are alum (''arḍ shibbīyya''), vitriol (''zājjīyya''), sour springs (''ʿuyūn hāmida'') and other springs of a similar taste.

At present, i.e. the year 332 H. [= 943 A.D.], the Lord of the Oases is Abdel Malik b. Merwān, a man of the Lawāta tribe, but he follows the Merwānī rite (''madhhab''). He possesses thousands of horsemen and camelmen. The distance between his country and the ''Aḥābish'' is a distance of about six days' journey, the same distance as between him and the other countries mentioned above. (W. II, ch. LXXIII, §3, p. 120; B., p. 699).

In the Oases there is white alum, in a valley parallel to the town of Edfu. In the time of al-Kamel Moḥammed b. al-'Adel Abū Bakr (1218-1238 A.D.) and of his son Najmeddīn b. Ayyūb [1240 A.D.], the Oases exported yearly one thousand ''qintār'' of white alum to Cairo.<ref>Alum (''shibb'') was in great demand for textile industries in the Middle Ages. “Numbers of them (Arab Bedouins) also travel from Wādī Halfa, on the Nile, three days’ journey into the Western Desert and collect there the “shābb” or nitre, which they exchange with the same merchants for dhurra, giving two measures of the former for three equal measures of the latter… Vessels from Assouan often moor here (Wādī Halfa) to load dates and the nitre which the Arab collect at three days’ journey from hence into the Western Desert.” (Burckhardt, ''Travels'', pp. 28-29, 38).</ref> In return, the natives of the Oases were exempted from any tribute. Later on, this custom was discontinued and later it ceased completely.

In the year 339 H. [= 950-51 A.D.], the king of Nubia marched with a numerous army on the Oases: he made a sudden attack on the inhabitants without any warning, killed some and took others prisoner. (W. II, §5-6, p. 121; B., p. 699).

Chapter LXXX: The Town of the Hawk

The Town of the Hawk (''Madīnat al-'Uqāb'') was situated west of the Abuṣīr (Gīza) Pyramids, at five days' distance...

'''[p. 657]''' The distance between this town [the Town of the Hawk] and Memphis is three days' journey. (’Awn)<ref>A prince established by Pharaoh Al-Walīd to govern during his absence.</ref> used to go and stay there and then return to Memphis. There were four celebrations [in honour of the Hawk-god] held during the year, and these were held when the [statue of the] Hawk was changed [to a new direction]. After he accomplished all this, 'Awn grew bold. One day he received a letter from Nubia [sent] by Walīd, who ordered him to despatch food and to set up markets. [‘Awn] then sent him [Walīd] by land all that he asked for ... (W., II, §4, ch. LXXX, pp. 142 - 143 passim; B., pp. 716 - 717).

Chapter LXXXII: The Fayyum (The Nahrāwūsh Legend)

Ibn Waṣīf Shāh said: - Then ''ar-Riyan'' (''Rayyān''), the son of al-Walīd, became a king: he was the Pharaoh of Joseph; the Copts called him Nahrāwūsh... This king led an expedition against the nations of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') (viz.) the kingdom of the ''Damdam'' (''Ramram''), the man-eaters. These went out naked against him; he defeated them and subjected them; then he proceeded to the Dark Sea (''al-baḥr al-muẓlim''); but a fog covered them so that he returned towards the north until he reached a statue of red marble, which made a sign to them with its hand [as if] saying: ‘Go back!’ This inscription was carved on its breast: 'Behind me there is nothing'.

Nahrāwūsh ordered his companions to carry away some of the biggest of gold lumps (''hijārat''), which they did. '''[p. 658]''' The wise man [who ruled that country], noticing that some members of the king's followers prayed before a statue which they were carrying with them, asked the king not to stay any longer in his land and warned him against the worship of idols.

So [Nahrāwūsh] greeted him and marched away. He left some trace [of his march] on every people whose land he passed through until he arrived at Nūba country: he made peace with them on condition that they should pay tribute: In Dongola he erected a statue on which he engraved his name and [an account of] his journey, then he proceeded to Menf. (W., II, §4, pp. 143-147 passim; L., pp. 713 - 721).

[Nubians in Egypt Under Al-Mustanṣir the Fatimid]

After that [the great famine, 1054 - 1062 A.D.], a great rebellion began, which led the whole country of Egypt to ruin, and this is how it happened.

Al-Mustanṣir went out with a sumptuous train, as was his habit,<ref>A mock procession apparently held to ridicule the pilgrimage to Mecca. Cf. Al-Muyassar (q.v.).</ref> accompanied by his harem and the multitude of his servants: he drove towards al-Jubb, outside Cairo. A Turk, who was drunken, drew his sword and hit one of the slaves (''ʿabīd ash-shirāʾ''). A multitude of slaves rushed on the Turk and killed him, The Turks, angry at this murder, went in great numbers to make representations to al-Mustanṣir. "If that took place by your consent" - they said to him - "then we have only to obey and submit; but if it happened without the consent of the Commander of the Faithful, we shall not tolerate it".

'''[p. 659]''' Al-Mustanṣir disclaimed any responsibility... The Turks made plans to attack the slaves. Severe fights took place between them near Kom Sharīk, where many slaves were killed and those who survived took to flight. This caused much sorrow to the mother of al-Mustanṣir, she being herself a [former] black slave was the cause of the presence of so many black slaves at Miṣr. She liked to increase the number of people of her own race and bought them from everywhere. Her preference for these slaves was well known, so that many [black slaves] were brought to Miṣr, causing their number to rise, according to some to more than fifty thousand<ref>Al-Mustanṣir was 7 years old when his father died (1036 A.D.). His mother ruled at Regent for some time.</ref>.

At the time of the fight at Kom Sharīk, she secretly reinforced the slaves by sending them arms and money. During the time she ruled the kingdom [as a Regent] the mother of al-Mustanṣir conceived a deep hatred for the Turks and incited her [former] master Abū Sa'īd at-Tatarī (other readings: Abū Sa'd, and ''at-Tustarī'')<ref>The correct reading is at-Tustarī from Tustar (Al-Ahwāz, in Persia).</ref> to exterminate them. The black slaves had become very powerful and they did what they liked; this caused the anger of the Turks. Some Turks seized part of the money and arms which the mother of al-Mustanṣir had sent reinforcements to the slaves after their defeat. The Turks gathered in great numbers and went to al-Mustanṣir and spoke to him harshly. Al-Mustanṣir, swearing that he was completely unaware of the incident, went to ask his mother about it and she denied the fact. The Turks rushed out, swords were unsheathed, and trouble started again. Al-Mustanṣir asked Abū-l-Faraj Ibn al-Maghrabī '''[p. 660]''' to negotiate a truce between the two sides and they agreed, though reluctantly. The slaves withdrew to Shubrā Damanhūr.

This was the beginning of the decadence of Egypt. In the year 459 H. [i.e. 1066 A.D.] the scorpions of enmity crawled again among the two sides. The Turks had grown very powerful and arrogant towards al-Mustanṣir; their claim increased and they also asked for higher wages. The situation of the slaves grew worse, their anger became deeper and their distress greater. As the revenues of the Sultan dropped his authority weakened. Al-Mustanṣir's mother sent [her emissaries] to the chiefs of the slaves inciting them to kill the Turks. They gathered in Gīza. The Turks, under the leadership of Nāṣiraddīn Husayn Ibn Ḥamdān, meet out to attack them. Several encounters took place: the last was when the Turks defeated the slaves and compelled them to flee towards Upper Egypt. Ibn Ḥamdān came back to Cairo, his authority having increased considerably; his pride swelled up and he despised the Caliph. News was received [at Cairo] that the slaves had gathered [again] in Upper Egypt, about 15,000 horsemen in number, [Ibn Ḥamdān] rose and sent the officers of the Turks to al-Mustanṣir, [to enquire about this]. He denied that a gathering of slaves had been organised; the meeting [between the Sultan and the Turks] was violent and the officers walked out unsatisfied.

Meantime the mother of al-Mustanṣir ordered those slaves who formed her retinue to fall suddenly on the Turks: they did so and killed many. Ibn Ḥamdān hurriedly went out of Cairo and the Turks joined him. The slaves who were living in Cairo and Miṣr advanced against them, and joined in battle [which lasted] for several days. Ibn Ḥamdān swore that he would not dismount from '''[p. 661]''' his horse before the issue was decided, either in his favour or against him. The two factions redoubled their efforts; the Turks eventually defeated the slaves, slew [some of] them, took prisoners and went back to Cairo. Ibn Ḥamdān pursued the others who scattered about the country and exterminated the majority of them. But the slaves still held out in the Ṣa’īd and another large troop was stationed at Alexandria. Ibn Ḥamdān went to Alexandria, besieged them, and after some time they asked for terms: he let them out and appointed a man whom he trusted to govern the town. All the year 549 H. [i.e. 1066 A.D.] was spent in the war against the slaves. By the beginning of the year 460 H. [i.e. 11 November 1067 A.D.] the Turks had brought the prestige of al-Mustanṣir down to nought; they publicly mocked him and challenged his authority. Ibn Ḥamdān marched on the Ṣa'īd to crush the slaves, who had grown violent and had become brigands. He had several encounters with them. At first the Turks were beaten by them, but later they returned to the attack. The slaves made a furious massive attack on them so that they compelled the Turks to withdraw as far back as Gīza. Then the Turks began committing all sorts of insolence [acts] against al-Mustanṣir and accused him of secretly supporting the slaves and reinforcing them. He denied all this under an oath. The Turks reorganised themselves and gathered their troops which had been scattered; they went out again to fight the slaves and did not cease fighting furiously until they finally crushed them. A great number [of slaves] were killed, the remainder took to flight and their power vanished for good. (Wiet, ibid., pp. 276 - 279).

'''[p. 662]''' [Ḥāra Bahā' ad-dīn - The Quarter of Bahā' ad-dīn, in Cairo]

... This quarter originally lay outside Bāb al-Futūḥ in the time of Jawhar and was later included in the town wall by the Amīr al-Juyūsh, was also called "The Quarter of the Rayḥāniyya <ref> Cf. Usama Ibn Munqidh (q.v.) and Ibn Muyassar (q.v.).</ref> and the Wazīriyya" after two Corps of the Fatimid army which had their billets there. The two Corps had large houses and many shops. It was also called "Between the Two Quarters" because its buildings extended up to city wall. The Rayḥāniyya and the Wazīriyya always occupied this quarter until the Sultan [Saladin] Yūsuf b. Ayyūb defeated the Blacks (''ʿabīd''). (Bulaq II, 3, p. 2).

[The Battle of the Black Troops]

The cause of this battle was that the Commissioner of the Caliphate, named Jawhar - who was one of the two eunuchs (''ustādhayn'') who had taken control over the Palace - plotted against Saladin. When Saladin began oppressing the officials of the Palace (''ahl al-qaṣr'') and ruled state affairs despotically, thereby weakening the Caliphate, and arrested the most prominent personalities of the dynasty, [Jawhar] plotted to overthrow Saladin and have him removed from the vizirate of the Caliph al-'Āḍid. Several Egyptians and members of the army (''jund'') joined in the conspiracy. They agreed to send [a letter] to the Franks of the Coast inviting them to advance towards Cairo. They intended if Saladin went out [of Cairo] to oppose them, they would rise in Cairo, then join forces with the Franks and finally drive Saladin out of Egypt.

'''[p. 663]''' They sent a man to the Franks with a letter concealed in his sandals; they covered it [the letter] with leather lest the messenger notice it. The messenger went to Bi’r al-Bayḍā', a village near Bilbeis, and there he met some of Saladin’s soldiers. The messenger walked unaware of the reason why he had been told to carry the sandals in his hands. The soldiers noticed that the sandals the messenger was wearing were still new without any trace of walking, while his garments were old and shabby. As they became suspicious, they seized the sandals and tore them open; they found the secret letter. Both the man and the letter were taken to Saladin who examined the handwriting until he discovered that the scribe was one of his Jewish secretaries (''kuttāb''). He ordered him to be killed, but the Jew escaped [death] by professing himself to be a Moslem and made then and there the profession of the Islamic faith. He confessed the whole story. The news reached the Commissioner of the Caliphate, who realizing his danger, began to fear for his life and stayed indoors. Saladin kept all the matter secret. After some time had elapsed, the eunuch (''al-khaṣī'') thinking that Saladin had forgotten all about it, left the Palace to go to a villa (''manzara'') he had built in a garden called "al-kharqaniyya". He went there to amuse himself with some friends. No sooner was Saladin informed of this, than he sent a company [of soldiers] thither; on Wednesday 25 Dhū-l-Qa'da of the year 564 H. [20 August 1168 A.D.]; they attacked and killed him, took off his head and brought it to Saladin, and the news spread all over Cairo.

The Egyptian army was enraged at this [murder] and on the 26th of the month rose as one man: a huge crowd of emirs and common people joined them, numbering over fifty thousand all told. They rushed to the vizier's house, where Saladin was staying on that day, and carried weapons with them. Shams ad-dawla Fakhr ad-dīn Tūrānshāh, the brother of Saladin, '''[p. 664]''' met them and shouted to the Turkish troops (''al-ghuzz''). Saladin gathered his men together; all the other Turks rallied round him ready for battle. The Rayḥāniyya, the Jūyūshiyya and the Farahiyya Corps, together with other Corps of the sūdān troops and many people from the two Palaces, assembled and the battle began between them and Saladin. The fight was fierce, the shouts rose high and the defeat of Saladin was already in prospect. Then Tūrānshāh ordered a massive attack on the sūdān; one of their leaders was killed and their courage dwindled temporarily; as the charge of the Ghuzz increased in intensity, the sūdān troops withdrew to the Golden Gate, then to Bāb az-Zahūma, where some Egyptian emirs fell as well as some who rushed to their assistance.

Al-'Āḍid watched the battle from his balcony. When the Palace officials saw that the sūdān and the Egyptian army were about to break, they began shooting arrows and throwing stones from the roof of the Palace on the Ghuzz. Some of the Ghuzz were so badly wounded that they could not continue the fight and the Ghuzz were about to retreat. Then Saladin ordered the flame-throwers (''naffāṭīn'') to burn down the balcony (''manzara''). Shams ad-dawla led the ''naffāṭīn'' to the battle; they carried the flask (''qarūra'') of ''niphṭ'' and began pouring fuel on the balcony on which al-‘Āḍid stood. As the life of al-'Āḍid was in immediate danger, the Director of the Caliphate (''za’īm al-khilāfa'') - who was the other eunuch - threw the door open and shouted: "The Commander of the Faithful greets '''[p. 665]''' Shams ad-dawla and says: Down with the slaves, the dogs (''al-‘abīd al-kilāb'')! Drive them out of the country;" As the sūdān heard that they lost heart and began to flee. The ''Ghuzz'' made a fresh charge and the ''sūdān'' broke, the populace (''qawm'') attacked them in the rear until they arrived at the ''suyūfiyyīn''<ref>The shops of the sword-makers.</ref> where they killed a great number of them and took others prisoners There the sūdān were surrounded by the ''Ghuzz'' who set fire to them.

In the House of the Armenians (''dār al-arman'')<ref>“''Al-Maktaba''” has ''dār al-arḍ'' (the House of the Earth), obviously a misreading for ''dār al-arman''.</ref> near the two Palaces many Armenians, all bowmen, had gathered. The Armenians played [in the past] an important role in the [Fatimid] dynasty... When the Ghuzz drew near them, the Armenians unleashed a shower of arrows which stopped the Ghuzz preventing them from catching the sūdān troops (''ʿabīd''). Therefore, Shams ad-dīn burnt their house (''dār'') and many of them were killed or burnt.

Then the Ghuzz reached the ''ʿabīd'': every time these took shelter in a place, it was set on fire and they were burnt; [others] withdrew to Bāb Zuwayla but they found it locked and were besieged there. For two days there a massacre went on. The news spread that Saladin had set fire to al-Manṣūra which was the largest residential quarter of the Sūdān. As the roads were blocked, the sūdān realised that no escape was left, and therefore shouted: "Safe conduct!" They were given the safe conduct. All this happened on Saturday 28 Dhū-l-Qa'da [23 August 1168 A.D.]. Bāb az-Zuwayla was opened and they fled towards Gīza; but Shams ad-dawla with his army charged them. In the meantime they [''sūdān''] collected the weapons and provisions left behind by those who had '''[p. 666]''' fallen and they felt strong enough to resume the fight until not one of them survived except the few who escaped by fleeing. After this incident, the power of al-'Āḍid fell to nought. (Bulaq II, 3, pp 2-3).

[The Quarter of Al-Manṣūra]

... The sūdān enjoyed considerable power in Egypt, but Saladin fought them unceasingly until he had destroyed them completely. In fact, in every village and every hamlet of Egypt, the sūdān used to possess an abode where nobody - neither the wālī nor anybody else - dared to enter for fear of them.

The sūdān in Egypt numbered more than fifty thousand. Whenever they rose against a vizier they killed him. They caused much harm, as they laid hands on the property of the local population. When their vexations and assaults became intolerable, God brought them down to their utter destruction, in punishment for their mischiefs.<ref>Maqrīzī went on describing the site of this quarter and the buildings which were built on that place after al-Manṣūra was burnt down by Saladin.</ref> (Bulaq II, 3, p. 29).

[Kāfūr the Ikhshīdī]

He was a black slave, a eunuch of stout built, a pierced lower lip and ugly legs. He was brought to Egypt for sale at the age of 10, not later than the year 310 H. [922 A.D.]. When he arrived in Egypt he wished he would become its emir. His master sold him to Muḥammad b. Hāshim, a businessman who used to go to the villages of the south. In his turn, he sold him to 'Abbās, the secretary (''kātib''). One day, Kāfūr passed by an astrologer in Fusṭāṭ, who read his destiny in the stars and said to him: 'You will become a man who will rise to '''[p. 667]''' a very high position and will make a large fortune.' Kāfūr paid him two dirhams, as he had nothing else to offer. The astrologer threw the dirhams back to him saying! 'I have predicted you a good news and you give me only two dirhams?' Then he added: 'I tell you more: You will become the ruler of this country and the greatest man in it; just remember me, then.'

One day Ibn 'Abbās sent him to take a gift to the emir Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. Tufj ([''sic''! for Tughj], who, at that time was one of the generals of Tekin, the emir of Egypt. The general kept Kāfūr for himself and sent back the gift. Since then, Kāfūr advanced in the career until he became one of the most highranking officials. (Bulaq II, 3, p. 41).

[Tūrānshāh]

... Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb and made them a fief (''iqṭā'āt'') to him. The revenue of this fief was, for that year, 266,000 dinars. (Bulaq II, 3, p. 59).

[Fusṭāṭ Miṣr]

... The vizier Shawār b. Mujīr as-Sa'dī realizing that he could not defend the two towns at one time, ordered the inhabitants of Fusṭāṭ to evacuate the town and come together to defend Cairo (''al-Qāhira''). At that time, this town was a fortress very easy to defend. Therefore the population migrated in mass from Fusṭāṭ to Cairo; by order of Shawār the slaves ( ''ʿabīd'') set fire to Fusṭāṭ: the fire lasted more than fifty days and burnt down most of the houses. (ed. Bulaq I, 2, ch. VIII, p. 59; Casanova, pp. 103 - 104).

He [‘Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ] led three campaigns, all of great importance: the Campaign in the year 27 H. '''[p. 668]''' [= 649 A.D.] in ''Ifrīqiya'', in which king Girqir [= Gregorios, the Patrician] was killed, the campaign against the Blacks (''al-asāwid'') in which he advanced as far as Dongola, in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.)]and the campaign [known as] ''Dhū-as-sawārī'' (the Battle of the Masts) in the year 34 H. [655 A.D.]. (C., p. 157).

Ibn Ṭūlūn reviewed the men (''rijāl'') to make sure about those who were fit [for his army] and chose the slaves (''ʿabīd'') from among the Rūm and the Sūdān.<ref>The Abbasid Caliphs, distrustful of the Arabs, began recruiting their troops and bodyguard from the Turks, the Rūm, the Blacks (Nubians) and other nations. Al-Mu’taṣim (833-847 A.D.) weakened the power of the Arabs in Egypt to the benefit of the Turks and recruited soldiers from non-Arab countries, including Nubia. Ibn Ṭūlūn (868-884 A.D.) had in his army 24,000 Turks and 40,000 Blacks, many of whom were no doubt from Nubia. Khumarawaih, his son, increased the number of Black troops (''Sūdān'') in his army. Abū Bakr Tughj al-Ikhshīd [935-946 A.D.] had 400,000 troops of many different countries. Kāfūr, his Nubian trusted vizier, when he became the sole master of Egypt, increased the number of Nubians in his army. The Fatimids, in general, distrusted both Arabs and Turks, and relied on Maghrebi and Nubian troops, although they also had Slavs, Greeks and soldiers from other Caucasion regions. The army of al-Mu’izz (d. 975 A.D.) described by some Arab historians as the second biggest army after that of Alexander the Great consisted mostly of non-Arabs. The mother of al-Mustanṣir, herself a Nubian (?), had 5,000 “''sūdān''” (most probably from Nubia) employed in her service, besides those serving in the army. The army of Ibn Ruzzīk, under the last Fatimids, consisted of 40,000 horsemen and 36,000 footmen, mostly African; Saladin disbanded and suppressed all the Negro troops and relied entirely on the Turks and Kurds. Under the Mamelukes, we find again many Nubians employed in Egypt. (Summarised from ''Khiṭaṭ'', W., 1, 2, ch. XXXIV, par. 15-20, pp. 43-45).</ref>. ''Al-qaṭā’iʿ'' were the residential quarters consisting of plots inhabited by the slaves of Ibn Ṭūlūn, his soldiers and his bodyguard. Each quarter (''qaṭī’a'') was reserved to a Corps of his array. So there was the ''qaṭī'a'' of the Blacks (''sūdān''), the ''qaṭī’a'' of the Rūm, the ''qaṭī'a'' of the Warders (''farrāshīn''). Ibn Ṭūlūn built a square (''mīdān'') with several gates, each gate having its own name... One of the gates was called ''Bāb Darmūn'', after the name of a '''[p. 669]''' Black chamberlain (''hājib aswad'') who used to sit there. He was of a gigantic stature and used to look into the offences (''jināyāt'') of the black troops only. He [Khumarawaih, the son or the Aḥmed Ibn Ṭūlūn] attached to his own person, [a bodyguard consisting of] men from the Ḥawf [Eastern Delta] and from all village, well-known for their endurance and prowess... On the parade days they marched before him and his retinue, in excellent order, after all the other Corps and detachments had passed. They were followed by the [Corps of the] ''Sūdān'', who were one thousand in number, wearing iron breastplates artistically wrought, with black uniforms and black turbans: they looked like a black sea rolling over the face of the earth... After the ''Sūdān'' had marched out, Khumarawaih advanced keeping at some distance from his followers. (Bulaq I, 2, pp. 103, 107; C., pp. 222 - 223).

The population of Miṣr complained to Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn about the disruption [which could be seen] around the great mosque of 'Amrū (''al-masjad al-jāmīʿ''), every Friday, because of the encampment of his army and of his ''Sūdān''. He then ordered that the great mosque was to be built on the Yashkur hill. The construction began in the year 263 H. [= 877 A.D.] and was finished in the year 266 H. [= 879 A.D.]. (Bulaq II, 4, p. 38).

Muḥammad Ibn Sulaiman (892 A.D.) entered Fusṭāṭ... on Thursday, the 1st of Rabī’. He set the ''qaṭā’iʿ'' on fire; his men pillaged Fusṭāṭ, broke the gates of the prisons, ... committed all sorts of atrocities. He [Ibn Sulaiman] ordered a great slaughter of the ''Sūdān'' who '''[p. 670]''' lived in the ''qaṭā'iʿ''. (Casanova., p. 23b).

Ibn Abū Hishām related...: tribute from all countries was brought to them [the Tulunides] in their own palace. They did not rear danger from revolutions. They recruited troops in great numbers and grouped the Rūm and the Sūdān into separate corps. In their palace there were kings with their slaves and many soldiers of different Corps of all races: Negroes, Turks, Rūm and Kazar. (C. ibid., pp. 246 - 247).

[From the list of the Emirs who ruled over Egypt since the destruction of al-qaṭā'i']

[The 15th emir]: 'Alī Ibn al-Ikhshīd Abū-l-Ḥasan... The Carmathians marched on Syria in the year 353 H. [= 964 A.D.]. The Nile was very low in that year: the countryside of Egypt was pillaged by brigands. The king of Nubia marched on Aswān, reached at Akhmim, killed and pillaged and burnt down [villages]. The trouble in the provinces was very great. There was open disagreement between Kāfūr and 'Alī ibn al-Ikhshīd.

[The 16th emir]: Kāfūr, the Black (''al-aswad'') a eunuch freed by al-Ikhshīd... was entrusted with the war, the revenue, and all the administration of Egypt, Syria and al-Ḥaramayn [Mecca-Medina]. He did not change his name. During the Friday sermon (''khuṭba'') his name was mentioned as ''al-ustādh''.<ref>The title of eunuchs was ''ustādh'', under the Fatimite dynasty. (Qalqashandī V, p. 485).</ref> (Casanova, pp. 335 - 347).

... Ibn Lahī'a, according to Abū-l-Aswad, recorded this saying attributed to a slave freed by Shuhrabīl Ibn Ḥasanāt, or to 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ. One day I heard [my master] saying in my presence: - You, Egypt, fear the day '''[p. 671]''' when you will be struck by four bows: the bow of Andalus, the bow of Ḥabasha, the bow of the Turks and the bow of the Rūm. (C. ibid., p. 273).

[The Coming of the Christian Copts of Egypt under the Obedience of the Muslims, the Imposition of the Jizya and their Status of Dhimmi]

When Egypt was conquered by the Muslims, the local population was all Christian, divided, however, into two sections (''qismayn'') quite different (''mutabāyanayn''), as regards their races (''ajnās'') and beliefs (''ʿaqā’id''). One section consisted of the ruling class (''ahl ad-dawla''), i.e. all the Greeks or soldiers (''jund'') of the emperor of Constantinople (''ṣāḥib al-qustantīniyya''), king of the Rūm; they were followers of the Melkite confession (''ra'ī wa-diyāna al-malikliyya''). They numbered over three-hundred thousand rūmī.

The other section consisted of the native people of Egypt taken as a whole (''ʿamma''). They are [now] called Copts (''al-qibṭ''), but their ancestral origin (''ansāb'') is very mixed; sometimes it is difficult to distinguish who is a genuine Copt (''qibṭī''), or an Ethiopian (''al-ḥabashī''), or a Nubian (''an-nūbī'') or a Jew (Isra'īlī) or other. The Copts are all Jacobites (''ya’āqiba''). Some of them are clerks employed in the public administration (''kuttāb al-mamlaka''), others are wholesale or retail merchants. There are bishops (''asāqifa'') and priests (''qusūs'') and the likes; others are peasants (''ahl al-filāḥa'') or servants (''khidma''). A deep-rooted enmity divides the Copts from the Melkite ruling class, so that they do not intermarry. [On the contrary] for every murder (''qatl'') they retaliate with a murder. The Copts go into many tens of thousands, for they are original people both of Upper and Lower Egypt.

'''[p. 672]''' When 'Amrū b. al-‘Āṣ entered Egypt at the head of the Moslem armies, the Greeks fought the Moslems in an attempt to protect their sovereignty (''mamlaka'') over the country, but the Moslems defeated them at the fortress [of Babylon]. The. Copts sued 'Amrū for peace, declaring that they would accept to pay the jizya. 'Amrū granted them their request on the aforesaid condition. He gave them a guarantee as regards their lands and other property.

The Copts cooperated with the Muslims against the Rūm until the latter were eventually defeated and driven out of Egypt by the help of God Almighty. Then 'Amrū wrote to Benjamin, the patriarch of the Jacobites [in exile] a letter of safe conduct in the year 20 H. [641 A.D.]. Benjamin rejoiced at this and paid a visit to ‘Amrū. Benjamin re-occupied his patriarchal seat after he had been away for thirteen years. Then the Jacobites seized all the churches and monasteries (''diyārāt''), occupied them and drove out all the Melkites. (Bulaq IV, p. 492).

As for the Melkites, Leo [Isauricus] the king of the Rūm, nominated Cosmas (''Qusīma'') patriarch of Alexandria for the Melkites in the year 107 H. [= 725 A.D.]. Cosmas went [to Egypt] taking a gift from the Greek king to Hishām 'Abd al-Malik and a letter of recommendation requesting [Hishām] to give back to the Melkites their churches. The emir took from the Jacobites the Church of the Annunciation [of Our Lady] (''al-bishāra''). The Melkites [of Egypt] remained without a patriarch for ninety-seven years, from the time of 'Umar al-Khaṭṭāb - blessings upon him! - to the caliphate of Hishām b. 'Abd al-Malik. During this time the Jacobites occupied all the churches and episcopal seats of Egypt. The Nubians (''ahl an-nūba'') sent delegates [to Egypt] asking for bishops '''[p. 673]''' (''asāqifa'') and the Jacobites sent them Jacobite bishops; eventually all Nubia became Jacobite since that time. (Bulaq II, 4, p. 393).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Abu Shama

2015-09-12T16:36:36Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 364-372]'''

ABŪ SHĀMA

''(1202-1267 A.D.)''

''Shiḥāb ad-dīn Abū Shāma A. Rahmān b. Ismāʿīl al-Maqdisī ad-Dimishqī ash-Shāfiʿī. An historian born in Jerusalem, who lived mostly at Damascus and summarized al-Qaḍī al-Faḍil’s History of Saladin. Rosenthal 455 n.1, 491 s.; GAL 1, 317; EI (s.v.). ''K. ar-rawḍatatayn fī akhbār ad-dawlatayn'' (The Book of two Gardens for the History of the two Dynasties).''

''Ed.: Cairo 1870, 2 vols. French transl.: ''Recueil des Historiens des Croisades'', Hist. Orientaux 4, Paris 1898.''

''Exc.: 875, 940.''

''T. : Cairo A: 0''

[The Murder of the Commissioner of the Caliphate and the Battle of the Sūdān between the two Palaces]

ʿImād<ref>ʿImād ad-dīn al Ispahānī, the secretary of Saladin and author of “''Kharīda''”</ref>. said: Saladin cancelled [all grants of] land estates (''iqṭā’'') to the Egyptians and took from them the administration [of the estates] (''dawā’ir'')<ref>Thus in the 1870 Cairo edition. Mus’ad Al-Maktaba p. 174 quoting a 1962 edition has “''dābir''” instead of “''dawā’ir''”. The general meaning, however, remains the same.</ref> in order to favour his soldiers.”

There was in the royal palace a eunuch whose title was: “The Commissioner of the Caliphate” (''Mu’taman al-khilāfa''), who actually ruled supreme in the Palace. He and his entourage agreed to contact the Franks (''al-Faranj''), to arrest the soldiers of Asad and those of Saladin, whom Saladin had left behind when he marched out to meet the '''[p. 365]''' Franks, and also to arrest Saladin’s men at Cairo, then to attack him in the rear so as to vanquish him completely. They dispatched a letter with this information to the Franks. It happened that a Turk (''Turkumānī'') crossing ''Biʾr al-Bayḍāʾ'' [near Bilbeis] noticed that a messenger, wearing shabby clothes, had a pair of new sandles that bore no trace of having been used before. He confiscated them and brought them to Saladin who had them unstitched and found the letter send to the Franks by the officials of the Palace (''ahl al-qasr''). They hoped to succeed through guile. Saladin took the letter and said: - “Show me the man who wrote this letter”. They showed him a Jew, one of those who wore the [yellow] shash (''rahṭ''). When they brought him to Saladin to be requestioned and punished for having written the letter and to verify his handwriting, he declared himself a Moslem, before everyone, made a profession of the Islamic faith and embraced Islam wholeheartedly. Then he confessed his guilt and gave his own version [of what happened] saying that he was ordered to do this by the Commissioner of the Caliphate and that he was innocent of this crime. The Sultan was pleased with his profession of Islam, forgave him of his fault and accepted his admission of guilt. It was agreed to keep this [discovery] a secret, but the eunuch feared that he would be beaten and that the clubs would put down the insurrection before its start. He feared to leave the Palace and if he ever went out he did not go far away. Saladin was very angry but concealed it. He just did nothing either to reassure him or to arrest him, until the eunuch returned to his habitual way of life and felt that he was out of danger: he thought that the hideous crime he had planned to commit had remained undiscovered. He had a palace (''qaṣr'') in a village near ''Qaliyūb'', called ''al-Kharqāniyya'' – for it was really a folly (''khurga'') and “the tear (''kharga'') '''[p. 366]''' was larger than could be mended.”<ref>ʿImād here plays with the words ''khurga'' (“folly”) and ''kharga'' (“tear”) and ironically links them to the place name ''Kharqaniyya''. The general meaning of ‘Imād’s comment is that the Commissioner of the Caliphate unwisely went to his country’s villa to meet his fate</ref>. One day he retired there for pleasure without suspecting that the day would see his final ruin and the hour for the total collapse of his power had come. Saladin sent some [soldiers] who beheaded him and stripped him of his clothes. That happened on Wednesday, the 25th of Dhū-l-Qa’da of the fourth year [of Saladin, i.e. 7 July 1173 A.D.]. He met his fate in the most shameful way.

ʿImād said: - when [the eunuch] was killed the Sūdān were enraged and rose up [against Saladin]. They numbered over 50,000. It was their habit, whenever they rose against a vizier, to kill him and totally destroy him, always thinking that it was in their power to do that, and that they could always be victorious. Saladin’s men rallied to the fight (''hayjāʾ'') led by the emir Abū-l-Hayjā’ [=the Father of the Army]. War broke out [in the square] between the two Palaces, and the soldiers encircled the Sūdān on both sides. The fight went on for two days until the courage of the Blacks (''asāhim'') dwindled. Every time they took shelter in a quarter, it was set on fire. They [eventually] collected what they could and fled towards Gīza, evacuating their own homes. That happened on Saturday, the 28th day of Dhū-l-Qa’da [10 July 1173 A.D.]. After this [incident], the misfortunes of the Sudan did not end, nor had they any escape to safety: whenever they stopped, they were caught and killed ruthlessly. At Bāb az-Zuweila (b. ''adh-dhuwayila'') they occupied a quarter of theirs, known as al-Mansūra, where they had [their] houses solidly built. There houses were pulled down to their foundations and, after demolishing them the land was ploughed up and some '''[p. 367]''' emirs transformed it into gardens, which still exist with a ''sāqiyah''.

Before this incident (''nūba''), Saladin’s elder brother, Fakhraddin Shams ad-Dawla Tūrānshāh b. Ayyūb, whom Nureddin had sent from Damascus to bring reinforcements [to Saladin] against the Franks and the people of the Palace, had arrived in Cairo on the 3rd day of Dhū-l-Qa’da [= 20 June]. He personally led the fight against the Sūdān, playing a decisive role [in the victory]. It was surprising that al-‘Ᾱḍid stood on the balcony looking at the battle [going on] between the two Palaces. Someone said that he gave orders to those who were inside the Palace to discharge arrows and throw stones at the soldiers who had come from Syria (''al-ʿasākir ash-shāmiyya''); others said that it happened against his will. Then Shams ad-Dawla gave an order to the grenadiers (''az-zarrāqīn'') to set fire to the balcony where al-‘Ᾱḍid was standing. One of the grenadiers hastened to execute the order, when suddenly the door of the balcony opened and the “Spokesman of the Caliphate” (''Za’īm al-khilāfa'')<ref>This was the title of the other eunuch, who, together with the “Commissioner of the Caliphate” virtually held all power in the Palace of al-‘Ᾱḍid.</ref> appeared and shouted: “The ''amīr al-muʾminīn'' salutes Shams ad-Dawla!” and added: “Beware of the slaves! (''ʿabīd''). Beware of the dogs! Chase them out of your country!” The slaves were fighting with great energy because they thought that al-‘Ᾱḍid was pleased with them; but, when they heard those words their courage failed, they lost all strength and fled. (Cairo I, p. 178).

[The Conquest (''fatḥ'') of Nubia]

‘Imād said: In the month of Jumadā al-Ulā, Shamsaddīn [=Shams ad-Dawla] Tūrānshāh b. Ayyūb, Saladin’s '''[p. 368]''' brother, raided (''ghazā'') the country of the Nūba and displayed his much feared severity. He captured their citadel called ''Ibrīm'', and swore that he would never depart (from it). The country was devoid of resources and abounding in hard ships. After that he returned with some prisoners to Aswan and distributed his booty consisting in Blacks (''sūdān'') to his men.

Ibn Abī Tayy, the Alepin, says: In that year [1174 A.D.], the Blacks and the slaves (''as-sūdān wa-l-‘abīd'') from Nubia assembled and went out in great numbers, with the aim of conquering (''mulk'')<ref>Ar. : “''qāsidīn m.l.k. Misr''” may also be interpreted: “with the aim of assisting the (Fatimite) king (''malik'') of Egypt”.</ref> Egypt. They penetrated into the districts of the Ṣa’īd and planned to march on Aswan to lay siege to it and pillage its villages. The emir (of Aswan)<ref>Under the Fatimids, the Kanz family had established a semi-independent emirate in the Aswan district.</ref>, by name Kanz ad-Dawla, sent a message to al-Malik an-Nāṣir [Saladin] asking for reinforcements, and Saladin sent a regiment from his army under the command of Shujā’ al-Ba’labakkī [= al-Baalbeki]. When they arrived at Aswan they found that the slaves had already withdrawn after having devastated the country. Shujā’ and Kanz chased them and there was a fierce battle, in which many fell on both sides. Shujā’ went back to Cairo and reported on the deeds of the slaves and their power in the Ṣa’īd. Al-Malik an-Nāṣir despatched his brother Shams ad-Dawla with a huge army. Shams ad-Dawla found that they had already withdrawn into the Nūba country. He marched on them, sending many ships by the river loaded with men and provisions, having ordered them to him in the Nūba country. He arrived at the fortress of Ibrīm and captured it within three days, and took spoils of all that he found there: money, cattle and '''[p. 369]''' provisions. He freed a large number of captives and took prisoners all those whom he found there, but the Lord (''ṣāḥib'') of the fortress had escaped. Then (Shams ad-Dawla) wrote to the Sultan informing him (of his victory).<ref>A laudatory poem by one Abūl-Hasan b. adh-Dharawī is reported at this point.</ref>

After that, Shams ad-Dawla went back to Aswan and Qos. He had with him an emir called Ibrāhīm al-Kurdī. Al-Kurdī requested Shams ad-Dawla to grant him the citadel of Ibrīm as a fief. He granted him that and sent with him a company of Kurds who had received no pension or fief (''battālīn''). When they arrived at the citadel, they divided themselves into smaller groups and began raiding the Nūba country around. They troubled them with extortion and amassed a large amount of wealth so that their property consisted of much booty and a huge number of cattle.

It happened one day that while they were swimming across the river to an island of the Nūba called Dhabdān<ref>Ibn Wāsil – who reported the same story, wrote: “Ḥabdan”. Today it is called Adindān.</ref>, their emir Ibrāhīm was drowned together with a number of his companions. Those who survived waded back to the citadel of Ibrīm, collected all they possessed and left it empty with a two year stay. The Nūba came back to reoccupy the citadel.

The king of the Nūba sent an envoy with a letter to Shams ad-Dawla, who was at Qos. The envoy carried a letter asking for a peace treaty (''ṣulḥ'') and also brought with him two slaves, a girl and a man, as a gift. [Shams ad-Dawla] wrote an answer, and added two pairs of arrows saying: - “ I have no other reply than this.” He appointed one Masʿūd from Aleppo to accompany the [Nubian] '''[p. 370]''' envoy back, and to spy out the country was to prepare for an invasion. The Alepin proceeded with the envoy to Dongola, the royal town.

Masʿūd reported: I found it to be a narrow country, with no crops other than dhurra and with small palm trees from which they obtain their foodstuffs (''adām'')<ref>Lit. “the little food that is eaten with bread”. Cf. Italian “companatico”.</ref>. Of their king, Masūd said: - “One day he came to us (almost) naked, mounting a horse without a saddle and being wrapped only in a robe of satin (''aṭlas''), he was completely hairless (''aqra’''). I went up to him and greeted him; he burst into wild laughter. He ordered (his men) to stamp a cross on my hand with a red hot iron, which they did; he also ordered them to bring me fifty pounds (''riṭl'') of flour, then he dismissed me.” Masʿūd also said: -“Dongola has no brick-built houses, except the royal residence (''dār al-malik'') ; all the rest consists of houses built of reeds (''akhṣāṣ'')”. (Cairo I, pp. 208-209).

[Al-Kanz]

About the fall of al-Kanz, Ibn Shaddād said: Al-Kanz was in the past a most prominent chieftain among the Egyptians. He settled at Aswan, where he never ceased ruling like an emir. He rallied around him the Blacks (''sūdān''), whom he made believe that he was about the conquer the [whole] country and restore the dynasty to the Egyptians. Those native people, being supporters (''muhāwāh'') of the Egyptians, thoughtlessly accepted this boast as true. The Blacks rallied in great numbers around him and he marched on Qos and the neighbouring districts. The news reached Saladin, who dispatched a '''[p. 371]''' numerous army against him. The Army, fully equipped, consisted of veterans who had already tasted the pleasure of the land of Egypt and feared very much to be driven out. Saladin gave the command of the army to his brother Sayf ad-dīn [Tūrānshāh], who marched until he drew near the insurgents, fell upon them in the battlefield and cut them to pieces. He killed so great a number of them that he cut the rebellion at the root and broke every dream of revenge. That took place on the 7th day of Safar of the year (5)70 [= 8 Sep 1174 A.D.]. As a consequence the [Ayyubid] power grew stronger.

ʿImād wrote (about this): “At the beginning of the year (5)70 [b. 2 August 1174 A.D.], the so-called Kanz rose up in Upper Egypt, followed by a multitude of Blacks (''sūdān'') and slaves (''ʿabīd'')<ref>Thus were commonly known the Nubians in Egypt (cf. Usama Ibn Munqidh, Ibn Muyassar…).</ref>. He fled away and invited anyone, far and near, to join him. One of the emirs he had with him was the brother of Ḥisām ad-dīn Abū-l-Hayjāʾ as-Samīn. Kanz treacherously murdered the emir as well as his devotees (''munqati’īn''). The garrison commanded by his [Ḥisām’s] brother moved against him [Kanz] to avenge his blood. For this [punitive expedition] they received help from Sayf ad-dīn, the brother of the Sultan, ‘Izzaddīn Musak, his cousin (''ibn khāl'') and his army. They marched on the town of Tūd [Tawd], which put up resistance against them.<ref>See the statement by Ibn Abī Tayy, below.</ref> The Balyy rushed in to fight and the population [of Tūd] was utterly exterminated by the sword. The army took much glory from this deed. Then [Abū-l-Hayjā’] marched against al-Kanz who had not given up his ambitious plans '''[p. 372]''' and hostility, nor his evil behaviour (''su’''), nor his ''sūdān''.<ref>‘Imād’s pompous style is evident here.</ref> His blood was shed and after his brilliant rise there was found nobody to rise [after him]… and the dynasty had no more Kanz (“treasure”) after her Kanz”.<ref>The writer played on words, as the meaning of “Kanz” is “Treasure”.</ref>

Ibn Abī Ṭayy said: “A man, by name ‘Abbas ash-Shādhī, rose in a village of Upper Egypt and proclaimed the rebellion at Qos; he plundered the town and brought about destruction and robbery. The news reached Sayf ad-dīn Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb, whom the Sultan [Saladin] had appointed his deputy in Egypt. He gathered an army and fought him; he defeated and dispersed his bands and killed them. After this, he went on to chase Kanz ad-Dawla, the wālī of Aswan, who had attacked Qos. Most of his [Kanz’s] men were killed; he fled but was captured by some soldiers of al-Malik al-‘Ᾱdil and was killed.” (Cairo II, p. 235).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Fazari

2015-09-07T13:54:02Z

Seignobos:

'''[p. 49]'''

AL-FAZĀRĪ

''(before 800 A.D.)''

''Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Fazārī, an astronomer, allegedly wrote ''K. az-Zīj'' (Astronomical Tables), of which only fragments have been preserved: Mas'ūdī, ''Mūrūj'', IV, pp. 37-40; Al-Bakrī, ''K. al-mamālik'', MS 2216, Bibl. Nat. Paris), p. 11.''

''T.: MC 510 v A: 1''

The territory of the Beja (''ʿamal al-buja'') is two-hundred parasangs by eighty.

The territory of the Nuba (''ʿamal an-nūba'') under the rule of the ''Najāshī'' is one thousand and five hundred parasangs by four hundred, and the territory of the ''Zanj'', to the east, is seven thousand and six-hundred parasangs by five hundred. (MC fol. 510 v).

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

==Bibliographic updates and remarks==

Bibliographic updates and remarks by R. Seignobos (24 Jan 2014)

Al-Fazārī

Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Fazārī

''fl.'' second half of the 8th cent.

'''On the author''' : ''DSB'', ''s.v.'' « Al-Fazāri, Muḥammad Ibn Ibrāhīm » (D. Pingree).

'''Editions :''' Al-Masʿūdī, ''Mūrūǧ al-ḏahab wa maʿādin al-ǧawhar'', ed. Ch. Barbier de Meynard, A. Pavet de Courteille (ed.), Ch. Pellat (revised ed.), t. II, Beirut, 1966, p. 377.

'''Translations :'''

French translation in Ch. Barbier de Meynard, A. Pavet de Courteille (transl.), Ch. Pellat (revised transl.), ''Les prairies d’or'', Paris, Société asiatique, t. II, p. 520.

English translation of the fragment included in al-Masʿūdī’s ''Mūrūǧ'' with a short commentary : D. Pingree, « The Fragments of the Works of Al-Fazārī », ''Journal of Near Eastern Studies'', 29/2, 1970, pp. 116-117 (available on Jstor).

'''Further references :''' D. Pingree, « The Fragments of the Works of Al-Fazārī »... see above ; T. Lewicki, ''Arabic external sources for the history of Africa to the south of Sahara'', London, Curzon Press, 1974, pp. 13-15.

'''External links :''' –

'''Remarks :''' this extract belongs to a longer list enumerating the countries of the world and their dimensions that was first reproduced in al-Masʿūdī’s ''Mūrūǧ al-ḏahab'' (''ca.'' 943). According to D. Pingree, this list was not taken from al-Fazārī’s most famous work, the ''Zīǧ al-Sindhind'' (an Arabic translation of an Indian astronomical treaty) but from his second ''Zīǧ'' composed about 790 and intitled ''Zīǧ ʿalā sinī al-ʿArab'' (''Astronomical Tables according to the Years of the Arabs''). The Andalusian author al-Bakrī (d. 1094), gives the same text in his ''Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik''<ref>A.P. Van Leeuwen, A. Ferré (eds.), ''Kitāb al-Masālik wa-l-Mamālik d’Abū ʿUbayd al-Bakrī. Édition critique avec introduction et indices'', Carthage, Beit al-Hikma, 1992, p. 495.</ref> but it was most likely borrowed from al-Masʿūdī, which is one of his main sources, rather than directly copied on al-Fazārī’s lost ''Zīǧ''. It is worth noting that the words "in the West” (''bi-l-maġrib''), which follows immediately “al-Naǧāshī" in the Arabic text, have been omitted in Vantini’s translation. Accordingly, the translation of this passage should read as follows :

The district (''ʿamal'') of the Buǧa : 200 farsakh by 80 farsakh.

The district (''ʿamal'') of the Nūba [under the rule] of the Naǧāshī in the West : 1,500 farsakh by 400 farsakh.

The district (''ʿamal'') of the Zanǧ in the East : 7,600 farsakh by 500 farsakh.

'''Concordance :'''

MC, fol. 510 v = Barbier de Meynard, Pavet de Courteille, Pellat, 1966, p. 377.

<references/>

Al-Hamdani

2015-09-05T13:07:10Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 117-119]'''

AL-HĀMDĀNĪ

''(d. 945 A.D.)''

''Abū Muh b. al-Hasan b. Ya'qūb 'al-Hāmdānī b. al-Hā'iq. An Arab scientist from Yemen who studied the history and archaeology of the ancient south-Arabian kingdoms.''

''EI (s.v.); Brockelmann 1, 229.''

''K. jazīrat al-'arab.''

''Ed.: D.H. Muller, ''al-Hamdania Geographie der arabischen Halbinsel'', 2 vols., Leiden 1884-1891.''

''T.: MC 570 (Müller); Ar.Ist., pp. 133-137 A:1''

Those who have their homes between Capricorn, i.e. south of the Equator, and the middle of al-Ḥijāz, both East and West, are so exposed to the rays of the sunshine that they are burned by the [strong rays of] the sun passing overhead. Therefore they are dark-skinned: they have kinky, black hair and weak bodies. They are hot-tempered and many of them have rough habits (''akhlāq''). These are the results of a constant exposure to the sun.

He [Ptolemy] says:- They [i.e. the inhabitants of the First Climate] are those whom we generally call Ḥabash. It is not only they who resent this excessive heat, but the animals and trees are also affected by the stifling atmosphere of their country. I add: - Although the wise man [Ptolemy] names the whole Climate after the Ḥabasha, yet the ''Ḥabasha'' are only a minority; for there are [other] peoples blacker than the Ḥabasha, as well as others who have a lighter complexion; moreover, there are other peoples, whose complexion are remarkable white, in contrast to those who are of olive and brown complexions, as may be noticed among the Sīn and the Arabs - both living within this Climate. (Müller, p. 29).

'''[p. 118]''' The fourth quarter<ref>Ptolemy (followed by many ancient Arab geographers) divided the inhabited part of the Earth (''oikumene'') into four quarters.</ref> [of the Earth] extends South-West and comprises the countries of such Blacks as the Zanj, the Ḥabash, the Buja, the Nūba, the Fazzān, the territory of Qayrawan (''arḍ Qayrawan''), then (the towns of) Qayrawan and Sūs in (the province of) Ifrīqiya, and farther on, the countries of other Black peoples who go naked and the Ghāna<ref>Ghāna, as meant by the ancient Arab geographers, seems to correspond to the territory immediately west of Lake Chad.</ref>, who in the Greek language are called Numidians (''nawmīdiyya''), Getulians (''jatūliyya'') etc.

[All this quarter] has the shape of the triangle of Cancer and it is under the influence of Venus (''zuhara'') and Mars (''al-mirrīkh''), both visible in the West (''maghrabiyyāni''). It is presumed that in the parts of the Maghrib these [two planets] are seen in a southern direction (''janūbiyyān''), for Venus is [surely] in the South (''janūbiyyān'') and the eastern side of Mars (''sharq al-mirrīkh'') looks to the South (''janūbī''). Therefore, as these two planets are associated, it happens that most of the peoples of those countries are ruled by a king and a queen who are brothers born of the same mother: the man (''ar-rajul'') rules over the men and the woman (''mar’a'') over the women (''an-nisāʾ''). This is a very ancient custom among them, which they transmit from generation to generation, as by inheritance. They are very hot-tempered. The men are very ardent while approaching their women, who get married to their husbands while still virgins.

The women of some of them are owned in common partnership because of the insatiable sexual appetite (''nahm'') and their desire (''hirṣ'') of their men. Men make use of '''[p. 119]''' ornaments and are fond of them as much as their women are. This is due to the influence of Venus. Yet, under the influence of Mars, they [also] possess a virile character (''rujla''): they bravely face any danger even to the loss of their lives. They have, however, some (bad) qualities such are malice (''khubth''), villainy (''sharāra''), lie (''ifk''), deceitfulness (''ghishsh''), fraud (''ghīla'') and vice (''daghal''). (op.cit., p. 40).

The Nūba and, generally speaking, all the Ḥabash, the Zanj and their neighbours who dwell in the southern parts of al-Hind, are characterized by (the influence of) Scorpion (''ʿaqrab'') and Mars. Therefore, their behaviour is more similar to that of beasts (''sibāʾ'') than to human beings. They seem to be quarrelsome and aggressive, quick to fight and easy to be perplexed, as they [sometimes] commit suicide by burning (''iḥrāq''), by hanging (''khanq'') or throwing themselves into pits (''taraddī''), one would think that they are merciless towards one another and probably also towards themselves.

The quarter which lies in the middle of the inhabited Earth includes the countries East of Qayrawan, such as the [western] frontier of Miṣr, Aswān, the central part of the country of the Ḥabasha (''bilād al-Ḥabasha al-wustā'') with the towns as Nāsiʿ<ref>Nāsi’ is probably a misreading for Bādi’ (today Massawa); cf. al-Ya’qūbī, n. 5.</ref>, Sawākin and 'Aydhāb, the mines region, the territory of al-Yaman along the Sea of Aden Ibyan<ref>Arabskiye Istochniki: “Ibayn”; MC: “Ibyan”.</ref>; all these countries are situated in the quarter right in the middle of the inhabited Earth. (op.cit., pp. 40 - 41).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Istakhri

2015-09-01T20:35:57Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 111-115]'''

AL-IṢṬAKHRĪ

''(932-950 A.D.)''

''Otherwise unknown author.''

''EI (s.v.)''

''K. al-masālik wa-l-mamālik (two editions)''

''Ed.: BGA I, Leiden 1873, 1927.''

''T.: BGA A: 0''

Here we shall not mention such peoples of the Maghrib as the Blacks (''Sūdān''), the Buja and the Zanj, because, whereas the sound political organization is based on good morals, religion and permanent institutions, these peoples possess none of these. Only a few branches of the Blacks who dwell along the borders of the aforesaid empires [i.e. the Byzantine and the Moslem empires] possess some religious beliefs, moral and political institutions similar to [those of] the above mentioned empires. Such are the Nubians (''an-Nūba'') and the Ethiopians (''Ḥabasha'') because they are Christians and follow the customs of the Rūm. Before Islam, those peoples had some links with the empire of the Rūm because they were neighbours. In fact, the territory of the Nubians borders on Egypt and that of the Ethiopians (''Ḥabasha'') faces the Red Sea. Although the Ethiopians are separated from Egypt by a desert - where gold mines are found - they are in touch directly with Egypt and Syria (''ash-Shām'') through the Red Sea. (BGA I, pp. 4-5).

It takes about eight days to travel from Egypt to the borders of Nubia through a desert ... and beyond that desert there is an unknown country. (BGA I, p. 5).

One of the frontiers of Nubia is conterminal with Egypt, another borders the land of the Blacks (''as-Sūdān'') '''[p. 112]''' and Egypt, the third frontier touches the Buja territory and the deserts between this people and the Red Sea (''Qulzum''), and the fourth runs along the impassable desert. (ibid., p. 11).

If you leave Qulzum (= Suez) travelling along the west coast of the sea, you walk through deserts from Egypt up to the territory of the Buja where gold mines are found; then you arrive at the town of 'Aydhāb situated on the sea coast. Beyond this town, the sea widens all along the country of the Ḥabasha, which stretches opposite Mecca as far south as the territory opposite Aden. Beyond this point there are no more Ḥabasha. On their rearward side, [i.e. West] the Ḥabasha are neighbours to the Nūba, as far as the territory of the Zanj. These are the largest of the kingdoms extending along the frontier of all the Moslem countries, (ibid., pp. 28 - 29).

The [Nubians] are Christians and their country is larger than that of the Ḥabasha; they possess more towns and more cultivated lands than the latter. (ibid., pp. 35 - 36).

If you leave Qulzum and travel on the western side of this sea [Red Sea], you enter a wilderness where nothing is to be found until you reach the desert (''bādiya'') of the Beja. The Beja are a people who live under hair tents. Their complexion is like that of the Arabs and is darker than that of the Ḥabasha. They have neither villages nor towns, nor cultivation; all [the agricultural products] are imported from the towns of Ḥabasha, Yemen, Egypt and Nubia. Their territory lies between Ḥabasha, Nubia, and Egypt and ends in the region of the gold mines. [The mine region] is near Aswān of Egypt, about ten days journey from a fortress (''ḥiṣn'') on '''[p. 113]''' the west, called 'Aydhāb. Al-'Allāqi, a flat sandy plain, is the meeting place for all those who work in this mine. The products of this mine are shipped to Egypt, for this is a mine of pure gold, unmixed with silver.

The Beja worship idols and any other likeness they think useful to them.

The other frontier of the mine region is common with the Ḥabasha, who are Christians and have a complexion similar to the Arabs, between black and white. They live scattered on the coastal region opposite Aden. All frankincense (''bakhūr''), variegated skins (''julūd mulamma'a'') and most of the skins which are tanned to make shoes in Yemen, come from their country. They are friendly to Islam (''ahl silm''), therefore they are no part of the territory of the unbelievers (''dār al-harb''). On their coast there is a place called Zayla'<ref>Today Zeila, near Djibouti.</ref>, a port for embarkment to Hejaz and Yemen.

On another side, [the mine] also touches the desert (''mafāza'') of Nubia. The Nubians too, are Christians. Their territories are larger than the Ḥabasha's and have more towns and cultivations. The Nile of Egypt is flowing through their towns and villages. [Their homes extend] as far upstream, as a sandy place of the Zanj country and beyond it, up to the impassable deserts (''barārī''). Beyond this desert, the river ends in the land of the Zanj proper, which lies opposite Aden and extends down to the sea. The frontier of the Nūba borders that of the countries of Islam and, in some places, is contiguous to the countries of the Hind. The country of the Nūba is very large and includes an innumerable people. Someone told me that in the remotest lands of the Zanj '''[p. 114]''' there are cold regions inhabited by a Zanj people of white complexion. This side of the Zanj country [i.e. near the Nūba], however, is sun-burned (''qashf''), sparsely inhabited, poorly cultivated, except in the lands near the king's residence.

The countries of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') are very extensive, but all wasteland. All kinds of fruits common to the Islamic countries are found on the mountain sides, but the people do not eat them; they eat other fruits and vegetables unknown in the countries of Islam.

The slaves (''khadam'') who are sold in the countries of Islam come from there: they are neither Nubians, nor Zanj, nor Ḥabasha, nor Buja; they are from another race of Blacks, whose complexion is darker than any other.

It is said that no Climate is wider than the one inhabited by the black races such as the Ḥabasha, the Nūba, the Beja and others, for these peoples extend as far southwards as the Ocean, and northwards up to the desert contiguous to Egypt, behind the Oases, the Nubian desert and the Zanj desert. This land, except on the side of the Maghrib, has no road link with kingdoms or inhabited places; this is due to the difficulty of travelling from their country to other peoples, (ibid., pp.40).

Zawīlah is a country lying opposite the land of the Blacks. Most of the black slaves who are exported to Zawīlah<ref>In the Libyan desert.</ref> come from there. (ibid., p. 44).

The distances in Egypt are as follows: the distance between the coast of the Mediterranean Sea (''baḥr ar-Rūm''), from where we have begun, to the country of the Nubians, passing behind the Oases (''al-wāḥāt'') is a twenty-five journey; along the frontier which the Nubians have in common with Egypt, it is eight days.

'''[p. 115]''' The place of the Nile head-waters is not known, because this river comes from an impassable desert beyond the land of the Zanj, then it enters the frontier of the Zanj, flows without interruption, through the land of the Nūba through deserts and cultivated lands until it enters Egypt (''Miṣr''). Uswān is a frontier fortress (''thaghr'') opposite the Nubians, who are, however, at peace [with Egypt]. (ibid., pp. 50 - 51).

On the left bank of the Nile, near al-Fusṭāṭ, there is a mountain called al-Maqaṭṭam. On and around it, is found the precious stone called "Khumāhan". This mountain extends [south] to the [land of the] Nūba.

The Oases were [once] inhabited regions with water, trees, and villages. Nowadays no one lives there. Until today one could see there many fruits (''thimār'') and sheep which have turned wild and multiply [freely]. The distance between the southernmost Oases and [the Nile in] Upper Egypt is about three days Journey across the desert. From the Oases one can Journey to Nubia across a desert which ends in the land of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). (ibid., pp. 51 - 52).

The gold mine is at fifteen days distance from Aswān. It does not lie within the Egyptian territory, but in the land of the Buja and it ends near 'Aydhāb. It is said that 'Aydhāb is not within the land of the Buja, but it is a town of the Ḥabasha.

The gold mine is in a flat plain, without mountains; it is sandy and stony ground. The place where all men [employed in gold mining] meet, is called ''al-'Allāqī''. The Buja have neither villages (''qurā'') nor fertile lands (''khisb'') which normally would produce wealth; on the contrary, they are nomads, and own good-bred camels. It is said that no camel is more capable of travelling than theirs. Their slaves (''raqīq'') and their camels are exported to Egypt. (ibid., p. 54).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Istakhri

2015-09-01T20:35:09Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 111-115]'''

AL-IṢṬAKHRĪ

''(932-950 A.D.)''

''Otherwise unknown author.''

''EI (s.v.)''

''K. al-masālik wa-l-mamālik (two editions)''

''Ed.: BGA I, Leiden 1873, 1927.''

''T.: BGA A: 0''

Here we shall not mention such peoples of the Maghrib as the Blacks (''Sūdān''), the Buja and the Zanj, because, whereas the sound political organization is based on good morals, religion and permanent institutions, these peoples possess none of these. Only a few branches of the Blacks who dwell along the borders of the aforesaid empires [i.e. the Byzantine and the Moslem empires] possess some religious beliefs, moral and political institutions similar to [those of] the above mentioned empires. Such are the Nubians (''an-Nūba'') and the Ethiopians (''Ḥabasha'') because they are Christians and follow the customs of the Rūm. Before Islam, those peoples had some links with the empire of the Rūm because they were neighbours. In fact, the territory of the Nubians borders on Egypt and that of the Ethiopians (''Ḥabasha'') faces the Red Sea. Although the Ethiopians are separated from Egypt by a desert - where gold mines are found - they are in touch directly with Egypt and Syria (''ash-Shām'') through the Red Sea. (BGA I, pp. 4-5).

It takes about eight days to travel from Egypt to the borders of Nubia through a desert ... and beyond that desert there is an unknown country. (BGA I, p. 5).

One of the frontiers of Nubia is conterminal with Egypt, another borders the land of the Blacks (''as-Sūdān'') '''[p. 112]''' and Egypt, the third frontier touches the Buja territory and the deserts between this people and the Red Sea (''Qulzum''), and the fourth runs along the impassable desert. (ibid., p. 11).

If you leave Qulzum (= Suez) travelling along the west coast of the sea, you walk through deserts from Egypt up to the territory of the Buja where gold mines are found; then you arrive at the town of 'Aydhāb situated on the sea coast. Beyond this town, the sea widens all along the country of the Ḥabasha, which stretches opposite Mecca as far south as the territory opposite Aden. Beyond this point there are no more Ḥabasha. On their rearward side, [i.e. West] the Ḥabasha are neighbours to the Nūba, as far as the territory of the Zanj. These are the largest of the kingdoms extending along the frontier of all the Moslem countries, (ibid., pp. 28 - 29).

The [Nubians] are Christians and their country is larger than that of the Ḥabasha; they possess more towns and more cultivated lands than the latter. (ibid., pp. 35 - 36).

If you leave Qulzum and travel on the western side of this sea [Red Sea], you enter a wilderness where nothing is to be found until you reach the desert (''bādiya'') of the Beja. The Beja are a people who live under hair tents. Their complexion is like that of the Arabs and is darker than that of the Ḥabasha. They have neither villages nor towns, nor cultivation; all [the agricultural products] are imported from the towns of Ḥabasha, Yemen, Egypt and Nubia. Their territory lies between Ḥabasha, Nubia, and Egypt and ends in the region of the gold mines. [The mine region] is near Aswān of Egypt, about ten days journey from a fortress (''ḥiṣn") on '''[p. 113]''' the west, called 'Aydhāb. Al-'Allāqi, a flat sandy plain, is the meeting place for all those who work in this mine. The products of this mine are shipped to Egypt, for this is a mine of pure gold, unmixed with silver.

The Beja worship idols and any other likeness they think useful to them.

The other frontier of the mine region is common with the Ḥabasha, who are Christians and have a complexion similar to the Arabs, between black and white. They live scattered on the coastal region opposite Aden. All frankincense (''bakhūr''), variegated skins (''julūd mulamma'a'') and most of the skins which are tanned to make shoes in Yemen, come from their country. They are friendly to Islam (''ahl silm''), therefore they are no part of the territory of the unbelievers (''dār al-harb''). On their coast there is a place called Zayla'<ref>Today Zeila, near Djibouti.</ref>, a port for embarkment to Hejaz and Yemen.

On another side, [the mine] also touches the desert (''mafāza'') of Nubia. The Nubians too, are Christians. Their territories are larger than the Ḥabasha's and have more towns and cultivations. The Nile of Egypt is flowing through their towns and villages. [Their homes extend] as far upstream, as a sandy place of the Zanj country and beyond it, up to the impassable deserts (''barārī''). Beyond this desert, the river ends in the land of the Zanj proper, which lies opposite Aden and extends down to the sea. The frontier of the Nūba borders that of the countries of Islam and, in some places, is contiguous to the countries of the Hind. The country of the Nūba is very large and includes an innumerable people. Someone told me that in the remotest lands of the Zanj '''[p. 114]''' there are cold regions inhabited by a Zanj people of white complexion. This side of the Zanj country [i.e. near the Nūba], however, is sun-burned (''qashf''), sparsely inhabited, poorly cultivated, except in the lands near the king's residence.

The countries of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') are very extensive, but all wasteland. All kinds of fruits common to the Islamic countries are found on the mountain sides, but the people do not eat them; they eat other fruits and vegetables unknown in the countries of Islam.

The slaves (''khadam'') who are sold in the countries of Islam come from there: they are neither Nubians, nor Zanj, nor Ḥabasha, nor Buja; they are from another race of Blacks, whose complexion is darker than any other.

It is said that no Climate is wider than the one inhabited by the black races such as the Ḥabasha, the Nūba, the Beja and others, for these peoples extend as far southwards as the Ocean, and northwards up to the desert contiguous to Egypt, behind the Oases, the Nubian desert and the Zanj desert. This land, except on the side of the Maghrib, has no road link with kingdoms or inhabited places; this is due to the difficulty of travelling from their country to other peoples, (ibid., pp.40).

Zawīlah is a country lying opposite the land of the Blacks. Most of the black slaves who are exported to Zawīlah<ref>In the Libyan desert.</ref> come from there. (ibid., p. 44).

The distances in Egypt are as follows: the distance between the coast of the Mediterranean Sea (''baḥr ar-Rūm''), from where we have begun, to the country of the Nubians, passing behind the Oases (''al-wāḥāt'') is a twenty-five journey; along the frontier which the Nubians have in common with Egypt, it is eight days.

'''[p. 115]''' The place of the Nile head-waters is not known, because this river comes from an impassable desert beyond the land of the Zanj, then it enters the frontier of the Zanj, flows without interruption, through the land of the Nūba through deserts and cultivated lands until it enters Egypt (''Miṣr''). Uswān is a frontier fortress (''thaghr'') opposite the Nubians, who are, however, at peace [with Egypt]. (ibid., pp. 50 - 51).

On the left bank of the Nile, near al-Fusṭāṭ, there is a mountain called al-Maqaṭṭam. On and around it, is found the precious stone called "Khumāhan". This mountain extends [south] to the [land of the] Nūba.

The Oases were [once] inhabited regions with water, trees, and villages. Nowadays no one lives there. Until today one could see there many fruits (''thimār'') and sheep which have turned wild and multiply [freely]. The distance between the southernmost Oases and [the Nile in] Upper Egypt is about three days Journey across the desert. From the Oases one can Journey to Nubia across a desert which ends in the land of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). (ibid., pp. 51 - 52).

The gold mine is at fifteen days distance from Aswān. It does not lie within the Egyptian territory, but in the land of the Buja and it ends near 'Aydhāb. It is said that 'Aydhāb is not within the land of the Buja, but it is a town of the Ḥabasha.

The gold mine is in a flat plain, without mountains; it is sandy and stony ground. The place where all men [employed in gold mining] meet, is called ''al-'Allāqī''. The Buja have neither villages (''qurā'') nor fertile lands (''khisb'') which normally would produce wealth; on the contrary, they are nomads, and own good-bred camels. It is said that no camel is more capable of travelling than theirs. Their slaves (''raqīq'') and their camels are exported to Egypt. (ibid., p. 54).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn Qutayba ad-Dinawari

2015-08-28T12:54:49Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 64-67]'''

IBN QUTAYBA AD-DINĀWARī

''(about 880)''

''Abū M. 'Abdalla b. Muslim b. Qutayba ad-Dināwarī, an Arabic polyhistor.''

''Brockelmann, 1, 120-123, S 1,184-186; EI. s.v. Ibn Kutayba. Wrote 'Uyun al-akhbār, or K. al-ma'ārif.''

''Ed.: F. Wüstenfeld, ''Ibn Coteibas Handbuch der Geschichte'', Göttingen 1850; Ahmed Zaki al-'Adawi, ''Dār al-Kutub'', Cairo 1924-30, 1963, 4 vols.''

''T.: Wüstenfeld and 'Adawi A:0''

'''[p. 65]''' Wahb Ibn 'Munabbih said: 'Hām b. Noah was a white man, of good aspect, but God changed his colour as well as the complexion (''alwān'') of his descendants according to a request made by his father. He then left for the coastal region accompanied by his children. God multiplied them and made them grow in power; they are now the ''Sūdān''. As they used to eat fish, they filed their teeth needle-like in order to avoid the fish getting caught between their teeth. Some of his descendants went to the Maghrib.

Hām begot as his sons Kūsh, Kana'ān and Fūt. Fūt settled in the land of Hind and Sind, therefore the inhabitants of those lands are his descendants. As for Kush and Kana'an, their descendants are the [various] races of Blacks such as the Nūba, the Zanj, the Qur'ān, the Zaghāwa, the Ḥabasha, the Qibṭ, and the Barbar'. (Wüstenfeld, pp. 13 - 14).

[The Flight of Marwān's Descendants Through Nubia.]

One night, while [the Caliph] al-Manṣūr was talking [with his friends] the subject of the conversation fell on the Omayyad Caliphs and their behaviour while they were in power until they were succeeded by lusty descendants. The latter, instead of taking care of government affairs and the glory of God, were mostly concerned with lust and pleasure. They disobeyed God, aroused His anger [not knowing] that God is slow to punish; or perhaps, feeling free from His punishment. Eventually God took the kingdom out of their hands and deprived them of all their wealth. Then Sālih b. 'Alī said: - "O Commandant of the Believers! When 'Abdalla b. Marwān fled to Nubia with his men, the king of Nubia enquired about them. After the king was duly informed, he went to 'Abdalla and gave him a wonderful lesson (''kalām 'ajīb'') on '''[p. 66]''' this topic. I do not remember his exact words; but the Nubian king expelled him from his country. If the Commandant of the Believers wishes to send for him in prison to stand here before us this very night, he may ask him directly!" Al-Manṣūr gave orders that 'Abdalla be brought into his presence and asked him to tell the story. 'Abdalla said: "O Commandant of the Believers! I entered the land of the Nūba, my carpets (''thiyāb'') with me. I spread some [carpets] on the ground and used three to make up a pavilion. The Nubian king came; he was already informed about us. He was a tall, fine-looking man. He sat on the bare ground without treading on the carpets. I asked: 'What prevents you from treading on my carpets?’ He answered<ref>It seems that the speech of the Nubian King may have been totally fabricated (or, at least, elaborated) by the pro-Abbasid environment.</ref>: 'I am a king, and every king must humble himself before the majesty of God who raised him to power.' The king added: 'Why did you dare to drink wine (''khamr''), which was forbidden to you?' I answered: - 'It was our slaves (''ʿabīdu-nā'') and our auxiliaries (''atbā'u-nā'') who did so after we had already lost all authority (''mulk'') over them."

Then he asked: 'And why do you wear brocade (''dībāj'') and silk (''hārīr'') dresses and have gold and silver furniture, while this too is forbidden to you?' I replied: 'As we were losing our authority (''mulk'') and our supporters (''ansār'') were decreasing in number, we [tried to] save the situation with [the help of] foreigners (''ʿajām'') who had embraced our religion: it was they who put on those dresses against our will.' After 'Abdalla had spoken so, the king remained silent for a long while, his eyes cast down; then he began gesticulating and slowly '''[p.67]''' pacing up and down and repeating: ['our slaves' Our auxiliaries, who embraced our religion! .. Power escaped from our hands!]<ref>In the Cairo edition, the words [and repeating… our hands] are considered of doubtful authenticity.</ref> Then he said: 'You have not told the full truth. Actually you have allowed yourselves what God had forbidden. You have transgressed God's law. You have abused your power. Therefore, God has deprived you of your kingdom and has covered you with shame on account of your evil actions. By God! Vengeance has not gone all its course. I am afraid that the punishment of God may fall on you while you are still in my own country and so it may affect me, too. As hospitality is only for three days, quickly take your fill of what you need and depart from my kingdom'.<ref>Ibn Qutayba’s account of the flight of the Marwanides through Nubia ends here. Al-Ya'qūbī [q.v.] and later historians went on describing the fateful flight. Fanciful tales about animals of different species mating on the Nile banks in Nubia have been omitted as irrelevant (edition Cairo, II, pp. 70 ff). The author, however, mentions that the “''bukhatī''” (''bukhtī'') camel is a cross-breed of the dromedaries (''ibil al-urāb'') and the two-humped camel (''fālij''). (edition Cairo, II, p. 70, footnote). (pp. 248 - 249).</ref>

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Ya'qubi

2015-08-13T19:32:37Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 70-76]'''

AL-YA'QŪBĪ

''(wrote 872-891 A.D.)''

''Aḥmad b. 'Alī Ya'qūb b. Ja'far b. Wahb b. al-Wādih al-'Abbāsī, from the family of the well-known Shiite Wadih.''

''Traveller in Armenia, India, Egypt and the Maghrib.''

''Brockelmann, p. 226 f.''

''Main works: ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qūbī.'' ''

''Ed.: M. Th. Houtsma, ''Ibn Wadhih al-Yaqubi Historiae'', 2 vols., Leiden 1883; ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī'' (Arabic), Collections UNESCO, 2 vols., Beirut 1960.''

''Kitāb al-Buldān''

''Ed.: De Goeje, ''BGA 7'', Leiden 1892, French translation: G. Wiet, ''Les Pays''..., Cairo 1937.''

''A:0''

From ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī'' (Coll. UNESCO):

The kingdom of the Ḥabasha and the Sūdān:

When the descendants of Noah (''wūld Nūh'') departed from Bābil, they crossed the Euphrates and went westward. The sons of Kūsh b. Hām, who are the Ḥabasha and the Blacks (''as-Sūdān''), after they crossed the Nile, divided themselves into two groups: one group turned southwards scattering east and west: they are nowadays the Nūba, the Buja, the Ḥabasha and the Zanj; the other group went on westwards and they are nowadays the Zaghāwa, the Ḥabash [or ''Hubsh''],<ref>The editor of ''Al-Maktabat as-sūdāniyya al-‘arabiyya'' (p. 20) notes that the word Ḥ(?)s, without diacritic dots, could be read different ways: Ḥubsh, Ḥaws (=Haussa).</ref> the Qāqū, the Marawiyyūn, and the Maranda '''[p. 71]''' (''Marunka'') Kawkaw and Ghana.<ref>“Ghāna” of the Middle Age Arab geographers is today generally identified with “Koumely”, 150 miles off Lake Chad.</ref>

The Nūba, as they went to the western bank of the Nile, became neighbours of the kingdom of the ''Qibṭ'', the children of Baisar<ref>Perhaps an alternative reading for Miṣr.</ref>, b. Hām b. Noah, and they established their kingdom there. Later on the Nūba further divided into two kingdoms. One was the kingdom of those called Muqurra, who settled on the eastern and western banks of the Nile and had Dunqula as their capital. It was this people who made peace with the Muslims and gave them the ''baqṭ''; their country had palm-trees, vineyards and cultivated areas. The total length of this kingdom was about two months’ journey. The second kingdom of the Nūba, called 'Alwa, was more powerful than Dunqula; their capital was called Sūba. They had a large territory about three months' Journey. In their country the Nile branched off into several smaller rivers (''khiljān'') (Coll. UNESCO I, p. 191).

The kingdom of the Beja (''mamlakat al-buja''); They dwell between the Nile and the sea and are divided into several kingdoms, each governed by its own king.

The first kingdom of the Beja (''al-buja'') begins from the Aswān frontier. This is the last district of the Moslem territory stretching east and west from south to the frontier of Barakāt. They are a kind of Ḥabash called Naqīs, and their capital is called Hajar. They are subdivided into tribes and clans (''buṭūn''), as is customary among the Arabs; some of their tribes and clans '''[p. 72]''' are al-hadarāt [sic! obviously for al-ḥadāriba], Suhāb, al-'Amā’ir, Kūbir (''Kūtir''?), Manāsa, Ras'a, Arbari'a and az-Zanāfij. Gold mines, precious stones and emeralds are found in their country. They are at peace with the Moslems and the Moslems work in the mines of their country.

The second kingdom of the Beja is that of Baqlīn, which has many towns and is very large. Their religion is similar to that of the Magians (''al-majūs'') and the Dualists (''ath-thunawiyya''); they call the Almighty God by the name "''az-zabhīr''"<ref>A tentative Arabic script from the Ethiopian word ''Egziā’behēr'' (God). From this passage, one might guess that they were Christian (Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Etiopia'', p. 274.).</ref> and the devil by the name "''sahāy harāqa''". They pull out the hair of their chin and remove their central incisors.

The third kingdom is that of the Bāzīn, who border on the kingdom of the 'Alwa Nubians and the Baqlīn Beja, with whom they are, however, at war. The crop on which they live is ... [lacuna] ... which, together with milk, forms their staple food.

The fourth kingdom is called Jārīn. They have a dreadful king, whose rule extends from Bādi’<ref>Arabic: ''Bādi'' or ''Bāsaʾ'' (Tigre and Tigray: Batsa: ''Bade'') is the old name of Massawa Island.</ref> on the Red Sea coast, to the frontier of Barakāt in the territory of the Baqlīn, until a place called ''Hall ad-dujāj''. They, too, remove their upper and lower incisors lest - they say they resemble the teeth of asses; they also pull out the hair of their chins.

The fifth kingdom is that called Qat'a [Ibn Hawqal: "Qas'a"], the last of the Beja kingdoms. It is very large, extending from Bādi’ to a place called Faykūn.

'''[p. 73]''' They are a warlike, powerful nation who possesses a fighting clan (''dār muqātila'') known by the name of ''dār as-sawā'', where their bravest young men are specially trained for war and combat.

The sixth kingdom is the kingdom of the Najāshī, which is a vast powerful country. Its royal town is Ku'bar [Aksum]. The Arabs go thither to trade. They have big towns and their sea coast is called Dahlak. All the kings of the Habasha country are subject to the Great King (''al-malik al-a'zam'') and are careful to obey him and pay tribute. The Najāshī professes the Jacobite Christian religion (''dīn an-nāsraniyya al-ya’qūbiyya'').

The last [i.e. 7th] kingdom of the Ḥabasha is that of the Zanj, a people who dwell near the Sind, as well as on other related nations, different from those Zanj who dwell on the borders of the Sind and the Kurak. They are a people (''qawm'') who, Respite of their multitude (''hisāb'') are, however, of the same mind (''ijtimā' qulūb''). (ibid. I, pp. 191-193).

The Caliphate of 'Umar b. Al-Khaṭṭāb:

He ['Amr] wrote to 'Umar asking for permission to invade the rest of Ifriqiyā. 'Umar replied that he, 'Amr, and no one else, should carry out the raid, as long as he lived. Then he ['Amr] sent Bisr b. 'Alī Artāh who made a peace-treaty with the people of Waddān and the people of Fazzān; he also sent 'Uqbah b. Nāfi' al-Fihrī, 'Amr b. al-Wā' il as-Sahmī's half-brother, to the land of the Nubians (''an-Nūba''). The Muslims met fierce resistance from the Nubians. The Muslims after they withdrew from the country of the Nubians, settled at Gīza. (Coll. UNESCO II, p. 156).

'''[p. 74]''' The Caliphate of 'Uthmān b. al-‘Affān:

'Abdalla b. Sa'd sent an army to the land of the Nūba, who sued for peace. An agreement was made on condition that [the Nūba] undertook [to pay] every year three hundred heads and [the Muslims] would ship to them an equal amount of food and drinks. Then 'Abdalla wrote to 'Uthmān about this. (ibid., p. 166).

The Caliphate of Marwān b. Muḥammad b. Marwān and the Abbasids:

Together with 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla, a number of their womenfolk i.e. daughters, sisters and cousins, fled, all on foot, wandering about like mad people. A man from Syria passed by an unknown girl abandoned along the way. He discovered that she was the six-year-old daughter of Marwān. He took her up and handed her over to 'Abdalla b. Marwān. The party [of fugitives] took the way towards Nubia (''bilād an-nūba''). The King of Nubia (''ʿazīm an-nūba'') received them with honour. They [Marwān’s men] had a plan to settle in one of the castles of Nubia; hoping to make it a stronghold against the enemies who are chasing them. Perhaps, they said, we can persuade them [the Nubians] to submit to us and God will give back to us a part of what He has taken away! But the King of Nubia said to them: 'Beware of those crows - and he meant the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') - they are very numerous, but poor. I cannot guarantee that you will be safe from their attacks. Then one might accuse me by saying: 'You have killed them'. ... They [the Marwanids] said: - 'We shall give you a written document [certifying] that we have come to your country and that you have done all in your power to allow us to be free [to leave or stay] in your country, but we, of our own will, refused to leave; and for all this we are thankful to you. Eventually, they left in the '''[p. 75]''' direction of the country of the enemy [= Abbasids]. Perhaps they met the army of the Ḥabasha and fought against them until they reached Bajāwah. The King of the Beja (''ʿazīm al-buja'') attacked them and they withdrew by crossing the country towards the Yemen. There were two ways open before 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla. A mountain lay between the two ways. They each took one way, with the understanding that after an hour they should meet again. They marched all that day, after which they decided to go back, but they were unable to do so; they went on for several days. 'Ubaydalla met a gang (''mansir'') of Ḥabasha and he attacked them. One of the gang struck him with a Javelin (''mizraq'') and he fell dead. The man who killed him took his companions as prisoners, while the Ḥabasha seized all their belongings and then released them again. They wandered about like mad people through deserts, naked and barefooted, until they died of thirst. One of them urinated in his own hand and drank of it; another urinated and mixed sand with his urine and ate it. At last, the survivors joined 'Abdalla b. Marwān, who had endured nakedness and fatigue more than the others. He was accompanied by some of his womenfolk, all naked and barefooted, devoid of anything to cover themselves. Their feet were bruised by the fatigue of the march; their lips were cracked, because they had drunk urine. At last they arrived at al-Mandib and stayed a month. The natives offered them some assistance. Then they left for Mecca disguised as porters (''hammālīn'') (or ''jammālin'', camel-drivers). (ibid., II, pp. 347 - 348).

During this year [870 A.D.] a certain Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān al-'Umarī, rose against the troops of the ''Sultān''. He was challenged by Shu'ba b. Harkān, the general of Ahmad Ibn Τūlūn, who fought him at Aswān. (ibid., II, p. 509).

'''[p. 76]''' From Kitāb al-Buldān (BGA VII):

From Qift you walk to the mine of emeralds (''az-zumurrud'') also known as Kharibat al-Malik, eight days' journey from Qift. There are two mountains, the one called al-'Arūs, and the other al-Khasūm, where emeralds are mined. There is a place called Kom aṣ-ṣābūnī and [another called] Kom Mahrān, and [also others called] Makābir and Safsīd. All these mines yield precious stones (''jawhar''). The shafts from where precious stones are dug are called "''shiyam''" in the plural, the singular being "shīma".<ref>''Shīma'' is a place–name still in use in Lower Nubia (e.g. ''Shīma al-‘Amāliqa'').</ref> In one of these places there was an ancient mine called Birumit,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> which was in operation in the days before Islam; the same is true of the Makābir mine.

The distance between the Kharibat al-Malik mine and Jabal Sa'īd, which is a gold mine, is one day's journey; the same to another place called al-Kalbī. Such other places as as-Sukrā, al-'Ujlā,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> al-'Allāqī the Lower, ar-Rīfa, which is the plain (''sāḥil'') of the river Kharibat-al-Malik, are all gold mines. It is a three days' Journey from Kharibat-al-Malik to the gold mine called ar-Rahm.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> There is a branch of the Balyi tribe living at Raḥm; moreover, there are Juhayna and other tribes intermingled, all traders.

The town of Esna is situated on the west bank of the Nile. Its population is said to be marīsī; from Esna come the asses called "marīsīyya".

Next [i.e. after Edfu and Biban] is the great town of Aswān (''Uswān''), where the traders dwell who deal with the products of the gold mines.

'''[p. 77]''' Many wares coming from Nubia and the Beja country are to be found there.

The last town of the Islamic territory in this country is a town on an island in the middle of the Nile, called Bilāq, surrounded by stone walls. Beyond it runs the frontier of Nubia, one mile distant from Bilāq. Anyone who goes to the gold mines leaves Aswān for a place called Dayqa, which lies between two mountains, thence to al-Buwayb, Bayt Ibn Zayyad, Udhayfir,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> Jabal Ahmar, Jabal Abyaḍ, Gabr Abī Mas'ūd and eventually Wādī al- 'Allāqī which is like their great town, where Arabs and non-Arabs (''ʿajam'') live together: there are markets where business is transacted. They draw water from wells dug in the Wādī al-'Allāqī. The majority of the population of Wādī al-'Allāqī are Rabī'a from the Bānī Ḥanīfa, who came from al-Yamāma with their numerous families (''ʾiyyālāt'') and children (''dhurriyya''). Wādī al-'Allāqī and its environs are all gold mines; anyone who goes there is employed by the local people; merchants and non-merchants all have black slaves (''ʿabīd Sūdān'') employed in mining; They extract gold (''tibr'') similar to yellow arsenic (''zarnīkh'') which they melt.

From al-'Allāqī one can go on a day's journey to a place called ''al-Ḥall''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> thence to ''ʿAnb''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, then to ''Kammār'', where traders gather to buy gold dust (''tibr''); in this place there are Rabī'a clans originally from al-Yamāma. It is one day's journey from al-'Allāqī to a mine called Baṭn Wāḥ; likewise to a place called Mā' as-Sakhra. To al-Ahsāb it is two days, and to a mine called Mirāb (''Mibrāt'')<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> - where Balyy and Juhayna clans are found - four days; to a place called 'Urba (''ʿArya'') and to Batha two days; from al-'Allāqī to 'Aydhāb, four days.

'''[p. 78]''' 'Aydhāb is situated on the coast (''sāhil'') of the Red Sea. From there people sail to Mecca, the Hejāz and Yemen, and from there traders ship their gold dust (''tibr''), ivory and other goods. It is a thirty days' journey from al-''ʿAllāqī'' to Burkān (''Barakāt'') the remotest mine where the Moslems go to seek gold.

From al-'Allāqī it is possible to travel in ten days to a place called Dah, inhabited by a clan of the Bānī Sulaym and other clans of the Mudar tribe. The distance between al-'Allāqī and the Sunṭa<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> mine, where Muḍar and others live, is a ten days' journey; from 'Allāqī to Rifq, ten days'; from 'Allāqī to a place called S.H.S.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, ten days'. These are the mines where the Moslems go to seek gold. (BGA VII, pp. 331 - 334).

From al-'Allāqī to Nubia, precisely the country called 'Alwa, it is about a thirty days' journey. One passes through Kubān [BGA: ''Kabaw''] then through a place called al-Abwāb, then one arrives at the capital of the 'Alwa people called Sūba, where their king has his residence. The Muslims go thither from time to time because it is there that the beginning of the Nile flood is first reported. People say that the island of 'Alwa is connected with the Island of Sind, where the Nile joins a river called Indus, through a branch similar to the one which flows into Egypt. Aswān is the place from where people set out for the journey to the country of Nubia called Muqurra, where there is a place called ''Māwā''. In this place resided Zakaria b. Kurkī,<ref>''Al-Maktaba'', p. 18: “''Qīrqī''”.</ref> representative (''khalīfa'') of his father [Wiet: "of his brother"] Kurkī, king of Nubia. From Māwā to the great town of the Nūba it is a thirty days' journey. There is the residence of the king, named ... [lacuna].<ref>The editor of BGA noted that here the text is corrupt. Dr. Mus’ad, however, tentatively read the king’s name as being “''Sannāl''” (Al-Maktaba, p. 19).</ref> (BGA VII, p. 336; Wiet, pp. 191-192).

'''[p. 79]''' The Beja Country

It is a twenty five days' journey from al-'Allāqī to the land of the Beja (''al-bujā'') known as al-Ḥadāriba and al-Kidhubin. The town of the king of the Ḥadāriba Beja is called Hajar. Muslims go there for the purpose of commerce.

The Beja live in tents made of hides, pull out the hairs of their chins and cut the breast nipples of their young men lest they resemble the breasts of women. Their food is dhurra and other similar foodstuffs. They ride camels and fight in sitting position as if they were mounted on horseback: they throw their Javelins without missing the target.

From al-'Allāqī one goes to the land of the branch of the Beja known as az-Zanāfija, also called Baqlīn. Muslims sometimes went there for commerce. The customs of this tribe are the same as those of the Ḥadāriba. They have no God-given law (''sharī'a''), but worship an idol which they call Ḥājājwā. (Wiet, pp. 120- 125).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Ya'qubi

2015-08-13T19:29:31Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 70-76]'''

AL-YA'QŪBĪ

''(wrote 872-891 A.D.)''

''Aḥmad b. 'Alī Ya'qūb b. Ja'far b. Wahb b. al-Wādih al-'Abbāsī, from the family of the well-known Shiite Wadih.''

''Traveller in Armenia, India, Egypt and the Maghrib.''

''Brockelmann, p. 226 f.''

''Main works: ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qūbī.'' ''

''Ed.: M. Th. Houtsma, ''Ibn Wadhih al-Yaqubl Historiae'', 2 vols., Leiden 1883; ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī'' (Arabic), Collections UNESCO, 2 vols., Beirut 1960.''

''Kitāb al-Buldān''

''Ed.: De Goeje, ''BGA 7'', Leiden 1892, French translation: G. Wiet, ''Les Pays''..., Cairo 1937.''

''A:0''

From ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī'' (Coll. UNESCO):

The kingdom of the Ḥabasha and the Sūdān:

When the descendants of Noah (''wūld Nūh'') departed from Bābil, they crossed the Euphrates and went westward. The sons of Kūsh b. Hām, who are the Ḥabasha and the Blacks (''as-Sūdān''), after they crossed the Nile, divided themselves into two groups: one group turned southwards scattering east and west: they are nowadays the Nūba, the Buja, the Ḥabasha and the Zanj; the other group went on westwards and they are nowadays the Zaghāwa, the Ḥabash [or ''Hubsh''],<ref>The editor of ''Al-Maktabat as-sūdāniyya al-‘arabiyya'' (p. 20) notes that the word Ḥ(?)s, without diacritic dots, could be read different ways: Ḥubsh, Ḥaws (=Haussa).</ref> the Qāqū, the Marawiyyūn, and the Maranda '''[p. 71]''' (''Marunka'') Kawkaw and Ghana.<ref>“Ghāna” of the Middle Age Arab geographers is today generally identified with “Koumely”, 150 miles off Lake Chad.</ref>

The Nūba, as they went to the western bank of the Nile, became neighbours of the kingdom of the ''Qibṭ'', the children of Baisar<ref>Perhaps an alternative reading for Miṣr.</ref>, b. Hām b. Noah, and they established their kingdom there. Later on the Nūba further divided into two kingdoms. One was the kingdom of those called Muqurra, who settled on the eastern and western banks of the Nile and had Dunqula as their capital. It was this people who made peace with the Muslims and gave them the ''baqṭ''; their country had palm-trees, vineyards and cultivated areas. The total length of this kingdom was about two months’ journey. The second kingdom of the Nūba, called 'Alwa, was more powerful than Dunqula; their capital was called Sūba. They had a large territory about three months' Journey. In their country the Nile branched off into several smaller rivers (''khiljān'') (Coll. UNESCO I, p. 191).

The kingdom of the Beja (''mamlakat al-buja''); They dwell between the Nile and the sea and are divided into several kingdoms, each governed by its own king.

The first kingdom of the Beja (''al-buja'') begins from the Aswān frontier. This is the last district of the Moslem territory stretching east and west from south to the frontier of Barakāt. They are a kind of Ḥabash called Naqīs, and their capital is called Hajar. They are subdivided into tribes and clans (''buṭūn''), as is customary among the Arabs; some of their tribes and clans '''[p. 72]''' are al-hadarāt [sic! obviously for al-ḥadāriba], Suhāb, al-'Amā’ir, Kūbir (''Kūtir''?), Manāsa, Ras'a, Arbari'a and az-Zanāfij. Gold mines, precious stones and emeralds are found in their country. They are at peace with the Moslems and the Moslems work in the mines of their country.

The second kingdom of the Beja is that of Baqlīn, which has many towns and is very large. Their religion is similar to that of the Magians (''al-majūs'') and the Dualists (''ath-thunawiyya''); they call the Almighty God by the name "''az-zabhīr''"<ref>A tentative Arabic script from the Ethiopian word ''Egziā’behēr'' (God). From this passage, one might guess that they were Christian (Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Etiopia'', p. 274.).</ref> and the devil by the name "''sahāy harāqa''". They pull out the hair of their chin and remove their central incisors.

The third kingdom is that of the Bāzīn, who border on the kingdom of the 'Alwa Nubians and the Baqlīn Beja, with whom they are, however, at war. The crop on which they live is ... [lacuna] ... which, together with milk, forms their staple food.

The fourth kingdom is called Jārīn. They have a dreadful king, whose rule extends from Bādi’<ref>Arabic: ''Bādi'' or ''Bāsaʾ'' (Tigre and Tigray: Batsa: ''Bade'') is the old name of Massawa Island.</ref> on the Red Sea coast, to the frontier of Barakāt in the territory of the Baqlīn, until a place called ''Hall ad-dujāj''. They, too, remove their upper and lower incisors lest - they say they resemble the teeth of asses; they also pull out the hair of their chins.

The fifth kingdom is that called Qat'a [Ibn Hawqal: "Qas'a"], the last of the Beja kingdoms. It is very large, extending from Bādi’ to a place called Faykūn.

'''[p. 73]''' They are a warlike, powerful nation who possesses a fighting clan (''dār muqātila'') known by the name of ''dār as-sawā'', where their bravest young men are specially trained for war and combat.

The sixth kingdom is the kingdom of the Najāshī, which is a vast powerful country. Its royal town is Ku'bar [Aksum]. The Arabs go thither to trade. They have big towns and their sea coast is called Dahlak. All the kings of the Habasha country are subject to the Great King (''al-malik al-a'zam'') and are careful to obey him and pay tribute. The Najāshī professes the Jacobite Christian religion (''dīn an-nāsraniyya al-ya’qūbiyya'').

The last [i.e. 7th] kingdom of the Ḥabasha is that of the Zanj, a people who dwell near the Sind, as well as on other related nations, different from those Zanj who dwell on the borders of the Sind and the Kurak. They are a people (''qawm'') who, Respite of their multitude (''hisāb'') are, however, of the same mind (''ijtimā' qulūb''). (ibid. I, pp. 191-193).

The Caliphate of 'Umar b. Al-Khaṭṭāb:

He ['Amr] wrote to 'Umar asking for permission to invade the rest of Ifriqiyā. 'Umar replied that he, 'Amr, and no one else, should carry out the raid, as long as he lived. Then he ['Amr] sent Bisr b. 'Alī Artāh who made a peace-treaty with the people of Waddān and the people of Fazzān; he also sent 'Uqbah b. Nāfi' al-Fihrī, 'Amr b. al-Wā' il as-Sahmī's half-brother, to the land of the Nubians (''an-Nūba''). The Muslims met fierce resistance from the Nubians. The Muslims after they withdrew from the country of the Nubians, settled at Gīza. (Coll. UNESCO II, p. 156).

'''[p. 74]''' The Caliphate of 'Uthmān b. al-‘Affān:

'Abdalla b. Sa'd sent an army to the land of the Nūba, who sued for peace. An agreement was made on condition that [the Nūba] undertook [to pay] every year three hundred heads and [the Muslims] would ship to them an equal amount of food and drinks. Then 'Abdalla wrote to 'Uthmān about this. (ibid., p. 166).

The Caliphate of Marwān b. Muḥammad b. Marwān and the Abbasids:

Together with 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla, a number of their womenfolk i.e. daughters, sisters and cousins, fled, all on foot, wandering about like mad people. A man from Syria passed by an unknown girl abandoned along the way. He discovered that she was the six-year-old daughter of Marwān. He took her up and handed her over to 'Abdalla b. Marwān. The party [of fugitives] took the way towards Nubia (''bilād an-nūba''). The King of Nubia (''ʿazīm an-nūba'') received them with honour. They [Marwān’s men] had a plan to settle in one of the castles of Nubia; hoping to make it a stronghold against the enemies who are chasing them. Perhaps, they said, we can persuade them [the Nubians] to submit to us and God will give back to us a part of what He has taken away! But the King of Nubia said to them: 'Beware of those crows - and he meant the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') - they are very numerous, but poor. I cannot guarantee that you will be safe from their attacks. Then one might accuse me by saying: 'You have killed them'. ... They [the Marwanids] said: - 'We shall give you a written document [certifying] that we have come to your country and that you have done all in your power to allow us to be free [to leave or stay] in your country, but we, of our own will, refused to leave; and for all this we are thankful to you. Eventually, they left in the '''[p. 75]''' direction of the country of the enemy [= Abbasids]. Perhaps they met the army of the Ḥabasha and fought against them until they reached Bajāwah. The King of the Beja (''ʿazīm al-buja'') attacked them and they withdrew by crossing the country towards the Yemen. There were two ways open before 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla. A mountain lay between the two ways. They each took one way, with the understanding that after an hour they should meet again. They marched all that day, after which they decided to go back, but they were unable to do so; they went on for several days. 'Ubaydalla met a gang (''mansir'') of Ḥabasha and he attacked them. One of the gang struck him with a Javelin (''mizraq'') and he fell dead. The man who killed him took his companions as prisoners, while the Ḥabasha seized all their belongings and then released them again. They wandered about like mad people through deserts, naked and barefooted, until they died of thirst. One of them urinated in his own hand and drank of it; another urinated and mixed sand with his urine and ate it. At last, the survivors joined 'Abdalla b. Marwān, who had endured nakedness and fatigue more than the others. He was accompanied by some of his womenfolk, all naked and barefooted, devoid of anything to cover themselves. Their feet were bruised by the fatigue of the march; their lips were cracked, because they had drunk urine. At last they arrived at al-Mandib and stayed a month. The natives offered them some assistance. Then they left for Mecca disguised as porters (''hammālīn'') (or ''jammālin'', camel-drivers). (ibid., II, pp. 347 - 348).

During this year [870 A.D.] a certain Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān al-'Umarī, rose against the troops of the ''Sultān''. He was challenged by Shu'ba b. Harkān, the general of Ahmad Ibn Τūlūn, who fought him at Aswān. (ibid., II, p. 509).

'''[p. 76]''' From Kitāb al-Buldān (BGA VII):

From Qift you walk to the mine of emeralds (''az-zumurrud'') also known as Kharibat al-Malik, eight days' journey from Qift. There are two mountains, the one called al-'Arūs, and the other al-Khasūm, where emeralds are mined. There is a place called Kom aṣ-ṣābūnī and [another called] Kom Mahrān, and [also others called] Makābir and Safsīd. All these mines yield precious stones (''jawhar''). The shafts from where precious stones are dug are called "''shiyam''" in the plural, the singular being "shīma".<ref>''Shīma'' is a place–name still in use in Lower Nubia (e.g. ''Shīma al-‘Amāliqa'').</ref> In one of these places there was an ancient mine called Birumit,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> which was in operation in the days before Islam; the same is true of the Makābir mine.

The distance between the Kharibat al-Malik mine and Jabal Sa'īd, which is a gold mine, is one day's journey; the same to another place called al-Kalbī. Such other places as as-Sukrā, al-'Ujlā,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> al-'Allāqī the Lower, ar-Rīfa, which is the plain (''sāḥil'') of the river Kharibat-al-Malik, are all gold mines. It is a three days' Journey from Kharibat-al-Malik to the gold mine called ar-Rahm.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> There is a branch of the Balyi tribe living at Raḥm; moreover, there are Juhayna and other tribes intermingled, all traders.

The town of Esna is situated on the west bank of the Nile. Its population is said to be marīsī; from Esna come the asses called "marīsīyya".

Next [i.e. after Edfu and Biban] is the great town of Aswān (''Uswān''), where the traders dwell who deal with the products of the gold mines.

'''[p. 77]''' Many wares coming from Nubia and the Beja country are to be found there.

The last town of the Islamic territory in this country is a town on an island in the middle of the Nile, called Bilāq, surrounded by stone walls. Beyond it runs the frontier of Nubia, one mile distant from Bilāq. Anyone who goes to the gold mines leaves Aswān for a place called Dayqa, which lies between two mountains, thence to al-Buwayb, Bayt Ibn Zayyad, Udhayfir,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> Jabal Ahmar, Jabal Abyaḍ, Gabr Abī Mas'ūd and eventually Wādī al- 'Allāqī which is like their great town, where Arabs and non-Arabs (''ʿajam'') live together: there are markets where business is transacted. They draw water from wells dug in the Wādī al-'Allāqī. The majority of the population of Wādī al-'Allāqī are Rabī'a from the Bānī Ḥanīfa, who came from al-Yamāma with their numerous families (''ʾiyyālāt'') and children (''dhurriyya''). Wādī al-'Allāqī and its environs are all gold mines; anyone who goes there is employed by the local people; merchants and non-merchants all have black slaves (''ʿabīd Sūdān'') employed in mining; They extract gold (''tibr'') similar to yellow arsenic (''zarnīkh'') which they melt.

From al-'Allāqī one can go on a day's journey to a place called ''al-Ḥall''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> thence to ''ʿAnb''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, then to ''Kammār'', where traders gather to buy gold dust (''tibr''); in this place there are Rabī'a clans originally from al-Yamāma. It is one day's journey from al-'Allāqī to a mine called Baṭn Wāḥ; likewise to a place called Mā' as-Sakhra. To al-Ahsāb it is two days, and to a mine called Mirāb (''Mibrāt'')<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> - where Balyy and Juhayna clans are found - four days; to a place called 'Urba (''ʿArya'') and to Batha two days; from al-'Allāqī to 'Aydhāb, four days.

'''[p. 78]''' 'Aydhāb is situated on the coast (''sāhil'') of the Red Sea. From there people sail to Mecca, the Hejāz and Yemen, and from there traders ship their gold dust (''tibr''), ivory and other goods. It is a thirty days' journey from al-''ʿAllāqī'' to Burkān (''Barakāt'') the remotest mine where the Moslems go to seek gold.

From al-'Allāqī it is possible to travel in ten days to a place called Dah, inhabited by a clan of the Bānī Sulaym and other clans of the Mudar tribe. The distance between al-'Allāqī and the Sunṭa<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> mine, where Muḍar and others live, is a ten days' journey; from 'Allāqī to Rifq, ten days'; from 'Allāqī to a place called S.H.S.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, ten days'. These are the mines where the Moslems go to seek gold. (BGA VII, pp. 331 - 334).

From al-'Allāqī to Nubia, precisely the country called 'Alwa, it is about a thirty days' journey. One passes through Kubān [BGA: ''Kabaw''] then through a place called al-Abwāb, then one arrives at the capital of the 'Alwa people called Sūba, where their king has his residence. The Muslims go thither from time to time because it is there that the beginning of the Nile flood is first reported. People say that the island of 'Alwa is connected with the Island of Sind, where the Nile joins a river called Indus, through a branch similar to the one which flows into Egypt. Aswān is the place from where people set out for the journey to the country of Nubia called Muqurra, where there is a place called ''Māwā''. In this place resided Zakaria b. Kurkī,<ref>''Al-Maktaba'', p. 18: “''Qīrqī''”.</ref> representative (''khalīfa'') of his father [Wiet: "of his brother"] Kurkī, king of Nubia. From Māwā to the great town of the Nūba it is a thirty days' journey. There is the residence of the king, named ... [lacuna].<ref>The editor of BGA noted that here the text is corrupt. Dr. Mus’ad, however, tentatively read the king’s name as being “''Sannāl''” (Al-Maktaba, p. 19).</ref> (BGA VII, p. 336; Wiet, pp. 191-192).

'''[p. 79]''' The Beja Country

It is a twenty five days' journey from al-'Allāqī to the land of the Beja (''al-bujā'') known as al-Ḥadāriba and al-Kidhubin. The town of the king of the Ḥadāriba Beja is called Hajar. Muslims go there for the purpose of commerce.

The Beja live in tents made of hides, pull out the hairs of their chins and cut the breast nipples of their young men lest they resemble the breasts of women. Their food is dhurra and other similar foodstuffs. They ride camels and fight in sitting position as if they were mounted on horseback: they throw their Javelins without missing the target.

From al-'Allāqī one goes to the land of the branch of the Beja known as az-Zanāfija, also called Baqlīn. Muslims sometimes went there for commerce. The customs of this tribe are the same as those of the Ḥadāriba. They have no God-given law (''sharī'a''), but worship an idol which they call Ḥājājwā. (Wiet, pp. 120- 125).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Ya'Qubi

2015-08-08T16:34:27Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 70-76]'''

AL-YA'QŪBĪ

wrote 872-891 A.D.

Ahmad b. 'Alī Ya'qūb b. Ja'far b. Wahb b. al-Wādih al-'Abbāsī, from the family of the well-known Shiite Wadih.

Traveller in Armenia, India, Egypt and the Maghrib.

Brockelmann, p. 226 f.

Main works: Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qūbī.

Ed.: M. Th. Houtsma, ''Ibn Wadhih al-Yaqubl Historiae'', 2 vols., Leiden 1883; Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī (Arabic),Collections UNESCO, 2 vols., Beirut 1960.

Kitāb al-Buldān

Ed.: De Goeje, ''BGA 7'', Leiden 1892, French translation: G. Wiet, ''Les Pays''..., Cairo 1937.

A:0''

From ''Ta'rīkh al-Ya'qubī'' (Coll. UNESCO):

The kingdom of the Ḥabasha and the Sūdān:

When the descendants of Noah (''wūld Nūh'') departed from Bābil, they crossed the Euphrates and went westward. The sons of Kūsh b. Hām, who are the Ḥabasha and the Blacks (''as-Sūdān''), after they crossed the Nile, divided themselves into two groups: one group turned southwards scattering east and west: they are nowadays the Nūba, the Buja, the Ḥabasha and the Zanj; the other group went on westwards and they are nowadays the Zaghāwa, the Ḥabash (or ''Hubsh''),<ref>The editor of ''Al-Maktabat as-sūdāniyya al-‘arabiyya'' (p. 20) notes that the word Ḥ(?)s, without diacritic dots, could be read different ways: Ḥubsh, Ḥaws (=Haussa).</ref> the Qāqū, the Marawiyyūn, and the Maranda '''[p. 71]''' (''Marunka'') Kawkaw and Ghana.<ref>“Ghāna” of the Middle Age Arab geographers is today generally identified with “Koumely”, 150 miles off Lake Chad.</ref>

The Nūba, as they went to' the western bank of the Nile, became neighbours of the kingdom of the ''Qibṭ'', the children of Baisar<ref>Perhaps an alternative reading for Miṣr.</ref>, b. Hām b. Noah, and they established their kingdom there. Later on the Nūba further divided into two kingdoms. One was the kingdom of those called Muqurra, who settled on the eastern and western banks of the Nile and had Dunqula as their capital. It was this people who made peace with the Muslims and gave them the ''baqṭ''; their country had palm-trees, vineyards and cultivated areas. The total length of this kingdom was about two months’ journey. The second kingdom of the Nūba, called 'Alwa, was more powerful than Dunqula; their capital was called Sūba. They had a large territory about three months' Journey. In their country the Nile branched off into several smaller rivers (''khiljān'') (Coll. UNESCO I, p. 191).

The kingdom of the Beja (''mamlakat al-buja''); They dwell between the Nile and the sea and are divided into several kingdoms, each governed by its own king.

The first kingdom of the Beja (''al-buja'') begins from the Aswan frontier. This is the last district of the Moslem territory stretching east and west from south to the frontier of Barakāt. They are a kind of Ḥabash called Naqīs, and their capital is called Hajar. They are subdivided into tribes and clans (''buṭūn''), as is customary among the Arabs; some of their tribes and clans '''[p. 72]''' are al-hadarāt (sic! obviously for al-ḥadāriba), Suhāb, al-'Amā’ir, Kūbir (''Kūtir''?), Manāsa, Ras'a, Arbari'a and az-Zanāfij. Gold mines, precious stones and emeralds are found in their country. They are at peace with the Moslems and the Moslems work in the mines of their country.

The second kingdom of the Beja is that of Baqlīn, which has many towns and is very large. Their religion is similar to that of the Magians (''al-majūs'') and the Dualists (''ath-thunawiyya''); they call the Almighty God by the name "''az-zabhīr''"<ref>A tentative Arabic script from the Ethiopian word ''Egziā’behēr'' (God). From this passage, one might guess that they were Christian (Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Etiopia'', p. 274.</ref> and the devil by the name "''sahāy harāqa''". They pull out the hair of their chin and re¬move their central incisors.

The third kingdom is that of the Bāzīn, who border on the kingdom of the 'Alwa Nubians and the Baqlīn Beja, with whom they are, however, at war. The crop on which they live is ... (lacuna) ... which, together with milk, forms their staple food.

The fourth kingdom is called Jārīn. They have a dreadful king, whose rule extends from Bādi’<ref>Arabic: ''Bādi'' or ''Bāsaʾ'' (Tigre and Tigray: Batsa: ''Bade'') is the old name of Massawa Island.</ref> on the Red Sea coast, to the frontier of Barakāt in the territory of the Baqlīn, until a place called ''Hall ad-dujāj''. They, too, remove their upper and lower incisors lest - they say they resemble the teeth of asses; they also pull out the hair of their chins.

The fifth kingdom is that called Qat'a (Ibn Hawqal: "Qas'a"), the last of the Beja kingdoms. It is very large, extending from Bādi’ to a place called Faykūn.

'''[p. 73]''' They are a warlike, powerful nation who possesses a fighting clan (''dār muqātila'') known by the name of ''dār as sawā'', where their bravest young men are specially trained for war and combat.

The sixth kingdom is the kingdom of the Najāshī, which is a vast powerful country. Its royal town is Ku'bar [Aksum]. The Arabs go thither to trade. They have big towns and their sea coast is called Dahlak. All the kings of the Habasha country are subject to the Great King (''al-malik al-a'zam'') and are careful to obey him and pay tribute. The Najāshī professes the Jacobite Christian religion (''dīn an-nāsraniyya al-ya’qūbiyya'').

The last [i.e. 7th] kingdom of the Ḥabasha is that of the Zanj, a people who dwell near the Sind, as well as on other related nations, different from those Zanj who dwell on the borders of the Sind and the Kurak. They are a people (''qawm'') who, despite of their multitude (''hisāb'') are, however, of the same mind (''ijtimā'qulūb''). (ibid. I, pp. 191-193).

The Caliphate of 'Umar b. Al-Khaṭṭāb:

He ('Amr) wrote to 'Umar asking for permission to invade the rest of Ifriqiyā. 'Umar replied that he, 'Amr, and no one else, should carry out the raid, as long as he lived. Then he ['Amr] sent Bisr b. 'Alī Artāh who made a peace-treaty with the people of Waddān and the people of Fazzān; he also sent 'Uqbah b. Nāfi' al-Fihrī, 'Amr b. al-Wā' il as-Sahmī's half-brother, to the land of the Nubians (''an-Nūba''). The Muslims met fierce resistance from the Nubians. The Muslims after they withdrew from the country of the Nubians, settled at Gīza. (Coll. UNESCO II, p. 156).

'''[p. 74]''' The Caliphate of 'Uthmān b. al-‘Affān:

'Abdalla b. Sa'd sent an army to the land of the Nūba, who sued for peace. An agreement was made on condition that (the Nūba) undertook (to pay) every year three hundred heads and (the Muslims) would ship to them an equal amount of food and drinks. Then 'Abdalla wrote to 'Uthmān about this. (ibid., p. 166).

The Caliphate of Marwān b. Muḥammad b. Marwān and the Abbasids:

Together with 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla, a number of their womenfolk i.e. daughters, sisters and cousins, fled, all on foot, wandering about like mad people. A man from Syria passed by an unknown girl abandoned along the way. He discovered that she was the six-year-old daughter of Marwān. He took her up and handed her over to 'Abdalla b. Marwān. The party (of fugitives) took the way towards Nubia (''bilād an-nūba''). The King of Nubia (''ʿazīm an-nūba'') received them with honour. They (Marwān’s men) had a plan to settle in one of the castles of Nubia; hoping to make it a stronghold against the enemies who are chasing them. Perhaps, they said, we can persuade them [the Nubians] to submit to us and God will give back to us a part of what He has taken away! But the King of Nubia said to them: 'Beware of those crows — and he meant the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') - they are very numerous, but poor. I cannot guarantee that you will be safe from their attacks. Then one might accuse me by saying: 'You have killed them'. ... They (the Marwanids) said: - 'We shall give you a written document [certifying] that we have come to your country and that you have done all in your power to allow us to be free [to leave or stay] in your country, but we, of our own will, refused to leave; and for all this we are thankful to you. Eventually, they left in the '''[p. 75]''' direction of the country of the enemy [= Abbasids]. Perhaps they met the army of the Ḥabasha and fought against them until they reached Bajāwah. The King of the Beja (''ʿazīm al-buja'') attacked them and they withdrew by crossing the country towards the Yemen. There were two ways open before 'Abdalla and 'Ubaydalla. A mountain lay between the two ways. They each took one way, with the understanding that after an hour they should meet again. They marched all that day, after which they decided to go back, but they were unable to do so; they went on for several days. 'Ubaydalla met a gang (''mansir'') of Ḥabasha and he attacked them. One of the gang struck him with a Javelin (''mizraq'') and he fell dead. The man who killed him took his companions as prisoners, while the Ḥabasha seized all their belongings and then released them again. They wandered about like mad people through deserts, naked and barefooted, until they died of thirst. One of them urinated in his own hand and drank of it; another urinated and mixed sand with his urine and ate it. At last, the survivors joined 'Abdalla b. Marwān, who had endured nakedness and fatigue more than the others. He was accompanied by some of his womenfolk, all naked and barefooted, devoid of anything to cover themselves. Their feet were bruised by the fatigue of the march; their lips were cracked, because they had drunk urine. At last they arrived at al-Mandib and stayed a month. The natives offered them some assistance. Then they left for Mecca disguised as porters (''hammālīn'') (or ''jammālin'', camel-drivers). (ibid., II, pp. 347 - 348).

During this year (870 A.D.) a certain Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān al-'Umarī, rose against the troops of the ''Sultān''. He was challenged by Shu'ba b. Harkān, the general of Ahmad Ibn Τūlūn, who fought him at Aswān. (ibid., II, p. 509).

'''[p. 76]''' From Kitāb al-Buldān (BGA VII):

From Qift you walk to the mine of emeralds (''az-zumurrud'') also known as Kharibat al-Malik, eight days' journey from Qift. There are two mountains, the one called al-'Arūs, and the other al-Khasūm, where emeralds are mined. There is a place called Kom aṣ-ṣābūnī and [another called] Kom Mahrān, and [also others called] Makābir and Safsīd. All these mines yield precious stones (''jawhar''). The shafts from where precious stones are dug are called "''shiyam''" in the plural, the singular being "shima".<ref>''Shīma'' is a place–name still in use in Lower Nubia (e.g. ''Shīma al-‘Amāliqa'').</ref> In one of these places there was an ancient mine called Birumit,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> which was in operation in the days before Islam; the same is true of the Makābir mine.

The distance between the Kharibat al-Malik mine and Jabal Sa'īd, which is a gold mine, is one day's journey; the same to another place called al-Kalbī. Such other places as as-Sukrā, al-'Ujlā,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> al-'Allāqī the Lower, ar-Rīfa, which is the plain (''sāhil'') of the river Kharibat-al-Malik, are all gold mines. It is a three days' Journey from Kharibat-al-Malik to the gold mine called ar-Rahm.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> There is a branch of the Balyi tribe living at Raḥm; moreover, there are Juhayna and other tribes intermingled, all traders.

The town of Esna is situated on the west bank of the Nile. Its population is said to be marīsī; from Esna come the asses called "marīsīyya".

Next (i.e. after Edfu and Biban) is the great town of Aswān (''Uswān''), where the traders dwell who deal with the products of the gold mines.

'''[p. 77]''' Many wares coming from Nubia and the Beja country are to be found there.

The last town of the Islamic territory in this country is a town on an island in the middle of the Nile, called Bilāq, surrounded by stone walls. Beyond it runs the frontier of Nubia, one mile distant from Bilāq. Anyone who goes to the gold mines leaves Aswān for a place called Dayqa, which lies between two mountains, thence to al-Buwayb, Bayt Ibn Zayyad, Udhayfir,<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> Jabal Ahmar, Jabal Abyad, Gabr Abī Mas'ūd and eventually Wādī al- 'Allāqī which is like their great town, where Arabs and non- Arabs (''ʿajam'') live together: there are markets where business is transacted. They draw water from wells dug in the Wādī al-'Allāqī. The majority of the population of Wādī al-'Allāqī are Rabī'a from the Bānī Ḥanīfa, who came from al-Yamāma with their numerous families (''ʾiyyālāt'') and children (''dhurriyya''). Wādī al-'Allāqī and its environs are all gold mines; anyone who goes there is employed by the local people; merchants and non-merchants all have black slaves (''ʿabīd Sūdān'') employed in mining; They extract gold (''tibr'') similar to yellow arsenic (''zarnīkh'') which they melt.

From al-'Allāqī one can go on a day's journey to a place called ''al-Ḥall''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> thence to ''ʿAnb''<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, then to ''Kammār'', where traders gather to buy gold dust (''tibr''); in this place there are Rabī'a clans originally from al-Yamāma. It is one day's journey from al-'Allāqī to a mine called Baṭn Wāḥ; likewise to a place called Mā' as-Sakhra. To al-Ahsāb it is two days, and to a mine called Mirāb (''Mibrāt'')<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> - where Balyy and Juhayna clans are found - four days; to a place called 'Urba (''ʿArya'') and to Batha two days; from al-'Allāqī to 'Aydhāb, four days.

'''[p. 78]''' 'Aydhāb is situated on the coast (''sāhil'') of the Red Sea. From there people sail to Mecca, the Hejāz and Yemen, and from there traders ship their gold dust (''tibr''), ivory and other goods. It is a thirty days' journey from al-''ʿAllāqī'' to Burkān (''Barakāt'') the remotest mine where the Moslems go to seek gold.

From al-'Allāqī it is possible to travel in ten days to a place called Dah, inhabited by a clan of the Bānī Sulaym and other clans of the Mudar tribe. The distance between al-'Allāqī and the Sunṭa<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref> mine, where Muḍar and others live, is a ten days' journey; from 'Allāqī to Rifq, ten days'; from 'Allāqī to a place called S.H.S.<ref>Several readings are possible.</ref>, ten days'. These are the mines where the Moslems go to seek gold. (BGA VII, pp. 331 - 334).

From al-'Allāqī to Nubia, precisely the country called 'Alwa, it is about a thirty days' journey. One passes through Kubān (BGA: ''Kabaw'') then through a place called al-Abwāb, then one arrives at the capital of the 'Alwa people called Sūba, where their king has his residence. The Muslims go thither from time to time because it is there that the beginning of the Nile flood is first reported. People say that the island of 'Alwa is connected with the Island of Sind, where the Nile joins a river called Indus, through a branch similar to the one which flows into Egypt. Aswān is the place from where people set out for the journey to the country of Nubia called Muqurra, where there is a place called ''Māwā''. In this place resided Zakaria b. Kurkī,<ref>''Al-Maktaba'', p. 18: “''Qīrqī''”.</ref> representative (''khalīfa'') of his father (Wiet: "of his brother") Kurkī, king of Nubia. From Māwā to the great town of the Nūba it is a thirty days' journey. There is the residence of the king, named ... (lacuna).<ref>The editor of BGA noted that here the text is corrupt. Dr. Mus’ad, however, tentatively read the king’s name as being “''Sannāl''” (Al-Maktaba, p. 19).</ref> (BGA VII, p. 336; Wiet, pp. 191-192).

'''[p. 79]''' The Beja Country

It is a twenty five days' journey from al-'Allāqī to the land of the Beja (''al-bujā'') known as al-Ḥadāriba and al-Kidhubin. The town of the king of the Ḥadāriba Beja is called Hajar. Muslims go there for the purpose of commerce.

The Beja live in tents made of hides, pull out the hairs of their chins and cut the breast nipples of their young men lest they resemble the breasts of women. Their food is dhurra and other similar foodstuffs. They ride camels and fight in sitting position as if they were mounted on horseback: they throw their Javelins without missing the target.

From al-'Allāqī one goes to the land of the branch of the Beja known as az-Zanāfija, also called Baqlīn. Muslims sometimes went there for commerce. The customs of this tribe are the same as those of the Ḥadāriba. They have no God-given law (''sharī'a''), but worship an idol which they call Ḥājājwā. (Wiet, pp. 120- 125).

<references/>

Al-'Umari

2015-08-08T12:35:21Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 507-516]'''

AL-‘UMARĪ

''(1300-1348 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-'Abbās 'Alī b. Yaḥyā Ibn Faḍlalla Shihāb ad-dīn al-'Umarī. First qāḍī in Cairo, then State Secretary; he died of the plague at Damascus.''

''Brockelmann 2, 141; EI (s.v.)''

''1.) ''Masālik al-abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār'', 20 vols., (The Ways of the Eyes in the Realms of the Great Cities; An encyclopaedia)''

''MSS: Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS ar. 5S67 and 5866.''

''Ed.: partly: Aḥmed Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1924 (Geographical section only); and French transl.: G. Demombynes, ''L'Afrique moins l'Egypte'', Paris 1927.''

''Exc.: MC 1236-1241 (from Paris MSS, Zaki Pasha and Demombynes); Mus'ad 241-246.''

''T.: MC, Mus'ad and Demombynes A: l''

''2.) ''At-ta'rīf li-l-muṣṭalaḥ ash-sharīf'' (A Handbook on Epistolography)''

''Ed.: Cairo 1884.''

''T.: Cairo A: 0''

1.) From "''Masālik al-abṣār''"

Ch. VI - The first of the countries [of Islam, from east to west] is al-Hind and as-Sind...<ref> Ibn Faḍlalla mentions first the Islamic territories in Asia, then Egypt, Syria and al-Ḥijāz – the last three being the bulwark and the heart of the Islamic world.</ref> Next comes the [whole of the] Islamic countries known as al-Ḥabasha. Al-Ḥabasha borders the territory of the Oases (''al-wāhāt'') and extends southwards to the Sea of the Ḥabasha '''[p. 508]''' on the east, the countries of the Christian and pagan Ḥabasha on the south, then the barren deserts on the west side and the Oases of the north. Next comes Kanem (''al-Kanām''), situated on the banks of the Nile at the same latitude as Dunqula. Next comes the country of Barqa, the country of Ifrīqiya which, on its southern frontiers, is contiguous with the country of the sūdān. (MS Paris 5868, fols. 2 r - 3 r; MC 1238 v).

The following information is from 'Abd ar-Raḥīm, a former chancellor in the region of the mines. He said that the distance between the mine and Qōs may be covered in eight days travelling at a moderate speed. The territory around the mine is inhabited by the Buja, who have the control of the mine and act as its guardians. The mine is situated on a mountain on the east bank of the Nile [looking] in the direction of the north. A large part of this mountain is known as Qarsanda. There is no other mountain in the vicinity. This mountain rises in an isolated plain, where no cultivation can be seen. Water is found at half-a-day's distance. This watering place is formed by the seasonal rains and is called ''Ghadīr A’yan'' and the water is more or less plentiful according to the rainfall. The mine lies in a long stretch of desert land, where a kind of white stone is found, from which the emerald is extracted. (MS 5868, fols. 166 v - 167 r; MC 1238 v).

Qōs ... is the first halting place for the trade caravans going to al-Hind, al-Ḥabasha, al-Yaman and al-Ḥijāz ... From Qōs one can proceed to Aswān and thence to the Nūba country. From Aswān a branch route turns eastwards across the desert and leads to 'Aydhāb, whence one sails to Judda. (Paris, MS 5868, fols. 201 r - 202 r; MC 1238 v).

'''[p. 509]''' Ch. VIII - Now we are going to give a general description of the countries of the Ḥabasha, both Moslems and infidels.

... It is said that on the eastern frontier turning a little towards the north, this country [Ḥabasha] begins from the Sea of al-Hind and Yemen. In this country the river Sayḥūn flows, the river with sweet water (''an-nahr al-ḥilū'') from which the Nile of Egypt parts... The extreme part of the eastern frontier is in a desert land called Wādī Baraka. It is said that this wādī leads to a region called Sahart, formerly called Tigrāy. Here there was the ancient capital of the kingdom, called Akshum (sic!) in one of their languages, or Zarfartā, which was another name for it. It was the residence of the earliest ''najāshī'', who was the king of the entire country. Next is the territory (''iqlīm'') of Amḥara, where is the capital of the kingdom nowadays, called Mar'adī; next is the territory of Shāwa, Damūt, Sanū... (MS 5067, fol. 19 v; MC 1240 r-v).

Ch. IX — [Chapter Nine deals with the Moslem kingdoms of the Blacks (''sūdān'') who dwell along the Nile, It is divided into two sections, the one dealing with the Kanem (''al-Kanām''), the other with the Nūba.]

Section One: The Kanem. The king of the Kanem is a Muslim and is Independent. His country is at a great distance from Māllī. The capital of his kingdom la a place called Jīmī; his empire begins at a place called Zella (''Zalla'') on the frontier of Egypt, and ends at a place called Kākā, three months away from Jimi. His troops wear a muffler (''lithām'').

... Instead of coins, they make use of a locally woven cloth, called ''dandī''. Each piece is 10 cubits long and is divided into smaller pieces, the least of which is half-a-cubit. In their transactions they make '''[p. 510]''' use also of cowries, glass-ware, fragments of copper and silver coins; but the value of these wares is calculated on the basis of the cloth. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 23 v; MC 1240 v).

Section Two: The Nūba (''an-nūba''). They dwell next to Egypt in the extreme south, on the banks of the Nile of Egypt. Their capital is Dunqula and their towns are more like villages and hamlets than towns, poor in resources (''khayr'') and agricultural products (''khiṣb'') and with a dry climate. The Ayyubids found it inhospitable at the time of Saladin, when his brother Tūrānshāh led an army to conquer it, but [later] directed it towards al-Yaman. They were afraid that Shahīd Nūraddīn Maḥmud ibn Zankī might attack them in Cairo and take their power away from them which they exercised. So they decided to occupy a country in their rear, which might become their refuge. That is why they went to Nubia. When they realized it was not a country suitable for such people as they were, they turned to Al-Yaman. The religion (''adyān'') of the population of this country is Christianity (''dīn an-naṣrāniyya''). Their king is a man like the others (''ka'anna-hu wāḥid min al-'āmma'').

The wise man Luqmān comes from their country... Also from Nubia came Dhū-l-Νūn, the Egyptian, and Abū-l-Fīḍ (Fayyiḍ) Tūbān (Thūbān) b. Ibrāhīm, whose father was a Nubian slave, freed by the Qurayshites. When any one discussed about asceticism in his presence [the Caliph] Ja'far al-Mutawakkil used to say: - 'Go and make yourself another Dhū-l-Nūn'. His name has been mentioned among the pious beggars. He was called "the Egyptian" because he lived in Egypt and his tomb can be seen at Qarāfa.

'''[p. 511]'''… The king of this country is at present a Muslim<ref>Dr. Mus’ad says that the first member of the Kanz family who reigned in Dongola was Kanz-ad-Dawla b. Shujā’ ad-Dīn Naṣr Fakhr ad-Dīn Mālik b. al-Kanz, whom the Nubians proclaimed their king after the killing of ‘Abdalla Barshanbō, 717 H./1317 A.D..</ref> of the family of Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla. These Awlād al-Kanz are descendants of a family about which we have already spoken. Nowadays, no king can reign there without the consent of the Sultanian Court of Cairo. The kings of Dunqula owe a certain tribute (''ḥiml muqarrar'') to the Sovereign of Egypt. This tribute (''itāwa'') does not consist of gold or silver, but of a certain number of slaves (''ʿabīd''), male and female, spears (''ḥirāb'') and wild animals of Nubia.

I was told by more than one person who had travelled in Nubia that Dunqula is a town on the bank of the Nile. Its inhabitants live a very hard life, yet they are more honest than many other sūdān. The town has a great mosque (''masjad jāmiʿ''), where travellers can stay. The messengers of the king come to invite them to the audience. When they are in his presence, he treats them as guests; both he and his emirs (''umaraʾ'') generously give them presents. The most prized present consists of a slave, male or female, but more often it consists of ''dakādīk'', which are rough, thick tunics, generally of a black dye.

Meat, milk products and fish are plentiful in their country, but cereals are rare, except for dhurra. The most exquisite dish is that made with ''lūbiyā'' bean's soaked in a broth of meat (''maraq''); bread is soaked In the broth and is then dressed with meat and ''lūbiyā'' beans together with leaves and roots. They are strongly inclined to get drunk with wheat alcohol (''mizr''). They have also a strong inclination for singing (''ṭarab''). Aḥmad b. al-Mu'aẓẓamī, who visited that country and others beyond it several times while accompanying his father on expeditions '''[p. 512]''' (''rasliyya''), told me that the kings of the sūdān raise dogs and clothe them; such dogs spend the night at their masters' side, sitting on beds, and act as their bodyguard (''kal-ḥurrās'').

The Nūba wage war (''la-hum qitāl'') and show a great prowess among themselves, despite their physical weakness and their little strength. (Mus'ad, pp. 241 - 244).

From Masālik, Vol. I, Part II (Geography)

The First Climate (''iqlīm''), includes the countries and islands, known and inhabited, facing the Indian Sea or any of its branches, or any other branch of the ocean connected with it [the Indian Sea], whether in the east or in the west. Among these countries there are:

... The country of Kanem (''bilād Kanām''). One of their towns is Jīmī, a small town neighbouring the Nūba, and the town of Zaghāwa (''madīna Z.''); their capital is a town [called] Mānān (''madīna Mānān'') where their king has his residence.

... The country of the Tajūwīn. - The natives (''qawm'') are pagans (''majūs'') without any revealed religion (''dīn'').

... The country of the Nūba. - Their capital is Dunqula; one of their towns is Kūsha<ref>The original has “''Karsha''”, which the editor of ''Al-Maktaba'' corrected into “''Kūsha''”. Mus’ad, p. 127, mentions that O.G.S. Crawford, ''The Fung Kingdom of Sennar'' (p. 27, n. 29) proposed the identification of Kūsa (Kūsha) with Zankor (Zānkur) in Wādī al-Milk.</ref>, the town of 'Alwa, the town of Bāliq (Bilāq ?), the country (''bilād'') of the Buja, the country of the Ḥabasha, whose chief town is Janbayta, a great town, densely populated but situated in a desert far from cultivation. This town is connected with the river which ends in the Nile flowing through the country of the Ḥabasha. On this river '''[p. 513]''' there is the town of Marrakata (Markaṭa) and the town of Mayjā'a. The sharīf [Idrīsī] claimed that this river flows north-west towards the land of the Nūba and flows into the Nile; its banks are cultivated in the land of the Ḥabasha. He also said that the majority of travellers were mistaken about this river as they identified it with the Nile of Egypt simply because they observed the occurrence of the flood and the decrease at the same time in both rivers. He also said that Ptolemy Claudius himself made this statement in his "Jughrāfiyā".

... The Red Sea Islands. - ... The island of Sawākin is not a great kingdom, nor has it any large commercial depot. All its natives are Muslims, who practice Islam. Sheep of high quality are exported from this island to Egypt, not for food or for breeding, but just for show.

The islands of Dahlak were mentioned in the time of Abū-s-Sadād Malik b. Abī-l-Fayyīḍ, who had some talent as a prose writer and a poet. He was mentioned by A'azz b. Qalāqis in one of his poems. The Lord of Sawākin is Sharīf Zayd b. Abī Namī al-Ḥasanī who is subject to Egypt. (Mus’ad, pp. 245 - 246).

The Ethiopian sheep are very similar to the sheep of 'Aydhāb and Yemen.

The Nile flows down from Jabal al-Qamar ... through ten streams, five of which flow into one lake and the other five into another. From the eastern lake a small river rises, flowing along the foot of the Qāqūlī Mountain. This river passes through some towns of that country and empties itself into the Hindi Sea. From these two lakes, six rivers rise, three from each lake, and end all in one lake.

... In the place where the six rivers end in one lake which someone called "The Swamp" (''batīha'') we notice a '''[p. 514]''' mountain (''jabāl'') protruding into the lake, thus dividing its waters into two streams. One half of the waters flow out from the west side of the lake and this [river] is called the Nile of the blacks (''Nīl as-sūdān''). It becomes a river completely independent and is [also] called "the river of the Damādim". It flows westwards between Samghara and Ghāna, passing south of Samghara and north of Ghāna. A branch turns south, touches the town of Barnīsa, flowing along the foot of a mountain (''ya'khud taḥt jabāl''), south of that town beyond the equator as far as Ruqayla. Then it forms a lake. The other branch continues flowing westwards through the countries of Māllī, Takrūr until it ends in the ocean, north of the town of Qalbatū.

The other stream leaves the lake from the northern aide, flows towards the town of Jīmī. Here a branch parts from the main watercourse flowing towards the town of Saharta, then it turns southwards and bends south-east again towards Saharta, then towards the town of Marka and ends [upstream] on the equator at Long. 65° - which is marked on the map with this figure "65". The main bed of the Nile, however, continues [to receive the aforementioned branch] near the town of Shīmī and turns towards the north passing through the country of the Ḥabasha; it traverses the country of the Sūdān flowing in a northerly direction, and then it touches the town of Dunqula, and thence it flows through the cataract. (Paris MS 5867, fol. 210 r; Demombynes, p. 69).

2.) From "''At-Ta’rīf''"

The protocol of the Lord of Dunqula (''Ṣāḥib D.'').

He is subject (''ra'īyya'') of the Lord of Egypt. He must bring every year a tribute (''ḥiml'') which was imposed on him. In his country the ''khutba'' is made in the name of '''[p. 515]''' the reigning Caliph and in the name of the Lord of Egypt. The protocol to be used in the official correspondence with him is the following:

This letter is addressed to the Great Throne (''majlis''), the Magnificent (''ghāzī'') Sultan, the unparalleled Fighter and Champion (''mujāhid''), the Protector of the Glory of Islam, the Ornament of Mankind, Glory of the Fighters, Column of the Kings and the Sultans. This is said if he is a Muslim. If he is not a Muslim, he is addressed with the same protocol in use for the King of Sīs, who is not called ‘Sultan’.<ref>The protocol of the King of Sīs: This letter is addressed to the Majesty of the Magnificent King, the Valiant Champion (''baṭal''), the Magnanimous as-Sargham, al-Ghafandar Lighon (Leo), son of Washīn, Glory of the Christian people (''al-millat an-naṣrāniyya''), Column of the Children of Baptism, Friend of Kings and Sultans. (ed. Cairo, p. 52). (Cairo, p. 29).</ref>

The shaykh of the Ḥawāriba (Ḥadāriba) Samura b. Malik rules over innumerable people and has a considerable power (''shawka''). He carries out raids in al-Ḥabasha and among the peoples (''umam'') of ''Sūdān'', and comes back with booty and prisoners. He plays a very good role. He once came on a visit to the Sultan and honoured the Sultan's Guest House with his presence. The Sultan, in turn, granted him a special banner (''liwāʿ'') and made him a noble (''sharīf'') and girded him with a sword. The Sultan wrote to all his walls in Upper Egypt even the remotest ones, and to the ʿUrbān, ordering them to lend him (Samura) support and protection and to join him whenever he would go on a raid. Samura also received a decree (''manshūr'') stating that all the territories he conquered should become his own fief, and was proclaimed emir of the 'Urbān of Upper Egypt south of Qōs as far as the point where his banner is hoisted. In the official '''[p. 516]''' correspondence his protocol is: "The Excellent Emir", (''as-sāmī al-amīr''). (ibid., p. 77).

Miṣr is enclosed within four frontiers, i.e. the southern frontier beginning from the Red Sea at ‘Aydhāb, passes through the country of the Badāriba and the Rūm of Nubia (''ilā ar-rūm min bilād an-nūba''), then stretches beyond the cataracts (''janādil'') which lie in the land where the Nile enters the mountains of the mines (''ilā jibāl al-ma'dan''), and further on to the desert of the Ḥabasha, etc. (ibid., p. 173).

From Qōs, the postal service (''barīd'') makes use of camels (''hujun'') as far as Aswān and 'Aydhāb and further on to Nubia and Sawākin, according to the circumstances. (ibid., pp. 187 - 189).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Qalqashandi

2015-08-06T16:17:04Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 566-584]'''

AL-QALQASHANDĪ

''(d. 1418 A.D.)''

''Shihāb ad-dīn Abū-l-‘Abbās b. Aḥmad b. 'Abdalla al-Qalqashandī al-Miṣrī b. A. Judda. An Egyptian Jurist and later a Secretary in the Chancery of the Sultan, whose archives he used.''

''Brockelmann 2, 134; EI (s.v. Ḳalḳashandi).''

''Subḥ al-a'shā fī ṣina'at al-inshāʾ'' (The Dawn Light to the Blind in the Art of Letter-writing)''

''Ed.: Publ. de la Bibl. Khédiv. 17, 14 vols., Cairo 1913-1919; Repr. Cairo 1945-1963.''

''T.: Cairo 1913 ss A: 0''

'''[p. 567]''' [The Red Sea]

Then [the Sea of Qulzum] widens up to 90 miles towards the south and east. That part is called "Pool of Gharundul" (''birka Gharundul''), where God drowned the Pharaoh; then it stretches southwards, inclining a little to the west until [it reaches] 'Aydhāb, which is also the port of Qōs. Along the opposite shore lies the land of Ḥejāz with its bay (''farḍa'') called after Jedda, the port of the noble Mecca. Then it extends in a southerly direction (''samt'') along the coast of the country of Blacks (''Sūdān'') as far as near ''Sawākin'', which is in the country of the Beja (''al-Buja''). Then it also encircles the island of Dahlak, which is near the western coast and is inhabited by [a race of] Moslem Ḥabasha.

The Gulf of Barbar is a branch of the Indian Sea south of Jabal al-Mandib. It stretches south of the country of the Ḥabasha inclining towards the west till it reaches the town of Barbar, Long. 68°, Lat. 6° 30', which is the capital of the Zaghāwah, a branch of the Sūdān. (Cairo I, p. 244).

[The Sūdān]<ref>A quotation from Ibn Sa’īd al-Andalusī (q.v.).</ref>

All their tribes (''aḥiāʾ'') are descendants of Hām b. Noah. Ṭabarī, quoting Ibn Isḥāq, said: The Ḥabasha are children of Kūsh, son of Hām; the Nūba, the Zinj [or Zanj] and the Zaghāwa are children of Kana'ān son of Hām. Ibn Sa’īd mentioned that the Ḥabasha are descendants of Ḥabash (''banī Ḥabash''); the Nūba are descendants of ''Nūbah'' or Banī Nūbī, and the Zinj are from the Banī Zinj; but the does not advance further in their genealogies. It is probable that they are the children of Hām or of other [similar] ancestors. (ibid. I, p. 368).

'''[p. 568]''' [The Emerald Mines]

The emerald mines (''az-zumurrud'') are found in the border area (''tukhūm'') between Miṣr and the Sūdān, behind the town of Aswān, on Egyptian soil. They are on a mountain which protrudes like a bridge. (ibid. II, pp. 107 - 108).<ref>The passage which follows may have some connection with Nubian archaeology: “The insignia of the [Muslim] kings (''al-alāt al-mulūkīyya'')… The umbrella (''mizallah''): its Persian name is al-Khepez (?), it consists of a dome (''qubba'') and the bird (''at-tā’ir''). The dome is made of yellow silk fabrics and carried over the head of the king, on a pole held by an emir who rides behind the king and protects him when he rides in the sun during solemn processions. We shall describe it better, when we shall talk about the organisation of the Fatimid dynasty. (Cairo II, p. 133). Cf. also Monneret, Storia, p. 178 s.</ref>

['Aydhāb]

The first<ref>The other sea ports, were Kosair, Tor Sinā and Suez.</ref> port (''ṣāhil'') is 'Aydhāb. It is the favourite landing place for ship captains crossing over to it from Jedda. It has abundant waters and guaranteed safety from drowning and from becoming stuck in the sea-weed growing out from the sea bed. From this coast one can transport one's goods to Qōs and from Qōs to the caravanserai of the merchants (''funduq al-kārim'') at Fusṭāṭ, by the river Nile. (ibid. III, p. 468).

They [the Sultans] also kept a fleet at 'Aydhāb, which guarded the merchants (''al-kārim'') travelling between 'Aydhāb and Sawākin and the area surrounding it, from attacks made by the inhabitants of the islands of the Red Sea who used to attack the ships. This fleet originally consisted of five ships but was later reduced to three. The wālī of Qōs was the commandant of this department (''mutawallī al-amr''): an emir from the court (''al-bāb'') might take over the command: he received from the arsenal whatever he needed in the way of arms. (ibid. III, p. 524).

'''[p. 569]''' [Nomad Arabs in Upper Egypt]

The author, Shihābaddīn ibn Faḍlalla al-‘Umarī, said that the prefecture (''imrah'') of Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī'') in his time which was the period of Sultan Nāṣir ibn Qalāwūn and his slave lieutenants (''mawālī'') - was held by one Nāṣir ad-dīn 'Umar ibn Faḍl. The author did not mention his [Nāṣireddīn's] residence, nor the branch of Arabs to which he belonged. He also said that the prefecture above Aswān belonged to [some] Arabs called al-Ḥadāriyya [sic! in the Arabic text, but it must be read al-Ḥadāriba] of the [branch of] Samura ibn Mālik. He [Faḍlalla] said: He [Samura ibn Mālik] rules over many subjects and possesses a strong body of warriors, carries out raids against the Ḥabasha and returns with spoils and prisoners. He enjoys a high reputation; he sent a delegation to the Sultan who honoured their dwelling by ordering a flag to be hoisted over it. He [Samura] was also awarded (''qullida'') honours and insignia. Letters were sent [from the Sultan's diwān] to all the wālīs of Upper Egypt and to other Arab Bedouins [ordering them] to help and protect [Samura] and to join him whenever he decided to go on a raid. An official decree (''manshūr'') was sent to him concerning the countries which he would conquer and to assign to him the prefecture (''imra'') of the Bedouin Arabs of Upper Egypt, beyond Qos, up to the extreme end of the land over which his [Samura] flag is unfurled.

I add: - As for the present time, since the Ḥawwāra Arabs moved from the district of Buḥaira (''ʿamal al-buḥaira'') to Upper Egypt and settled there, they have spread over those territories (''arjāʾ'') like locusts and occupied the districts from Bahnasa to the frontier of Aswān and its dependencies. All the Bedouin Arabs (''ʿurbān'') were completely subjected to them all throughout Upper Egypt. (ibid. IV, p. 69).

'''[p. 570]''' [The Kingdoms of the Sūdān. The First Kingdom: The Buja Country]

The correct pronunciation is ''al-Bujā''. They have the lightest complexion of all the ''Sūdān''.<ref>The other sūdān kingdoms are: III – The kingdom of Barnū (Cairo V, p. 279), IV – Kānim (ibid., p. 280), V – Mallī and its dependencies (''muḍafat'') viz. Sūsū, Ghāna, Kawkaw, and Takrūr (ibid., pp. 282-286), VI - Ḥabasha (Ethiopia) (ibid., pp. 302-227).</ref> Their homeland is the south-eastern part of the Ṣa'īd, between the Nile end the sea, near Egypt (''ad-diyār al-miṣriyya''). Their capital is Sawākin.

The author of ''Taqwīm al-buldān'' (Abū-l-fidā'), where he deals with the Sea of Qulzum, says that [Sawākin] is a small country (''bulayda'') belonging to the Blacks (''li-s-sūdān'').

I add: - I was told by someone who visited Sawākin, that it is an island near the west coast of the Red Sea (''baḥr al-Qulzum'') very close to the mainland (''al-barr''); it is inhabited by traders. Its ruler is now an Arab [of the tribe] known under the name of Ḥadāriba. He exchanges letters with the court of the Sultan of Egypt. In his protocol (''ta'rīf'') he is called ''Ḥudrubī''; as will be mentioned in the fourth treatise (''maqāla'') dealing with the official correspondence. (ibid. V, p. 274).

[Abū-l-fidā'] said in ''Taqwīm al-buldān'' that al-'Allāqī ... is near the Read Sea ... it has bad anchorage (''maqhās''). On the mountain near it is a gold mine but the output is so small as barely to cover the mining expenses. Al-Muhallabī said: - From Aswān, if you turn right to the east, you arrive at 'Allāqī in 12 days. Between 'Allāqī and 'Aydhāb the journey takes 8 days. From ‘Allāqī one enters into the land of the Bujā. (ibid. V, p. 274).

'''[p. 571]''' [The Second Kingdom: The Nūba Country]

Some of them are of a light complexion; some others are very dark. The author of ''Masālik al-abṣār'' said: - Their country lies next to Egypt on the extreme south and adjoins the Maghrib, extending on both sides of the Nile of Egypt. The author of ''Taqwīm al-Buldān'' speaking about the countries lying on the southern borders, says that between them and the country of the Nūba there are impregnable mountains. Their capital is ''Dunqula''. The same author says that this is its correct spelling, based on the current pronunciation of the Egyptians. I noticed in ''Rawḍ al-Mi’ṭār'' that it is spelt ''Damqula'' and a verse was quoted in support of this spelling. Its position is in the First of the Seven Climates. (Qalqashandī, quoting Ibn Sa’īd, gives its position: Long. 58° 10' Lat. 14° 15').

He [Ibn Sa'īd] said: - South and west of the Nūba there are the homes (''majālāt'') of the Zanj branch of the Nūba, whose capital is ''Kūsha'', beyond the equator and west of Dunqula. Al-Idrīsī said that [Dunqula] is situated on the west bank of the Nile, built on its bank, and the population drinks its water. The inhabitants are Sūdān, the best race among the Sūdān for [their] features and build. Their main food is barley and dhurra: dates are imported from outside; they eat meat from camel, which they consume either fresh (''ṭariyya''), or dried in the sun (''mu'addada'') and later boiled (''matbūkh'') [other reading: ''maṭḥūn'', crushed]. In their territories are elephants, giraffes and gazelles, (ibid. V, p. 275).

Because the Ayyubids feared for their lives if Nūraddīn ash-Shahīd, the Lord of Syria, attacked them, the Sultan Saladin sent his brother, Shams ad-Dawla, to Nubia to conquer it, to make it their refuge if attacked. But they [Ayyubids] found [Nubia] inhospitable to people '''[p. 572]''' like themselves, so they changed [their direction] towards Yemen, occupied it and made it their stronghold, (ibid. V, pp. 276 - 277).

Ibn Sa'īd said: - The religion of the inhabitants or this country is Christianity. (ibid. V, p. 276).

[The Last Nubian Kings]

Both the kings and the people of Nubia were in the olden days Christians. When 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ conquered Egypt, he carried out raids against them.

It is said in ''Rawd al-Mi'ṭār'' that he ['Abdalla b. Sa'īd] saw that they were able to shoot the eyes [of their enemies] with arrows; therefore, he imposed on them a yearly tribute (''itāwah'').

The author of ''Al-'Ibar'' said: - After him ['Abdalla], the kings of Egypt applied that [treaty]; but sometimes, either because [the Nubians] delayed the payment or because they plainly refused [to pay], the armies of the Muslims of Egypt invaded them to enforce obedience, until, in the time of aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars there rose to power a man called M.R. Qshankuz<ref>Only the last two vowels are notated in Arabic. No doubt this is the same person whom Maqrīzī calls Sh.K.N.D.H (Shekandah) and Ibn Khaldūn M.R.T.Sh.K.N. (Mertshekin ?). </ref> (Shekanda?). He had a nephew (''ibn akh''), the son of his brother, by name David (''Dāwūd'') who vanquished him [Mrqshankuz] and took the kingdom from him. He became powerful and crossed the frontier of his kingdom near Aswān into the extreme part of the Ṣa'īd of Egypt. The above mentioned M.rq.shankuz came to aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars in Egypt asking for help against his nephew (''ibn akhīhi''), the said David. [The Sultan] despatched an army to the country of the Nūba. David was defeated and escaped to the kingdom of al-Abwāb, a '''[p. 573]''' country of the Sūdān, but that king arrested him and sent him in irons to aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars, who imprisoned him in the fortress (''al-qal'a'') until he died. Then M.rq.shankuz reigned without any rival in Nubia, paying the ''jizya'' every year, until the reign of al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn. Later on, during the reign of al-Manṣūr, a man called Simāmūn occupied the kingdom of Dunqula and the army of Qalāwūn invaded it in the year 680 H. (be¬gun 22 April 1281 A.D.).

Later, under an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwūn, a man by name Amāy reigned, until he died in the year 716 H. [1316 A.D.]. After him his brother K.R.N.B.S. (Kerenbes?)<ref>Printed without vowels in the Arabic edition. But Monneret (''Storia'', p. 219) proved from a Coptic inscription that his name was “Kudanbes”.</ref> reigned in Dunqulah.

Then a man called Nashlī rose from their royal house. He fled to Egypt, embraced Islam sincerely and stayed at the court of the Sultan in Egypt. The Sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir assigned him a revenue (''rizq''), and continued doing so until Kerenbes stopped paying the ''jizya'' in the year 716 H. [1316 A.D.]. The Sultan sent against Kerenbes an army accompanied by the above mentioned Nashlī, who had taken the name of 'Abdalla. Kerenbes fled to the country of al-Abwāb and 'Abdalla Nashlī reigned in the kingdom of Dongola as a Muslim and the army returned to Egypt. Al-Malik an-Nāṣir sent to the king of al-Abwāb for Kerenbes, and the king of al-Abwāb sent him to al-Malik an-Nāṣir. He [Kerenbes] embraced Islam and stayed at the court of the Sultan, while Nashlī reigned until the people of his country killed him in the year 719 H. [1319 A.D.]. Then the Sultan sent Kerenbes to reign over them. The ''jizya'' ceased being collected since their kings had become Muslims. (ibid. V, pp. 276 - 277).

'''[p. 574]''' [The author of] ''Al-‘Ibar'' said: - Then the clans (''aḥjāʾ'') or the Juhayna Arabs spread over the Nubian country, settled there and caused damage and destruction; the kings [of the Nubians] were unable to ward them [the Arabs] off; they therefore gave their daughters in marriage [to the Arabs] in an attempt to flatter them. Eventually, their [Nubian] kingdom collapsed. For, the [Nubian] kingdom passed to some Juhayna through the fact that their mothers [inherited the right of succession], according to the custom of these foreigners (''ra'ī al-'ajam'') which is to enthrone (''tamlīk'')<ref>Or: “to make one in possession”.</ref> either the sister or the sister's son (''wa-ibn al-ukht'') [of the deceased king]. That is how their kingdom broke in pieces, and the Juhayna became the masters of the country. But they [the Juhayna] were incapable of ruling, because each one thought only of his own interest and they split [the kingdom] into many fractions. No vestige (''rasm'') of monarchic rule (''mulk'') remained: they became nomads (''rahhāla bādiya'') like the Arabs, to the present day. (ibid. V, pp. 277 - 278).

[The Awlād Kanz]

[The author of] ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' mentioned that their present king [of Dongola] was a Muslim from Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla. He said that these Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla were descendants of a family (''bayt'') which led revolts on several occasions. It is believed that Awlād Kanz are a branch of the Juhayna... He also mentioned in ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' that their [the Nubians'] Sultan is like one of the common folk and gives shelter to the foreign visitors in the mosque (''jamiʿ'') of Dunqula: he sends for them and they come to him, he treats them as guests; he, as '''[p. 575]''' well as his emirs, present them with gifts which, in most instances, consist of ''dikādik'', which are thick tunics (''aksiya''), usually black in colour; sometimes he gives them a slave man or a girl as a present.

The author of ''Rawḍ al-Mi’ṭār'' mentioned that 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ was eager to wage war against the Nūba, but he noticed that they were very skillful in shooting the eyes with arrows; therefore, he gave up and imposed upon them an annual tribute (''itāwa'') consisting of slaves. The kings of Egypt used to levy this tribute from them most of the time, so that the author of ''Masālik al-Abṣār'' said that in his time the Nubians had to pay annually to the kings of Egypt a fixed tribute (''muqarrar'') consisting of slaves (''ʿabīd''), girls (''imāʾ'') [= maidservants], spears (''ḥirāb'') and Nubian wild game (''wuḥūsh nūbiyya'').

I add: - Now, all this tribute has completely ceased [being paid]. (ibid. V, pp. 275 - 278).

[The Coming of Nubia under Jacobite Jurisdiction]

After the death of Patriarch Benjamin [661 A.D.], the [seat] of the Patriarchate remained in the sole hands of the Jacobites, who prevailed all over Egypt (''Miṣr''). They appointed Jacobite bishops to all their sees and sent their bishops to the Nūba and the Ḥabasha so that these became Jacobites...

In this [Patriarch Agathon's, 661 - 677 A.D.] time, the churches of the Melkites were taken over by the Jacobites... A patriarch was [later] appointed for the Melkites, after they had been without a patriarch about one hundred years, since the time of the caliphate of Omar. [But] the supreme patriarchal power (''ri'āsat al-Batrak'') remained in the hands of the Jacobites; it was they who sent bishops to the districts (''an-nawāḥī'') and '''[p. 376]''' since that time (''min hunā'')<ref>Or: “therefore”.</ref> the Nubians and chose Ḥabasha who live beyond them became Jacobites. (ibid. V, p. 314).

[The Nā’ib of Al-Abwāb]

The formula (''ṣūrah'') [of titles] [to use when addressing the viceroys (''nuwwāb'')] is the one mentioned in ''at-Tathqīf'' among the titles (''alqāb'') of the viceroy (''Nā’ib'') of al-Abwāb: ‘The Excellent (''jalīl'') Nā’ib, the Honoured, the Respectable, the Holy (''al-qiddīs''), the Spiritual (''ar-rūhānī'')’, and the other epithets are the same as those given to the king (''mutamallik'') of Sīs...

The protocol [of the king of Sīs] is the same as that mentioned in “''at-Tathqīf''” among the titles of the Lord of Dongola (''Ṣāḥib Dunqulah''): ’The Excellent Nā’ib, the Honoured, the Respectable, the Lion (''al-asad''), the Gallant (''al-bāsil'') N.N. ... Glory of the Christian Community (''majd al-millat al-masīḥiyya''), the Great One in the Nation of the Cross (''Kabīr aṭ-ṭā’ifat aṣ-ṣalībīyya''), the Shoot of the Kings and Sultans (''ghars al-mulūk wa-s-salāṭīn'').' (ibid. VI, p. 180).

[Samura - The Chief of the Arabs in Upper Egypt]

As for the Arabs in Upper Egypt (''al-wajh al-qiblī''), "''at-Ta’rīf''" mentioned two... the second one is Samura b. Mālik. He said: - This man commands an innumerable multitude and has considerable power. He raids the Ḥabasha and the nations of the Blacks (''umam as-sūdān'') and brings back spoils and captives. (ibid. VII, p. 162).

'''[p. 577]''' [The Official Correspondence with the Arab Princes of the Southern Territories]

Among those with whom official correspondence is kept, there are some who live along the routes (''ṭuruqāt'') which link Egypt with the countries of the Ḥabasha and others. The author of ''at-Ta’rīf'' said:- Perhaps there are also Arab nomads (''ʿurbān'') [who are] subjects of Egypt (''al-mamālik al-maḥrūsa''), but they have no fixed residence. Among them the following eight persons are mentioned. Some of them were addressed as "Throne" (''majlis''), some others as "Princes" (''amīr''):

1. Samura b. Kāmil al-'āmirī.

2. Abbād b. Qāsim.

3. Kamāl b. Suwār. He [al-'Umarī] added: - This is new in the official correspondence, [as the first letter] dates back to the first decade of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 763 H. [February 1362 A.D.].

4. Junayd, shaykh of the Jawābra, a branch of the Hakāriyya, in the [territory of] Abwāb of Nubia (''Abwāb an-Nūba''). He added: - He is new in the correspondence, [the first letter] dating from the year 769 H. [= 1367 A.D.].

5. Sharīf, shaykh of the Namānima, he too in the territory of Abwāb of Nubia; his correspondence was resumed at that time.

6. 'Alī, shaykh of the Dughaym.

7. Zāmil ath-thānī.

8. Abū Muhannā al-‘Umrānī. (ibid. VIII, pp. 5-6).

[The Official Correspondence with the Four Muslim Kings of the Sūdān]

The first is the king of the Nūba. He is the Lord of the town of Dunqula. [The correspondence with him] is exhaustively dealt with in the Second Treatise (''maqālah'') '''[p. 578]''' of "''al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik''". The author of “''at-Ta’rīf''” said: - He has to pay a fixed annual tribute (''ḥiml'') imposed on him. In his country the ''khuṭbah'' is made in the name of the reigning Caliph and in the name of the Lord of Egypt.

I add: - This was true under the reign of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad Ibn Qalāwūn; this tribute (''itāwa'') had been imposed on them from the time of the conquest under the emirate of 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ. Later on, it was interrupted, at times, and resumed, according to the prevailing state of obedience or rebellion. Today, Nubia is an independent kingdom. Therefore, I placed the [protocol of the] correspondence of its lord in the chapter dealing with the kings. If he is a Muslim, the correspondence with him adopts the titles shown in ''at-Ta'rīf'': e.g. "This letter is sent to the High Throne (''al-majlis al-jalīl'') the Great, the Ghāzi,<ref>Lit.: “the Champion (of Islam)”, a title currently given to sultans.</ref> the Fighter of the Holy War (''al-mujāhid''), the Helper (''al-mu'ayyid''), the Unique (''al-awhad''), the Protector, the Glory of Islam, the Ornament of Mankind, the Honour of the Fighters of the Holy War, the Column of the Kings and Sultans." This (protocol) has been quoted from ''Tathqīf''.<ref>The first of the list is the Lord of Amḥarah (VIII, pp. 39-41).</ref> The author (of ''Tathqīf'') added: - I did not find any correspondence actually exchanged between the [two] parties (''jamā'a''). During my tenure of office no correspondence was exchanged with him. I have seen in the register, attributed to the Secretary al-'Alā'ī ibn Faḍlalla, that this is his protocol, and that after "Column of the Kings and Sultans" one must add: "God make his happiness eternal and bring him to the abodes of His Will!". Then he added: - The correspondence with him is [written on] '''[p. 579]''' paper of ordinary size and the appellative used is: "His brother (''akhūhu'')". It is also well known that the titles (''alqāb'') roust appear in the address (''ʿunwān''), together with his specific title "Lord of Dongola" (''Ṣāḥib Dunqula''). (ibid. VIII, pp. 7-8).

[The Official Correspondence with the Kings of the Infidels (''Kuffār'') who Dwell South of Egypt]

The second is the Lord of Dunqula (''Ṣāḥib Dunqula''). It has already been mentioned in ''al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik'' that Dunqula is the capital of the kingdom of the Nūba and that in the beginning its king was a Christian from the Nubian people, and their belief was that of the Jacobites; probably some Muslim Arabs overpowered [Nubia] and occupied it. We have already explained how one should write to the Lord of Nubia if he is a Muslim. But if he is a Christian, the author of ''Tathqīf'' said that he is addressed in this way: "To the ''Nā’ib'' (Representative), the Honoured, the Respectable, the Lion, the Gallant N.N. etc." His address and specific title is: "The Nā'ib [who resides] at Dunqula." (ibid. VIII, pp. 41 - 42).

[Letters Originating from the Kings of Ḥabasha]

The custom concerning them was that they be written on paper of a size (''qatʿ'') ... [lacuna] ... in the language ... [lacuna] ... I did not find any copy of this correspondence except one letter, addressed to the king aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars together with correspondence to and from the Lord of Yemen, which I picked out from some registers (''muṣsanafā''t).<ref>Qalqashandī wrote the following note about the Ethiopian King [Dawit I, 1380-1411 A.D., abdicated]: “I can add that al-Ḥaṭī, who is the king of the Christian Ḥabasha, has invaded most of the [neighbouring] kingdoms since the year 800 [=1396 A.D.]… and that he forced the majority of their populations to embrace Christianity. The only kings who resisted so far are Ibn Mismār, whose realm is situated opposite the Dahlak island, but is under the authority of the Ethiopian king…, and the Sultan Sa’d ad-Dīn, the Lord of Zayla’ and Dependencies who does not recognise the Christian king at all, but stands in arms against him. (V, 335, 337). </ref>

'''[p. 580]''' I add: - The reply to this letter has been given above. It was written by ''qāḍī'' Muhīy ad-dīn ibn 'Abd aẓ-Ẓāhir [and is found] in the Treatise (''Kalām'') dealing with the letters despatched by the court of the Sultan to the infidels of the southern lands. But the contents of the said letter do not agree with his claims of grandeur. In fact, were he [the king of Ḥabasha] not so dependant [on Egypt] so that he accepts the archbishop sent him by the Patriarch of Egypt, his pride would have exalted him to the stars, in his letter; but this may have happened in the past. (ibid. VIII, pp. 119 - 120).

[Recommendations (''Waṣāyā'') to the Patriarchs<ref>These and the other letters send to the Oriental Christian Patriarchs mirror the situation of the time of the Crusades.</ref>]

The Secretary (''kātib''), when sending letters to holders of any office, should add some appropriate orders (''waṣāyā'') according to each post. (ibid. XI, p. 92).

If [the addressee] is the Patriarch of the Melkite Christians (''Baṭraq an-naṣārā al-malikāniyya''),<ref>Here (and XI, p. 85) Qalqashandī wrote “''al-malikāniyya''” (with vowels notated), further on (XI, p. 392 ff) he wrote “''batriqiyya an-naṣārā al-malikiyya''” meaning the same as “''malikāniyya''”.</ref> he [the secretary] should enjoin him to observe his religious law (''shir'atu-hu'') in matters of mercy, and to give no shelter to foreigners (''al-ghurabāʾ'') who come to him, if they are suspects. He should neither pass on to him any information he may have heard from the Sultan, nor conceal any letter that he [the Patriarch] may receive from a king, nor send a reply to the same: He should keep away from the sea (''yatajannab al-baḥr'') and from anything coming from overseas, about which suspicions could arise.

'''[p. 581]''' If the addressee is the Patriarch of the Jacobites (''Baṭraq al-ya'āqiba''), instead of warning him to keep away from the sea, [the secretary] should warn him to beware of anything that might come secretly from the Ḥabasha (''min tulqā’ al-Ḥabasha''). (ibid. XI, p. 100).

This is the copy of a decree (''tawqīʿ'')<ref>This decree if quoted without its date.</ref> to the Patriarch of the Melkites: [omitted].

You should strongly advise those Christians who belong to your community (''jama'āti-ka'') and dwell in the frontier towns (''thughūr''), not to engage in any suspicious affair or in any doubtful deal, nor to approach any foreign traveller (''gharīb'') who belongs to their [Melkites] own people (''jinsi-him''): A standing warning is that they [Melkites] should never quarrel with any messenger (''rasūl'') arriving, or any envoy leaving. (ibid. XI, pp. 292 - 293).

This is an order (''waṣiyya'') to the Patriarch of the Melkites as recorded by ''at-Ta'rīf'':

... [omitted] He should absolutely beware (''iyyā-hu wa iyyā-hu'') of offering shelter to any suspect foreigner coming to him, or of concealing any affair [of a man] who arrives whether from near or from far. [He should be solemnly warned against concealing any letter that comes to him from a king and also] should be solemnly warned against writing to any kind or doing anything similar. Let him avoid [contact with] the sea (''yatajannab al-baḥr'') and take this matter seriously, for it could cause him an irreparable loss; or if he receives anything from the wing of a crow, for "it will crow bad omen to him" ... (ibid. XI, p. 293).<ref>More specimens of letters to the Patriarch of the Jacobites are recorded by Qalqashandī (XI, pp. 293-397). Some letters contain recommendations about charities, mercy, the Prophet and other theological controversies with the Moslems.</ref>

'''[p. 582]''' If the order (''waṣiyya'') is addressed to the Patriarch of the Jacobites, ... the words "Let him avoid the sea" should be replaced by the following: "Let him avoid what may cause him trouble and beware of what may come to him secretly from the side of al-Ḥabasha; if possible he should even avoid breathing the breeze of the south. Let him know well that that matter, though [apparently] safe, is dangerous' [lit.: "though plentiful, is short"] and that he should not rely upon the power of the Blacks (''su'dud as-sūdān''), because Allah created the sign of the night to be dark and the sign of the day to be bright.” (ibid. XI, pp. 404 - 405).

[Dioscorus]

[Quoting Ibn al-'Amīd] Dioscorus was ordered to leave [the Council of Chalcedon] and went to Jerusalem (''al-Quds'') and stayed there. He gathered followers from the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Palestine, from the people of Miṣr and Alexandria. He was followed also by the Nūba and the Ḥabasha, who have remained in the same way until today. (ibid. XIII, pp. 279 - 280).

[The Formula of Oath of the Nubian King]<ref>This seems to be a summary of the formula which Nuwayrī (q.v.) quoted in full.</ref>

This is the formula (''nuskhat yamīn'') of the oath of allegiance taken by the king of Nubia to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn on his confirmation (''istiqrār'') as Representative (''nā’ib'') of the Sultan in Nubia. "By God! By God! By God! By the truth of the Holy Trinity and '''[p. 583]''' the pure Gospel! By the Pure (''ṭāhira'') Lady, the Virgin Mother of the Light! By the Baptism (''ma’mūdiyya''), the Prophets, the Heavenly Messengers (''rusul''), the Apostles (''hawāriyyīn''), the Saints (''qiddīsīn'') and the innocent Martyrs. If I do not keep [my oath], may I deny Christ as Judas (''Yudās'') denied Him; may I utter against Him such words as the Jews say and may I believe about Him what the Jews believe. If I do not keep [my oath], I will become another Judas who pierced Christ (sic!) with a lance. From this very moment, my will (''niyya'') and my intention (''ṭawiyya'') are totally devoted to the Sultan, the King N.N. (''fulān''). I shall direct all my efforts to do what pleases the Sultan. As long as I shall be his Representative (''nā‘ib'') I shall never discontinue the payment of what has been imposed on me for every year, i.e. after the division of the country, all the revenues which were collected by the Nubian kings my predecessors: one half of [these] revenues will be given, free of any deduction, to the Sultan, and the other half will be reserved to the population (''ʿimāra'') of the country and for the upkeep against any enemy (''ḥifẓi-ha min 'aduw'') who might attack it. I shall also pay such and such amount ... every year. I shall impose on every adult person (''al-'uqalā’ al-bālighīn'') among my subjects in my country one dinar per head. I shall not permit the use of any weapons (''silāb''), nor shall I conceal them or allow anybody to conceal them. If I transgress all these obligations or any part of them, may I be rejected by God Almighty, by Christ and by the Pure Lady; may I reject the Christian religion and pray turned in a direction other then the east; may I break the Cross and share the beliefs of the Jews.

Whatever news I may hear, bad or good, I shall report to the Sultan, at once. I shall be concerned solely with his interests. I shall be loyal to him who is loyal '''[p. 584]''' to the Sultan and be an enemy to all his enemies. May God be the Guarantor of what I say!" (ibid. XIII, p. 290)

[The Sultan's Mail (''Barīd'')]

Beyond Qōs [the mail service] branches off into several districts (''marākiz''): the routes part, one towards Aswān and to the country of the Nūba, and another towards 'Aydhāb and Sawākin. He who wants to go to Aswān, mounts camels (''hujn'') from Qōs to Aswān, thence to the Nūba country. He who wants to go to 'Aydhāb goes from Qōs to the Hills of Qifṭ, near Qōs. I add: - Then he traverses deserts and mountains from the Hills of Qifṭ as far as a water [station] called Layqa (?) (Layṭa?, Dayqa) at one day's distance from the Hills.

There is a spring, but the water is not flowing. From there he goes to a water station called ''ad-Darīh'' near the emerald mine (''ma'dan az-zumurrud''); there is round a little spring where he can find water according to God’s will: the water never increases nor decreases. Then he goes to Humaythira, where there is the tomb of Sīdī-Abū-l-Ḥasan ash-Shādhilī: there is found a spring from which water is drawn. Thence he goes to 'Aydhāb, which is a small village on the northwest coast of the Sea of Qulzum. Near it there is a spring from which water can be drawn. The estimated total distance between the Hills and 'Aydhāb is about ten days' if there are loads; but in the ''Masālik al-abṣār'' the author said that the route to 'Aydhāb is [the one that starts] from the road junction near Aswān and then continues through the country of the Arabs called Banī 'Āmir to Sawākin, which is the main village on the sea coast. Its chieftain is an Arab. The letters of the Sultan are brought to him as described in the previous chapter dealing with the mail. (ibid. XIV, p. 373).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn Duqmaq

2015-08-05T17:20:28Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 525-528]'''

IBN DUQMĀQ

''(d. 1407 A.D.)''

''Sārimuddīn Ibrāhīm b. Muḥ. al-Miṣrī. Governor of Damietta, wrote about geography and history and biographies.''

''Brockelmann 2, 50''

''K. al-intiṣār li-wāsitat 'iqd al-amṣār (The Book of the Victorious Accomplishment Concerning the Necklace of Metropoles", 10 vols.; only vols. 4 and 5 preserved)''

''Ed.: C. Vollers, ''Description de l'Egypte'', Cairo 1893.''

''Exc.: MC 1323-1329 (Vollers).''

''T.: Vollers A:0''

'''[p. 526]''' [The pulpit (''minbar'') presented by the Nubian King to 'Amrū]

It is written in ''Kitāb al-Jund al-Gharbī'' (The Book of the Western Army) and also in ''Kitāb al-Umarāʾ'' that 'Abdalla b. 'Abdalmalik, during his emirate in Egypt [year 89 H. = 707-708 A.D.] ordered that the great mosque (''al-masjad al-jāmiʿ'') be raised, because it was low. That took place in the year 89 H. [707 A.D.].

So, he pulled down the mosque at the beginning of the year 92 H. [= 710 A.D.] by order of Walīd b. 'Abdalmalik and began building it [again] in the month of Sha'bān of the same year [May/June 711 A.D.]. He appointed Yaḥyā b. Ḥanzalah as superintendent of the building ... until he completed the building, which was during the month of Ramadān of the year 93 H. [June 712 A.D.].

He constructed the new pulpit (''minbar'') in the year 94 H. [712-713 A.D.] and removed the [old] minbar which was in the mosque. There is a story about this (old ''minbar''), according to which it was placed there by 'Amrū b. al-'Āsī, perhaps after the death of 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb. Others said that it was the ''minbar'' of 'Abd al-Άzīz b. Marwān and that he had it transferred from a church of Fusṭāṭ (''Miṣr'') to the mosque. It is said that Zakariā, the son of ''Marqunis'', king of the Nūba, had made a present of it to 'Abdalla b. Sa'd ibn Abī Sarḥ, and that he had also sent a carpenter to mount it. The carpenter was called Boqtor, a native of Dendera. This ''minbar'' always remained the only one in the mosque, until Qurra b. Sharīk added another one ... It is said that no other known ''minbar'' is older than this [built] by Qurra b. Sharīk with the exception of the ''minbar'' of the Prophet. It remained all the time in the same mosque, until it '''[p. 527]''' was removed and destroyed at the time of al-'Azīz billah, under the vizirate of Ya'qūb al-Killis, on Thursday 20th Rabīʿ al-Awwal of the year 379 H. [= 30th June 974 A.D.] and was replaced with a gilded one. (Vollers IV, pp. 63 - 64).

[Qōs]

It is said that it was named Qūṣ after Qūṣ b. Shaifāq b. Ashaman b. Miṣr. It was the port of exit to those who go to Mecca, Yemen, Nubia, Sawākin and ''at-Tāka''. Its wālī maintains correspondence with six kings. In this town there are 16 schools (''makān li-t-tadrīs''). (ibid. V, p. 28; MC 1325 r).

The frontier town of Aswān is situated on the border between Egypt and Nubia. The Nile water here is very sweet, but in summer it becomes icy cold. Above Aswān [upstream], there are the cataracts (''janādil''). These are found in two places, one of which is three miles beyond the town upstream, right at the border of the territory of Islam. This [cataract] consists of a mountain which was cut through in order to make a way for the water. The cut was left unfinished and very steep, so that the water flows between huge boulders where no boat can pass. This place extends as far as two hundred arrows.

The other cataract is near Dunqula.

Finally, there is the frontier town of 'Aydhāb, about which people hold different opinions. According to some, this town is Egyptian territory; this opinion seems the most justifiable because the place is ruled from Egypt and is actually counted as an Egyptian district. Others consider it part of the Beja country, and still others '''[p. 528]''' think it belongs to the Ḥabash. It is a sea-port for the merchants who trade with Yemen and the port from which the pilgrims coming from Egypt sail off to Judda.<ref>Vollers V, 58. The author states that “Nubia’s [agricultural] surface equals 1762 feddans, the balance [160 feddans] being the area held by the Arabs [nomads] and Waqfs”. (Cf. Al-Ji’ānī [q.v.]).</ref> (ibid. V, pp. 33 - 35; MC 1325 v).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Harrani

2015-08-03T18:22:34Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 445-449]'''

AL-ḤARRĀNĪ

''(about 1295 A.D.)''

''Najm ad-dīn Aḥmad b. Hamdān b. Sabith al- Ḥarrānī al-Hanbaīi. An Egyptian ophthalmologist and poet.''

''Brockelmann 1, 512; 2, 130''

''Jamī’ al-'ulūm wa sulwān al-mahzūn (The Collection of All Arts and the Consolation of the Sad)''

''MS: Gotha, herzogliche Bibl., MS ar. 1513.''

''T.: MC 1125-1127 (Excerpts) A: 1''

'''[p. 446]''' Now, let us turn to the countries lying towards the south,<ref>South of the Maghrib.</ref> where the ''sūdān'' peoples dwell.<ref>Several countries are mentioned, which lie outside the area of our concern.</ref>

... The land of Kuwār is well known and visited [by travellers]. There is a mine of white alum (''ash-shibb al-abyad''), called "kuwārī". One of the important towns of this country is Yalamlama, situated on a low mountain... Nikias is the largest town of Kuwār<ref>See: Idrīsī n. 15.</ref> and their most active commercial centre... Tatrū was an ancient, great town, but now only a few ruins of it and remains of pal-trees can be seen. To the east there is a mountain difficult to climb, with a great lake at its feet... The territory of Kuwār<ref>See: Idrīsī n. 15.</ref> adjoins, on the east, the territory of the Oases (''al-Wāhāt'').

... The land of Qamnūriyya lies north of Maghrāra and faces the Sea of Darkness (''al-baḥr al-muẓlim''). East of it [Qamnūriyya] there extends a desert called Nīsar... It is crossed by the Maghribī traders on their way to Ghāna<ref>Cf. al-Ya’qūbi (q.v.) n. 2.</ref> and to Wanqāra. In the past, there were many towns in this country, all belonging to the sūdān; but time has effaced them. Between the country of Qamnūriyya and Takrūr and Sīla there are routes little known and little frequented. In this country there is the Qābān Mountain, which extends to the ocean coast. It is said that the clouds pass below its summit. At the foot of this mountain there are sources of good drinking water.

... The land of the Zaghāwa belongs to a great town situated on the bank of the Nile adjoining the country of the Nūba... In this territory there is a mountain called Lūbiya, very difficult to climb. It is said that the Kūkū River rises from this mountain. One of the '''[p. 447]''' famous towns was Qalīliyya, once a very great town, today, in ruins; the wind-blown sand has buried it and dried its water supplies. Within [the territory of] this town there is a mountain called Gharghara.

... The territory of Fazzān, which is neither small nor large, belongs to the land of Zaghāwa. One of its towns is Ghadāmas, a large town; ... another is Dārqāra, a large beautiful town. Near it there is a mountain called Jirjīs, with a silver mine from which the natives earn their living. They also own pasture lands situated on a mountain called Ṭanṭana, where they move during the summer, because fresh water gushes plentifully from springs in that land. The iron mine which is found nearby, makes another source of revenue for them. Thence one goes to the land of Baghāma, twenty days' distance across a sheer, uninhabited desert.

... The land of Kanem (''al-Kānam'') is a vast country stretching along the Nile (''ʿalā shāṭī an-nīl''). The population is Moslem except in some of the outer districts.

... The land of the Tājūwīn is a vast territory contiguous to the west frontier of the Nūba. This land is a flat desert plain, but it is rich with water and palm-trees. It is not inhabited because it is always invaded by the sand which is blown as far as Sījilmāsa.

The country of the Nūba is a vast country, as much as three months' journey in extent, lying beyond the frontier of Egypt. The [Egyptian] army often wages war against them. There is also a silver mine. The inhabitants are Christians and their king is powerful and has a great army.

This people is divided into two groups; one is called 'Alwa, and their capital is called Waylūla, which is a very large town. There one finds innumerable peoples '''[p. 448]''' of all races of ''sūdān''. The other group is called Nūba, and their capital is Dunqula. This town, like Waylūla, is built on the west bank of the Nile. The population is reckoned as the finest of all the sūdān races, in figure and features. In their country there are elephants, giraffes and gazelles. One of the most famous towns of the Nūba is Nuwābiya, also called Nūba, a town of average size, four days distant from the Nile. Its inhabitants draw water from wells. Then there is Tarmī, a very large town sitting at the confluence of the waters of the Nile... and, lastly, Ablāq,<ref>Cf. Idrīsī, n. 14.</ref> a great town which is a meeting place of the traders from the Nūba and the Ḥabasha. From Ablāq to the mountains of al-Janādil it is six days' journey; it is at this place that the boats coming from Egypt and from Nubia end their navigation.

... The country of the Ḥabasha lies opposite al-Hijāz on the other coast of the sea. The majority of the population are Christians. This country, which is situated southeast of the Nūba, extends far and wide... One of the greatest and best known towns is ''Ka'bar'',<ref>Probably identifiable with Aksum.</ref> which is the royal town of the Najāshī... Zayla', a town on the coast of the Red Sea, is a very populous commercial centre. The inhabitants draw their water from wells. There is a mine of silver and mercury (''zībaq''), but gold is very scarce... Then there is the town of Bujāma, on a river, near a mountain called Mūris, rich with minerals from which the natives earn their livelihood. Opposite al-Yaman there is also a big town, which is the sea-port from which the Ḥabasha crossed the sea to al-Yaman, and nearby there is the island of 'Aql.

'''[p. 449]''' ... The land of Zayla' is contiguous to the Ḥabasha on the north. It is situated between the Ḥabasha, the Nūba, and the land of Upper Egypt, between the Nile and the Red Sea. The natives are of a very dark complexion and are pagans. In their country there are several kingdoms (''mamālik''); the people are kind to the merchants. In this country there is a gold mine, but there are neither villages, nor cultivations; it is only a desert plain which the traders cross on their way to Wādī al-'Allāqī. One of their well-known towns is ‘Aydhāb. The desert that stretches behind this town is all fine, wind-blown sand, with no marked route; one can get orientation only from the mountains.

... 'Aydhāb is a beautiful town and a meeting place for traders.

... Between the land of the Buja and the Nūba there dwell a people called Balliyūn, a race of bold warriors; all their neighbours fear them and seek their alliance. They are dissident Christians (''nasārā khawārij''), who follow the confession of the Jacobites (''madhhab al-ya'qūbiyya'').<ref>Other Sūdān peoples mentioned by al-Ḥarrānī are the Barbara, who dwell opposite al-Yaman, and the Zanj of the East African coast.</ref>

... The country of the Damādim lies along the Nile above the country of the Zanj. It is densely populated. The ''sūdān'' always go on raids to this country, killing and plundering. The Damādim do not care about their religions (''adyāni-him''). In their country there are many giraffes. It is in this country that the Nile bifurcates, one branch flowing to Egypt, and the other towards the Zanj country. (MS Gotha, fols. 30 v - 31 v; MC 1126 v - 1127 r).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Safi ad-Din al-Baghdadi

2015-07-30T17:16:49Z

Seignobos:

'''[p. 493]'''

ṢAFĪ AD-DĪN AL-BAGHDĀDĪ

''(d. 1338 A.D.)''

''Abū-l-Faḍā’il Ṣafī ad-dīn 'Abd al-Ḥaqq al-Baghdādī. Otherwise unknown author of a summary of Yaqūt’s Mu’jam al-buldān.''

''Marāṣid al-iṭṭilā' 'alā asmā' al-amkinat wa-l-biqā' (The Observatories on the Names of Regions and Countries)''

''Ed.: T.G.J. Juynboll, ''Lexicon geographicum'', 6 vols., Leiden 1854.''

''T.: Juynboll A: 0''

Nubia is a far-flung country, lying south of Egypt. [The Nubians] are Christians and have a hard life. Their country begins just beyond Aswān. They are imported and sold. The name of the town of the Nūba is Dongola (''Dumqula''), which is the royal residence on the bank of the Nile. The length of their territory is eighty days’ distance<ref>Yaqūt : "forty days".</ref> along the Nile. From Dumqula to ''Aswān'', where Egypt begins, it requires forty days and from Aswān to Fusṭāṭ<ref>Yaqūt : "from Aswan to Lower Nubia".</ref> five. Their country is similar to Yemen. They have citrus fruits (''utruj'') of extraordinary size." (Juynboll III, pp. 335 - 336).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ibn al-Faqih

2015-07-25T15:21:02Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 88-93]'''

IBN AL-FAQĪH (AL-HAMADHĀNĪ)

''(about 902 A.D.)''

''Abū Bakr A.b.M.b. Ishāq Ibn al-Faqīh Al-Hamadhānī. Author of a K. al-buldān.''

''Brockelmann, 1, 227. His work survived in an abridged form ('Ali b. Ja'far b. A. as-Sayzarī (1022 A.D.).''

''Ed.: BGA 5, Leiden 1885. Large extracts in MC 557f and Ar. Ist. I, pp. 47-86.''

''T.: BGA A: O''

Abū Khalaf said: 'The surface of the inhabited world is 24,000 farsakh (parasangs), of which 12,000 belong to the Sūdān; 8,000 to the Rūm; 1,000 to the Arabians and 3,000 to the Persians. (BGA 5, p. 4).

There are seven Climates: one Climate is occupied by the Arabs, another by the Rūm, still another one belongs to the Ḥabash. (p. 5).

The land of Egypt (''Miṣr'') is described in the Book<ref>Ibn Khordadhbeh, ''K. al-masālik'', p. 9.</ref> in this way: "The area equals a journey of forty days in '''[p. 89]''' either directions [N-S and E-W]; the area of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') equals a seven years’ journey. The surplus waters of these lands flow into Egypt. The land of Egypt is 1/60 of the land of the Blacks, and the land of the Blacks is 1/60 of the whole Earth." (p. 59).

In Egypt there is the wall of the Old Lady built along the Nile by an old woman who lived in the earliest times. She was very rich. She had only one son who was killed by a lion. Therefore she said: "I will henceforth prevent lions from coming to the Nile!" So she built the wall to keep lions from reaching the Nile. It is said that the wall was a charm (''tilasm''): statues portraying [the people of] each country were placed on the wall, each statue showing [one people with] their own features and dress, [their] riding animals and their weapons. The effigy of each people was placed facing its own country. If any people ever attempted to invade Egypt, on arriving at that effigy, their army was disbanded.

It is also said that the Wall of the Old Lady was built in order to make a separation between the inhabitants of Upper Egypt from the Nubians (''an-Nūba''), for the latter used to carry out raids into Upper Egypt and could not be pacified. Therefore, this wall was built against the Nubians.

It is said that [an architect by name] Iflatūn [= Platon], of Miṣr, built a wall between Faramā and Aswān in the district of Miṣr, in the interior part of the country; the length of the wall was thirty parasangs. This wall separated them from the Ḥabasha. (pp. 59-60).

One of the marvels of Egypt is the hippopotamus (''al-faras'') which lives in the Nile. It devours crocodiles and other beasts. This horse (''faras'') - if it is a female '''[p. 90]''' (''filw'') - can be reared<ref>''Ar. Ist'', (I, p. 60) has “''yurabba''” (“it is reared”); ''Al-Maktabat'' has “''yura''” (“it is seen”). at home together with women and children.</ref> Its tooth cures stomach pains. The Nūba and the Ḥabasha, who are accustomed to eating coarse food, make use of it. Even when they are sick and on the verge of death because of stomach pains, they hold the tooth [of this animal] and immediately find relief.<ref>See Al-Jāhiz, [q.v.].</ref> Its gut is [believed to be] a cure against insanity (''junūn'') caused by the moon’s changes (''ahilla'').<ref>See Al-Jāhiz, note 1.</ref> (p.63).

Some people say that the Nile flows from the Equator, its source consists of two lakes (''buhayratayn'') called the "Lakes of the Nile". It surrounds the land of the Ḥabasha and flows across the Red Sea, also called the Sea of Faramā, [then] across the desert (''mafāza'') ... it ends at Dimyāt and empties itself into Mediterranean Sea of the Maghrib.

Abū-l-Khattāb reported the following statement made by al-Mushtarī ibn al-Aswad: "I raided the country of Inbiyah<ref>This reading (''bilād inbiya''), which was also adopted by Ar. Ist., I, p. 60, seems to be a misreading for Nūba.</ref> 20 times, from the extreme Sūs (''sūs al-aqsā''), and saw the Nile. Between it and the Salt Sea (''al baḥr el-ujāj'') there are sand hills and the Nile gushes out from beneath them.” (p. 64).

The last district of Egypt, on the frontier of ''an-Nūba'' is Aswān. Dunqula is the town of the Nūba and lies 40 days' (''layla'', nights) distance from Aswān. (p. 74).

'''[p. 91]''' One of the disadvantages of this country (Egypt) is its southern wind called ''al-marīsiyya'', because Marīs it the name of the upper part of the Sa'īd up to the country of the Nubians.

When the ''marīsī'' wind blows thirteen days consecutively the people of Miṣr buy shrouds and ointments as they are aware that this brings a mortal plague and that a quick end is near. (pp. 74-75).

Above Upper Egypt are the Nūbah, the Buja and the Ḥabasha. 'Uthmān made peace with the Nūba on condition that they deliver 400 slaves (''ra's'') per year. It is reported (''fī-l-khabar''), that the Envoy of God said: "He who has no brother, let him take one from the Nūba." and also: "The best captive for you is the Nūba." In Nubia there is the white ebony from which thrones (''asirrah'', beds) are made. (p. 76).

The Nūba are Jacobites, the Slavs have crosses.<ref>Probably an interpolation, out of place here.</ref> Praise be to God for Islam. The people of 'Alwa and Tikrīt, the Copts and the Syrians (''ash-shām'') are all Christians [belonging to such sects as the] Jacobite (''ya'qūbī''), Melkite (''malikī''), Nestorian (''nasṭūrī''), Nicolaite (''nīqūlā'ī''), ''rakūsi'', Marcionite (''marqīyūnī''), Sabean (''sābī'') and Manichean (''manānī''). The Nūba observe the circumcision and abstain from women during their menstruation; they do not wash from legal impurities (''janābah''). They are Jacobite Christians who read (''yahdhawna'') the Gospel without understanding. The Rūm are Melkites (''malkāniyyan''), read (''yaqra'ūna'') the Gospel with the ''bi-l-jarmaqāniyya''.<ref>Probably from the Greek “''hieromēchania''”, the meaning of which escapes us. (Cf. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 118).</ref>

'''[p. 92]''' The Beja are worshippers of idols, but are governed by the Torah (''tawriyya''). Dunqula is the town of the Nūba and the residence of the king: it lies on the bank of the river (''baḥr'') and is surrounded by seven walls, the lower parts of which are of stone.

The length of their country along the Nile is 80 days, and the length of 'Alwa as far as the country of the Nūba, including the western part (''al-maghrib'') is three months. From Dunqula to Aswān, where Egypt begins, it is 40 days' journey. From Aswān to the lowest part of the Nile it is 5 days.

Between the country of the Nūba and the Buja there are forbidding mountains. They [Beja] are worshippers of idols. In their country are found the mines of topaz (''az-zabarjad''). The Buja are many clans (''aṣnāf''). The Nūba and the Buja call God "''ʿAzza wa-Jalla bikheir''",<ref>An attempt to render the Ge’ez word: “''Egzī’abhēr''”. (Monneret, op. cit., ibid.).</ref> in the Zanj language He is called ''La M K L W — J L W''<ref>It may be useful to note that “''Waq''” is the Galla word for the “Supreme Being”. (Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Etiopia'', p. 60.</ref> and in Coptic ''Ibnudhah'' and in Berberi ''M. Dhī k. Sh.''. After the country of the 'Alwa comes a nation (''umma'') of Blacks called ''Takna''<ref>Conti Rossini (Riv. Stud. Or. IX, 1921, pp. 36-7) is of the opinion that Takna (Tekne, Bukna) should be identified with the ''Pachinoi'' of Ptolemy, dwelling in central Ethiopia. (Monneret, ''Storia'' N. C., pp. 118-120).</ref> who go naked like the Zanj. In their country gold lies on the surface of the ground. In this country the Nile divides in two. We have already mentioned its source. It is said that behind the sources of the Nile there is darkness and beyond the darkness, waters producing gold among the Takna and Ghāna, (pp. 77 - 78).

'''[p. 93]''' Al-Hajjāj b. Yūsuf questioned Zaddān Farrūkh [about several peoples]. "Tell me something about the people of Kūfa." He answered: - "They went to the great city of the people of Sawād and learnt hospitality and generosity." "And what about the people of al-Hijāz?" "They went to the town of the ''Sūdān'' and were affected by their thoughtlessness and quick emotion." Al-Hajjāj turned angry and exclaimed: "By God. You are not a Hijāzī; surely, you are a Syrian." (p. 114).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Al-Idrisi

2015-06-24T12:32:12Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 264-284]'''

AL-IDRĪSĪ

''(before 1170 A.D.)''

''Abū 'Abdalla Muḥ. b. Muḥ. 'Abdalla b. Idrīs al-Hammūdi al-Habanī ash-Sharīf. The most famous Arab geographer in the Middle Ages is born in Ceuta; he lived in Sicily at the Court of King Roger II. All his biographical data, however, are of doubtful authenticity, especially whether he was the author or only the editor of the famous geographical work attributed to him.<ref>G. Oman, ''Notizie bibliografiche sul geografo arabo al-Idrīsi (XII secolo) e sulle sue opera'', Annali dell’ Ist.Univ.Or. di Napoli (aiuon), N.S. XI, 1961, pp. 25-61; ''Addenda alle notizie'', Aiuon, N.S. XII, 1962, pp. 93-94; ''Addenda II alle notizie'', Aiuon, N.S. XIX, 1969, pp. 101-103; ''Addenda III alle notizie'', Aiuon, N.S. XIX, 1969, pp. 45-55; ''Osservazioni sulle notizie biografiche comunemente diffuse sullo scrittore al-Idrisi'' (VI/XII sec.), Aiuon, N.S. XX, 1970, pp. 209-238. I express my gratitude to Dr. Oman for his personal communication and literature supplied on this matter.</ref>''

''EI (s.v.)''

''Nuzhat al-mushtāq fī-'khtirāq al-āfāq''

''Ed.: (partly) P. Dozy-de Goeje (''Africa and Spain''). Leiden 1366. Al-Idrisi, ''Opus Geographicum'' (critical edition), Rome - Naples 1970-71.''

''Exc.: MC fols. 827 - 845 (from MSS and de Goeje).''

''French transl.: P.A. Jaubert, ''Géographie d'Edrisi traduite de l'arabe en francais d’apres deux manuscrits de la Bibl. du Roi et accompagnée de notes'', 2 vols., Paris 1836-1340.''

''T. : ed. Rome-Naples A:0''

First Climate

Section 3

[Towns in the Nūbah Land]<ref>Idrīsī’s information is derived partly from Ptolemy, and partly from Middle Age travellers. The latter is very obscure (Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Et.'', p. 324). No vowelling of place-names was notated in the Arabic original, which itself was based on the presumably unreliable pronunciation of the oral sources. Most of the vowels used here are those tentatively read by Dozy-de Goeje. (''Description de l’Afrique'', Leiden 1866). Monneret de Villard tentatively discussed the identification of some of Idrīsī’s toponyms in ''Storia della Nubia Christiana'', pp. 199-206 and Map IV. As Idrīsī often mentioned water points in connection with towns, the Michelin Route Map of N-E Africa – where many water points are shown – may be of some help for research work in the identification of place-names. The distance between one place and another, expressed in days, is no safe guide to their identification.</ref>

From ''Tamalmah''<ref>Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 202 presumably identified it with Bilmā’. A most useful, richly illustrated article on Bilmā’ (in Mali) where also the traditional trans-Saharan salt trade is described: “Azalai, sulle vie del sale” is found in ''Atlante'', Nov. 1973, pp. 82-85.</ref> to the town of ''Mānān''<ref>Unidentified. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 204.</ref> (''Māthān'', ''Mānān'', ''Māmān'') in the country of ''Kānim'' (''Kanem'') takes twelve '''[p. 265]''' days. ''Mānān'' is a small town, no products are manufactured there; the people have only a little commerce, camels and goats.

From the town of ''Anjīmī'',<ref>“Ngigmi”. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 203.</ref> (''Njīmī'', ... ''jīmī'') takes eight days. This town, too, belongs to Kanem. ''Anjīmī'' is a very small town, and has a small number of inhabitants who are poor, wretched people. (The ''Anjīmī'') on their eastern side, border on the Nūbah. Between ''Anjīmī'' and the Nile there is a distance of three days southwards. Their drinking water is drawn from wells.

'''[p. 266]''' From ''Anjīmī'' to the town of ''Zaghāwa'' requires six days. The town of ''Zaghāwa'' is the capital of many districts (''kuwar'') and has a large population; around it there are many Zaghāwa (''az-zaghāwiyyīn'') [who are] camel-breeders. They have little commerce and industry, but do shape handicraft for their own use. Their drinking water is drawn from wells, their food consists of millet (''dhurrah''), dried camel-meat and fish; game and dairy products are plentiful among them. Their dress is made of tanned hides. They are among the Blacks (''Sūdān'') those who live the hardest life (''jarb'') [an alternative reading: ''ḥarb'' = are the most warlike].

The town of ''Zaghāwa'' is eight days distant from ''Mānān''. ''Mānān'' is the residence of the prince (''amīr'') and his agent (''ʿāmil''); the majority of his men go naked and are bowmen.

The town of ''Mānān'' is thirteen days distant from ''Tājuwah'' (''Tājirah'')<ref>“Bir Natrūn”. Monneret, ibid.</ref> : this is the capital of the country of the ''Tājuwīn'' (''Tājirīn''), who are pagans (''majūs''), without any [revealed] beliefs. Their land borders on the ''Nūbah'' country. In their land there is a small town called ''Samnah''.<ref>“Uweinat”. Monneret, ibid.</ref> Some travellers who journey to the towns of ''Kawār''<ref>Cf. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 202.</ref> report that the Lord of ''Bilāq''<ref>Cf. Id., pp. 155-199.</ref> went to ''Samnah'' and settled there [as] a prince (''amīr'') [acting] on behalf of the king of the ''Nūbah'': he burnt and destroyed the town and scattered the population far around so that it is now a town in ruins. The distance between ''Tājuwah'' and ''Samnah'' is six days.

From ''Tājuwah'' to ''Nuwābah'' it is eighteen days' journey. The Nūbah are named after this town. It is a small town, but its inhabitants are rich. They wear tanned skins and '''[p. 267]''' loin-cloth (''izār''). Thence to the Nile there are four days. They drink water from wells, eat millet (''dhurrah'') and barley; dates are imported by them, but dairy products are plentiful.

[The "Nubian" Women]

Their women are extremely beautiful and circumcised. They are of good stock, which is by no means negro stock. All over [the country of] the ''Nūbah'' the women are of perfect beauty. They have thin lips, small mouths, white teeth, hair which is short and not curly. Nowhere among the Blacks (''as-Sūdān'') is such hair found as the Nubian women possess; neither is it found among the ''Magāzirah'' nor in Ghāna (''al-ghāniyyīn''), nor in Kanem (''al-kānimiyyīn''), nor among the Beja (''al-bujah''), nor the ''Ḥabashah'', nor the ''Zanj''. Besides, no woman is found preferable to them for marriage. Today the price of a female slave from this country rises to 300 ''dīnār'' or about this amount. On account of these qualities the kings of Egypt seek to have them; they buy them at very high prices in order to make them the mothers of their children, enraptured as they are by the bliss of their embraces and by their unrivalled beauty.

It is said that the Andalusian Vizier Abul-Ḥasan al-uṣḥafī had one of these Nubian women; she was a woman like of whom his eyes had never seen considering all her features: her waist, cheeks, graceful smile, gentle eyelids, in brief, a perfect beauty. This Vizier desired her so eagerly that he would almost never leave. He had paid 250 almoravid ''dīnārs'' for her. Besides all her beauty, this girl spoke so gently that those who listened to her were enraptured by her pure pronunciation and her sweet accent. She had been reared in Egypt, and had become perfect from all points of view.

'''[p. 268]''' From the town of Nuwabiya to Kushan<ref>Unidentifiable according to Monneret, ''Storia'', pp. 154-155; 220.</ref> it requires an 8 short days' journey. (ibid., pp. 29 - 31).

Section 4

[Towns]

This fourth section of the First Climate includes the country of the ''Nūbah'' and part of the country of the ''Ḥabashah'' the remainder of the southern part of the territory of the ''Tājuwīn'' (''Tājirīn'') and a part of the Inner Oases (''bilād al-wāhāt ad-dākhilah''). In the country of the Nūbah the best known places and the most famous towns (''qawā’id'') are: ''Kūshah'' (''kūsah'', ''Ku’ah''), ''ʿAlwah'', (''Ghulwah'', ''ʿUlwah''), ''Dunqulah'', ''Bilāq'' (''Yalāq''), ''Sūbah'' (''Sūlah'', ''Shūlah''); in the land of the Ḥabashah: ''Markaṭah'' (''Mukazah'', ''Markazah'') and ''an-Najāghah'': in the territory of the Inner Oases and in the upper districts (''diyār'') of Egypt; the towns of Aswān, Edfu and ''ar-Rudaynī''.

[The Nile]

Within this section the two ''Niles'' divide, viz. the Nile of Egypt, which traverses her land and flows from South to North; most of the towns of Egypt are situated on either bank of this river and also on its islands.

The other branch (''qism'') of the Nile flows from the East to the extreme West; along this branch of the Nile lie all the countries of the ''Sūdān'' or the majority of them. Both of these branches have their origin from ''Jabal al-Qamar'', which begins sixteen degrees beyond the equator.

[The Nile Source]

The Nile has its origin on this mountain, from ten streams, (''anhār'') five of which flow and unite in a big '''[p. 269]''' lake (''buṭaiḥah''), the other five flow down the mountain into another lake. From each of these two lakes start three rivers (''anhār''), all of which enter a very big lake. On its banks lies a town called ''Tarma'' [other readings: ''Tarsha'', ''Tarfa'', ''Turma''] which is a populous town; around it rice is cultivated. On the shore of the said lake there is an idol with [its] hands raised to its breast, called ''Masakh'' (''Musikh''); it is said that he was transformed into a statue because he was an evil man.

In this lake there is a fish, the head of which has a bill and so it resembles the head of a bird. There are also dreadful animals. This lake lies beyond the equator but close to it. In the lower part of it, where the [six] rivers begin, one very near the other, there rises a mountain which protrudes into the greater part of the lake toward northwest. Near this mountain [on its western side] an arm (''dhiraʿ'') of the Nile flows out westward: this is the Nile of the Land of the Blacks (''bilād as-Sūdān''): most of their countries lie along its banks. On the eastern side of this mountain flows the other arm, which also goes in a northern direction, traversing the land of the ''Nūbah'' and the land of Egypt, and in the lower part of Egypt branches off into four streams (''aqsām'') three of which end in the Mediterranean Sea (''al-baḥr ash-shāmī''), while one stream enters the Salt Lake (''al-buḥayrah al-malḥa'') which ends near Alexandria. Between this lake and Alexandria there are six miles, so that it is not connected with the Mediterranean Sea, but it is formed [only] by the Nile flood extending a little along the seashore: we shall deal with it fully at its proper place, if God pleases.

From ''Jabal al-Qamar'' at the head of the ten streams down to the lakes, going northward until the beginning of the lakes, the distance is ten days, and the distance bet-'''[p. 270]'''-ween the two lakes in the east-west direction, is six days. In this country, here above described, there are three mountains, from East to West. The first is next to ''Jabal al-Qamar'' and is called by the Egyptian priests the Mount of the Temples of Images (''Jabal haykal as-Suwar''); the second, which comes next on the northern side, is called [by the priests] the Mountain of Gold (''Jabal adh-dhahab''), because there are gold mines in it; the third mountain, which is near the second, together with the land around it, is called Land of the Serpents (''Ard al-ḥayyāt'') , because the natives claim that there are big snakes, the sight of which causes death. In the mountain and land just mentioned, there sure scorpions as big as sparrows, black in colour, which cause instant death: this is what is told by the author of the Book of Marvels (''Kitāb al-‘Ajā’ib'').<ref>Ḥassān ibn al-Mundhir.</ref> In the Book of the Treasury (''Kitāb al- khizānah'') by ''Qodāmah'' it is written that the course of the Nile, from its source to its mouth in the Mediterranean Sea (''al-baḥr ash-shāmī''), is 5634 miles, and its width in the ''Nūbah country'' is one mile, according to what the author of "The Book of Marvels" told - while in Egypt the width is one-third of a mile.

[The Fauna of the Nile]<ref>Idrīsī depended on Ptolemy for his description of the Nile fauna.</ref>

In the small lakes and downstream from them, there is the crocodile (''ṭimsāh''); also there is a fish (''hūt'') called ''khanzīr'' [pig], which has a [kind of] trunk (''khurṭum'') bigger than that of the buffalo (''al-jāmūs''): it goes out on to the land near the Nile and eats vegetables (''az-zarʿ''), then returns to the river. In the aforementioned Nile there is: (1). a round fish, with a red tail, called lash, '''[p. 271]''' which is rarely seen: it is fleshy and of excellent flavour; (2). a fish called ''al-abarmīs'' (''al-abramīs''; ''abrāmis''), which is white, round, with a red tail; it is said that it is the king of fish, of excellent meat flavour, and is eaten raw or salted, but it is small, about one palm in length and about the half of it in width; (3). the ''rāī'' (salmon) which is a big fish of red colour, some of which are large and others small: the big ones may weigh up to three pounds; it has a good flavour near that of the ''abarmīs''; (4). a fish called ''al-bunnī'' (carp) large and of wonderful flavour; one of them may weigh five pounds or even ten; (5). a fish called ''bulṭī'', a round fish of the kind of the ''ʿafar'' of the lake of Tiberias: it has little thorn and is tasty; some samples can weigh up to five pounds; (6). a fish called ''lutis'', which the Egyptian natives call ''farkh'' (''perca nilotica''): it tastes excellent and has fat, some rare samples may weigh up to a quintal (''qintār'', 45 kg) or more or less; (7). the ''lābīs'', very good to eat, very appetizing; when cooked it does not keep the flavour of fish; it is prepared to make a variety of dishes in the same way as meat: its flesh is firm; it is found in big and small sizes, some samples up to ten pounds: all these kinds of fish have scales. There are some [kinds of] fish" without scales, among which:(8). one called ''samūs'' which has a big head, is very fat, and can weigh up to a quintal (''qintār'') more or less; its meat is sold cut into pieces; (9). a fish called ''nīnāriyāt'', which may be classified among the long fish; it has a long mouth in the shape of the bill of a bird; (10). there is also a fish called umm’ubaid, which has [something like] menstrual discharges and has no scales; (11). the ''halbuwah'' (''jalbirah'',''jalizah'') without scales, which may reach in weight about a pound and is venomous; (12). also a fish similar in shape to snakes, which is called ''inkalīs'' and is '''[p. 272]''' venomous; (13). a fish with black back, long whiskers, big head and a thin tail, called ''jirrī''; (14). a round fish with rough skin called ''qāfū'': women make use of it to card flax fibres; (15). also a fish known as ''ra'adah'' (torpedo); it is of a spheric form, with a rough poisonous skin; if a man touches it he receives a shock; this property remains in this fish so long as it is alive, but once it is dead it is like any other fish; (16) the water-dogs (''kilāb al-maʾ'') which resemble dogs and are of various colours; (17). the water-horse (''faras al-māʾ'') which looks like a horse in shape, but is smaller and has hoofs similar to the feet of a duck, capable of contracting them when raised and of expanding them when laid down; it has a long tail; (18). there is also ''siqanqūr''<ref>Most probably the ''Varanus Niloticus''.</ref> which is a kind of crocodile; it is different in shape from the fish because of its two hands and two legs, and is different also in shape from the crocodile because its tail is smooth and round while the tail of - the crocodile is plain-sided. Its fat is used as an aphrodisiac and its salt is also utilized like salt for preservation. Nowhere is the ''siqanqūr'' found except in the Nile as far downstream as Aswān. The crocodile, too, is found only in the Nile of Egypt. It has a big head, the length of which is half the total length of the body; its tail is covered with scales. It has such teeth that whenever it catches any wild animal or a man with them, it drags his prey into the water. It is an amphibious animal because it comes out to the banks and sits there in day-time and creeps on its hands and legs during the night and causes little harm on the shore, but it causes much harm when it is in the water. God, however, has placed against it another creature in the Nile, called ''lashk'' (ichneumon), which pursues it and observes when it '''[p. 273]''' opens its mouth: as soon as the crocodile opens the mouth, the ''lashk'' jumps into it and penetrates into the throat and goes on eating the liver and intestines until it causes its death. There is also a fish which passes from the Salt (Mediterranean) Sea into the Nile: it is called ''būrī'' (‘grey mullet'; Fr. mulet; "Mugil Cephalus"), beautifully coloured and with an excellent flavour like the ''rāī'' (salmon): it can weigh two or three pounds; another fish passing from the Sea into the Nile is called ''shabīl'', as long as a cubit or little more, sweet to the taste, its meat is good and fat; a third one is a kind of fish called ''shabbūt'', (goby "Gobius”) similar to the ''shabīl'', but smaller, as long as a span. Also many other kinds of fish pass from the sea into the river. In the lower course of the Nile, near Rosetta and Fuwah there is a kind of fish with a shell: it is generated at the mouth of the Nile where the sweet water mixes with the salty water. This shell is called ''dalīnas'' (oyster?): it is a small shell with a little lump of flesh, on which there is a black spot which is the head. The inhabitants of Rosetta salt it and ship to all the country of Egypt.

About the Nile, more details and marvels can be reported, but we shall mention what we can in its proper place in this book, with the help of God. (ibid., pp. 34 - 37).

[The Nūbah]

As for the country of the ''Nūbah'' whom we have mentioned above, one of their towns, in the interior part, is ''Kūshah'', a six days' journey from ''Nūwabah''. This town, which lies not far from the Nile, is situated beyond the equator; it is neither densely populated nor very active in commerce: its land is extremely dry. Drinking water is drawn from sources which discharge into the Nile. It '''[p. 274]''' is subject to the king of the Nūbah, who is called ''Kāsil'' (''Kāmil''), a name which is inherited among the kings of the Nūbah. The chief town and royal residence is ''Dunqulah''. This town lies on the west bank of the Nile; its inhabitants drink the water of the Nile: they all belong to the race of the Blacks (''Sūdān''), but are the finest of all the Blacks, both for the comeliness of their countenance and the perfection of their bodies. They live on barley and millet (''dhurrah''); dates are imported to them from the neighbouring countries; they make use of a drink called "''mizr''" which is made from millet, they eat camel-meat, either fresh or sun-dried, which they grind and boil in camel's milk. Fish is plentiful in their country; there are also giraffe, elephant and gazelle.

In the country of the ''Nūbah'' there is also the town of ''ʿAlwah'' on the bank of the Nile, lower than the town of ''Dunqulah'', at six days' distance by boat. The population of this town (''ʿAlwah'') drink the water of the Nile. On its bank they grow barley, millet and other vegetables such as rape (''saljam'': Brassica Campestris Oleifera), onion, horse-radish, cucumber and watermelon. The general of ''ʿAlwah'', its buildings, the habits of the people and its trade are similar to those of Dunqulah. The people of ''ʿAlwah'' journey to Egypt: between ''ʿAlwah'' and ''Bilāq'' the distance is, overland, ten days, and less than that by river downstream. The total length of Nubia, along the Nile, is a little more than two months. The people of ''ʿAlwah'' and ""Dunqulāh"" also travel by boats descending the Nile as far as the town of ''Bilāq'' on the Nile.

''Bilāq''<ref>Phonetically, it should be identified with the Coptic ''Peilak'' (Pilak), Philae Island. Also the total lack of rains and the fact that “Bilāq” is the terminal of navigation of the Nile boats coming from Nubia and Egypt, support this identification. But Idrīsī’s description of the town of Bilāq set between the Nile and the other “river coming from Ethiopia” suggests a town situated at the Junction of the Atbara River with the Nile. Monneret (''Storia'', p. 233) admits the existence of two towns of this name, the one identified with Philae, the other an unidentified town in the kingdom of ‘Alwa. An alternative reading of the latter is ''Yalāq'' (according to the reading of the diacritic dots in the Arabic script). Some ancient cartographers placed ''Yalāq'' at the Nile-Atbara junction. </ref> is a town of the ''Nūbah'' situated between two arms (''dhira’ayn'') of the Nile. The inhabitants of this '''[p. 275]''' town have permanent houses and good resources; wheat is usually imported to them, but barley and millet are plentiful in their country. It is in this town of ''Bilāq'' that the merchants from the ''Nūbah'' and the ''Ḥabashah'' gather; those from Egypt also come here, when there is peace between them. The dress of the population consists of a waist wrapper (''izār'') and mantles (''ma'āzir'', "veils"). Their land is watered by the Nile and by that river which comes from the country of the ''Ḥabashah'', which is quite large and discharges into the Nile near the town of ''Bilāq'', in the same arm (''dhirāʿ'') which surrounds the island. On the bank of this river there are fields cultivated by the ''Ḥabashah'' and many of their towns, which we shall describe below. No rain falls at ''Bilāq'', nor is there any over all the country of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') such as the ''Nūbah'', the ''Ḥabashah'', the ''Kanim'' (''al-kānimiyyīn''), Zaghāwa (''az-zaghāwiyyīn'') and others. The peoples of these countries have received from Allah no other gift or resource than the Nile flood which enables them to cultivate their lands. The food of the inhabitants of Bilāq consists of millet (''dhurrah''), dairy products, fish and vegetables, which are plentiful among them.

From the town of ''Bilāq'' to the mountain of the Cataracts (''jabal al-janādil'') it is overland six days' journey, and four days by boat descending the Nile. At the mountain of the Cataracts the boats of the Blacks end their navigation downstream, and thence sail back because '''[p. 276]''' they cannot proceed to the town of ''Miṣr''. The cause of this impediment is that God created this mountain and made it sloping gently on the side of the Blacks, but very high and steep on the other side looking towards Egypt. The Nile flows on both sides and drops from this mountain through a frightening cataract, through boulders and rocks. When the boats of the Nubians (''an-nūbiyyīn'') and other ''Sūdān'' arrive at this point of the Nile, they cannot pass through because of the extreme danger. The merchants then unload the boats of their contents and load them on camels and go overland to ''Aswān''. From this mountain to Aswān the distance is about 12 days' journey by camel. This town of Aswān is one of the frontier post (''thughūr'') on the borders with the Nūbah, the people who are for most of the time at peace with their neighbours. The boats from Egypt do not sail up the Nile beyond Aswān, which is the end of the Upper ''Sa’īd''.

[Aswan] is a small town, but very populated, rich in wheat and other cereals, fruits, watermelon (''dullaʾ'') and other vegetables; there is plenty of meat of cattle, lamb, goats and sheep and other excellent meats, fat and tasty, all low priced. There are also [depots for] the goods bound for Nubia. The country around is sometimes exposed to raids by [a branch of] ''Sūdān'' horsemen known as ''Balliyyīn''.

[The Beja Country and the Western Oases]

Some people say that these ''Balliyyīn'' are ''Rūm'' and that they have followed the Christian religion since the time of the Copts, before the rise of Islam, except that they are heterodox and follow the Jacobite sect. They roam over the country lying between the country of the Beja (''bujah'') and that of the ''Ḥabashah'' and also come into the land of the ''Nūbah'': they are nomads without any permanent '''[p. 277]''' home, like the ''Lamtūnah'' of the desert, who live in the extreme ''Maghrib''.

No moslem country is adjoining the town of Aswān on the eastern side except ''Jabal al-'Allāqī'', which is a mountain, the lower part of which consists of a dry ''wādī'', where no water flows; but, if one digs in its bed, water is found at a shallow depth, gushing out abundantly. On this mountain there is the gold and silver mine, where scores of men searching for these metals (''ma’ādin'') gather. Near Aswān, on the southern side of the Nile, there is a mountain, on the foot of which there is the emerald mine, in a desert region fair from any village. Nowhere in the world is emerald found except in this mine. Many people are searching for this mineral (''ma'dan''). Emerald is mined here and is exported to all the other countries. As for the gold mine, it is situated at about 15 days' distance from Aswan in a northeast direction and lies within the Beja (''bujah'') territory.

On the western side of Aswān there is no: other country except the Oases, which are now quite uninhabited, but in the past they were inhabited. Water springs from its soil. There are no trees, [but only] ruined, uninhabited villages. Also in the region behind them, up to the territory (''diyār'') of ''Kawār'' and ''Kūkū'',<ref>Monneret identified ''Kūkū'' (Kawkar) with ''Kūka'' (Kukawa) in the Chad territory. Kawār (Kouwar) is the region 100 miles north of the Lake Chad.</ref> the lands are devoid of palm oases (''jazā'ir nakhl'') and ruins of buildings. Al-Ḥawqal said that up to the present time there are found flocks of sheep and goats, but they turned wild and flee from man and can [only] be caught by hunters in the same way as the other wild game is hunted. The greatest part of the Oases territory is [adjoining] the territory of Egypt and remains of villages are found there: we shall mention them below.

'''[p. 278]''' From the town of ''Bilāq'' to the town of ''Markaṭah''<ref>A town in the upper valley of the Atbara River.</ref> there are thirty days. This is a small, unwalled town, but densely populated, with permanent houses. The population grow barley and make their living from it; they have fish and dairy products in abundance. To this town go the traders of the town of ''Zāligh''<ref>Zaylaʿ</ref>, which lies on the shore of the Red Sea (''bahr al-qulzum''). We shall mention these countries in due course. (pp. 36 - 41).

Section 5

[The Atbara River]

This fifth section of the First Climate includes the majority of the lands of the ''Ḥabashah'' and the whole of their country. The greatest of all their towns is ''Junbaitah''<ref>Junbayta (in other MSS: ''Hunbīta'', Janbīta, Janbiyya) is described by several Arab writers as an important and populous, royal town in the country of the Ḥabasha. Perhaps this name comes from the Ethiopic “''jan-biet''” (the king’s residence), Conti Rossini, ''Storia d’Etiopia'', p. 324.</ref>, a town with permanent dwellings (''mutahaḍḍirah'') although built in a desert plain far from villages (''ʿimārāt'') [both its villages (''ʿimārāt'') and deserts (''bawādī''] border on the [river] tributary of the Nile, which flows through the country of the Ḥabashah and has on its banks the town of ''Markaṭah'' and the town of ''Najāghah''. This river has its source beyond the equator on the extreme border of the inhabited earth to the south; then it flows northwest until it reaches the country of the ''Nūbah'' and there discharges into that branch of the Nile which surrounds the town of ''Bilāq'', as we have already mentioned. It is a very large river, with much water, but a slow stream. Along it there are villages of the ''Ḥabashah''. Some travellers wrongly assumed that this river '''[p. 279]''' is the Nile, because they noticed here what they saw on the Nile at its mouth, and that the decrease of its flood occurs at the same time as that of the Nile; for this reason most people formed a wrong opinion about it. But this is not the truth:<ref>Here there is clearly a misunderstanding: the travellers who observed and reported both the Atbara and the Nile rising in the same season were right, but they probably mistook the Atbara River for the Nile, because the Atbara River is a tributary of the Nile. Idrīsī on the contrary, considering that the “Nile of Egypt” was the only river which flows northwards from the “Mountain of the Moon” would not admit that the Atbara River, flowing down from Ethiopia in a N-W direction, might also be called Nile and be confused with it.</ref> so much so that they did not make any difference between this river and the Nile, [as they failed] to take into account the properties which we have mentioned above. A further proof of what we said, i.e. that this river is not the Nile, is what was written in the books of this science and what the scientists have said about this river, its source, its course and its mouth discharging into the branch of the Nile at the town of ''Bilāq''. Ptolemy Claudius (''Baṭlimyūs al-Iqlawdī'') in his "Geography" mentioned it, as did also Ḥassān b. al-Mundhir in his ''Kitāb al-ajā'ib'' when mentioning the rivers, their sources and their places. This is something on which the man of high understanding has no doubt, nor does any scientist ignore if he looks in the books for this matter. The people who live in the deserts of the ''Ḥabashah'' grow on the banks of this river most of their foodstuffs, on which they live, namely ''dhurra'' (''sorghum vulgare'') and ''dukhn'' (''pennisetum typhoideum''), kidney beans (''lubyah'') and lentils. It is a very large river which cannot be crossed except by boat; along it there are many villages and [cultivated] fields belonging to the ''Ḥabashah'' it is from these villages that food supplies are transported to ''Junbaiytah'', ''Qalyūn'',<ref>''Qaljūn'': the same as Ibn Sa’īd al-Andalusī’s “''Qaljūr''” and “''Kalghur''”. (Conti Rossini, Storia, p. 324-328).</ref> ''Batā'' and the other villages in the desert. (pp. 42 - 43).

'''[p. 280]''' Second Climate

Section 4

[The Kharga Oasis]

This fourth Section of the Second Climate includes the remainder of the Kharga Oases (''al-wāḥat al-khārijah'') in that part which is adjoining to the land of the ''Tājuwīn''<ref>Probably to be identified with today’s Daju (Tajo) of Darfur (Sudan).</ref> to the south, and the greatest part of ''Jifār'' and ''Bahrain'', returning back through the land of ''Santariyyah'' [the Siwa Oasis], which we have previously mentioned, then passing through the areas occupied by the ''Banī Hilāl'' and descending by way of the side of the mountain known as ''Jabal al-Jālūt al-Barbarī''. The eastern part of this section includes the greatest part of Egypt, which stretches along the Nile, a river which reaches this country flowing from the upper parts of the Nūba country.

The territory of the Kharga Oasis is at present an uninhabited desert, although water is found there. In the past it was inhabited and all covered with palm trees and [various types of] cultivations. In those olden days, travellers passed through this oasis on their way to the town of Ghāna<ref>See: Al-Ya’qūbī (q.v.) note 2.</ref>, following tracks which were then in use and water points which were well known; but today these tracks are abandoned and effaced. In the Kharga Oasis there are wild sheep and cows, as we have mentioned above. Between the Oasis and the frontier of the Nūbah, there is a three days' journey across uninhabited desert. In the Kharga Oasis there is the ''Jabal ʿAlsānī'', a very high mountain, the width of which at the foot is the same as that at the top. In this mountain there is the mine of lapis lazuli (''hajar al-lazurd''), which '''[p. 281]''' is taken to Miṣr for cutting... The town of ''Santariyyah'' is small... ''Santariyyah'' is the point of departure for those travellers who go to the country of ''Kawar''<ref>The remainder of Section 4 of the Second Climate deals with the Egyptian towns.</ref> and other countries of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). (pp. 121 – 122).

Section 5

['Aydhāb and the Royalties on the Passage of Pilgrims]

The fifth Section of the Climate includes parts of the countries lying on the coast of the Red Sea (Qulzum), such as the town of ''ʿAydhāb'' (''ʿAdhdhāb'') and the adjoining desert which is also called after it. In this desert there is no permanent road, one must direct one's way using [the position of] the mountains and the fixed stars, because all this desert consists of drifting sand and uninhabited plains. Sometimes even an experienced guide may lose his way, therefore he seeks guidance from the stars and the course of the sun from east to west ... (p. 132).

In the upper part of this section there are the plains of ''ʿAydhāb''. They form an uninterrupted desert without inhabitants, if one makes exception of some nomad Beja (''bujah''), who live there for a short period [of the year] because of the extreme scarcity of water in these surroundings. Travellers can cross this desert from Qos to ''ʿAydhāb'' in 20 days, or, sometimes, in less than that. In this desert there is the source called ''Jubb Hamīrah''. A very wonderful thing about this source is that its water is not digested in the natural way by the one who drinks it, i.e. it does not stay in the stomach, but as soon as one drinks it, it is released at once without delay, from the lower orifice of the body.

'''[p. 282]''' This desert cannot be crossed when the heat reaches its extreme intensity and the midsummer hot wind (''simūm'') blows, because water dries up, the wind is very dry and the ground burns so fiercely as to kill the travellers; therefore travellers cross it at the end of autumn.

In the upper part of this desert, on the sea coast, lies the town of ''ʿAydhāb'', whose native inhabitants are black in colour. They draw their water from wells. The town is not large nor densely populated. It is from here that one sails to cross the Sea to Jedda (''Juddah''), the width of the sea being one day's and one night’s sail. The town of 'Aydhāb is the official residence of the agent (''ʿāmil'') of the Beja chieftain (''ra'īs al-bujah''), as well as of the agent (''ʿāmil'') of the king of Egypt (''malik Miṣr''), who divide between them, in equal parts, the customs dues received. The agent of the Lord of Egypt (''sāḥib Miṣr'') is responsible for providing the food supplies for ʿAydhāb; and the Beja chieftain must protect the town against the Ḥabashah. The chieftain who has [official] residence in 'Aydhāb on behalf of the king of the Beja (''malik al-bujah'') usually lives in the desert and only very rarely in the town. The inhabitants of ‘Aydhāb visit all the districts of the Beja country for commerce; from there they bring butter, honey and milk. In the town there are also small boats with which the people catch a great quantity of fish of excellent flavour.

It is in this town that in our days a tax is levied on all Moslem pilgrims who come from the country of the ''Maghrib''.<ref>From this passage, one may gather that ''Nuzhat'' was written before the year 1172-74 A.D., i.e. before Saladin abolished this tax. Cf. Ibn Jubayr (q.v.).</ref> This tax amounts to eight dinars (''danānīr'') per head, [payable] in gold of any kind, whether melted '''[p. 283]''' or in pieces or coins. No pilgrim from the Maghrib can sail to Jedda without producing the certificate of payment [maks]. Whenever the captain (''rabbānī'') of the ship admits any one to a passage across the Red Sea without having first ascertained that the payment has been made, he himself must pay for him. Therefore, nobody can cross from 'Aydhāb to Jedda, unless he produces the certificate of payment.

After the ship has crossed the sea and God has helped them to arrive safely at Jedda, it moors in the bay. Then specially trusted employees (''ath-thiqāt'') of the Governor of Jedda (''wālī Juddah'') come on board and take note of all that is aboard subject to customs duty and record it all in their registers, then they leave the ship and all the passengers leave together; they are notified what amount of customs duty (''al-mukūs'') they have to pay. If they find a man who has not the certificate of payment (''maks''), the captain of the ship who gave him the passage is obliged to pay for him; sometimes the pilgrim is put in jail until the season of the pilgrimage is over; sometimes God inspires someone else to have him released by paying the tax (''maks'') which, in this case, is taken by the Hashemite Lord of Mecca to spend on his guards, as his resources are rather poor and his revenues do not cover his personal expenses.

This sea which comes into this section, is difficult to cross and has many shoals and prominent reefs; there are also many small islands which are uninhabited in winter time; but when the sea is in full tide with water and rises, in the season of the voyages, there are some people of dark brown colour, who come with small boats to live on these islands; they catch a great quantity of fish which they dry in the sun, then grind to powder and bake it: this is their only food for most of the time. '''[p. 284]''' The reason why they come to these islands is to catch fish and to dive for small pearls<ref>This is the earliest mention of the pearl fishing in the Red Sea.</ref> and also catch sea-turtles which carry a shell on their back; these shells are plentiful and are very useful. The greatest island in this part is the ''Nu'mān'' Island which is permanently inhabited. There is also the island of ''as-Sāmirī'' which is inhabited by some Samaritan Jews. (pp. 134 - 136).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Hudud al-'Alam

2015-06-23T17:59:48Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 170-175]'''

ḤUDŪD AL-'ĀLAM

''(983 A.D.)''

'' ''Ḥudūd al-'ālam mīn al-mashrīq ilā-l-maghrib'' is an anonymous geographical treatise in Persian.''

''Ed.: W. Barthold, Leningrad 1930 (facsimile). Transl. into English with notes by V. Minorsky, ''Ḥudud al-'alam'', Oxford 1937.''

''T.: MC 665 f and Minorsky P: 1''

'''[p. 171]''' Part One: "On the Rivers".

The Nile. As regards the waters [= the Nile sources] called "swamps", they are numerous, but the well-known ones are nine. ... Three among them [lie in] the desolate lands of the South, beyond Nubia, close to Jabāl al-Qamar , from which ten rivers rise. (Minorsky, p. 35).

In the province of Egypt there are two mountains: one is situated on the eastern side of the Nile. From the frontier of ''Uswān'' and the beginning of the frontier of Nubia it runs due north and enters Upper Egypt. The other mountain is on the western side of the river Nile. It also starts just from the beginning of the Nubian frontier and takes a northerly direction until in the region of Fayyūm it reaches al-Rīf.<ref>Minorsky (op.cit., p. 68) has: ''Ibrīq'' (Alweit?) in place of ''ar-Rīf'' (= Upper Egypt).</ref> (MC 665 r; Minorsky, p. 68).

From each of these two lakes<ref>I.e. the two lakes formed by the ten rivers rising from Jabal al-Qamar.</ref>, flow six rivers and all the six rivers together form the lake which lies beyond the limits of Nubia towards the south. The river Nile comes out of these marshes and enters Nubia flowing northwards, until it crosses all the Nūba territory; then it turns westwards until it reaches the town of ''Sukar'' (''Sakra''), then it turns eastwards towards the side of the mountain of al-Wāḥāt and then it passes near the town of Uswān and flows in a straight direction towards the sea.

... Another very large river is that flowing through the sandy territory lying between Egypt and the Sea of Qulzum. It flows westwards traversing the width of the '''[p. 172]''' land of the Nūba. It empties itself into the Nile at a place near the town of Kābil which belongs to the Nūba and is their capital. This river is known as "Ramal al-ma'din" (The Sand of the Mine)<ref>Most likely the Atbara River.</ref>. (MC 665 r; Minorsky, p. 76).

In the territory extending south [of that described here above] no other great river is found, except the river of the Beja. It is said that it flows from a mountain lying south [of the Beja countries], traverses the Beja territory and empties itself into the [Red] Sea near the land of the Ḥabasha<ref>Most likely the Barca (Baraka) River.</ref>. God, however, knows better. (MC fol. 665. v).

Then there is a sandy territory, east of which there is the Barbari Gulf and the Aila Gulf. This territory is limited by the Beja territory to the south, by the Nūba and Egypt to the west; and by the Qulzum Gulf to the north. It is called "The Sand of the Mine", because there are many gold mines. (MC 665 v).

"On the Regions".

The whole world consists of fifty-one regions, five of which - Zaba, Zanjistan, Ḥabasha, Buja and Nūba - lie to the south of the Equator. Another region extending to the extreme west lies across the Equator and this is the land of the Sūdān. (MC 666 r).

"On the Countries: ... Miṣr".

[Suwān is] the last town of Egypt and a frontier-post against the Nubians. It is situated west of the Nile [''sic!''] and is a town with great riches. The people are warlike. '''[p. 173]''' In the mountains which are near ''Suwān'', but belong to al-Wāḥāt, mines of emeralds and chrysolites (''zumurrud va-zabarjad'') are found, and in all the world they are found nowhere else. Beyond Aswān, in the frontier region lying between Egypt and Nubia, there are many wild asses, coated with black-and-yellow stripes, and as small as sheep. If they are taken away from that country they die. (MC 666 r; Minorsky, p. 152).

"On the Country of the Ḥabash".

This country has a very mild climate. The inhabitants are of black complexion. They are very lazy and possess many resources. They obey their own king. Merchants from Oman, Ḥejaz and Bahrain often go to that country for trade purposes. Rasūn, a town on the sea coast, is the residence of their king, while the army dwell in the town of Suwar; the Commandant-in-chief resides at Rīn, with [another?] army. The country is rich in gold. (MC 666 v).

"On the Country of the Beja".

East, south and west of it is the desert ... and north of it is that desert which lies between Alexandria, Buja, Nubia and the Sea.<ref>Fol. 39 of the MS is torn at this point. Little can be made from the remaining incomplete lines.</ref> [lacuna ...]. It does not mix with his people except by necessity. And in their soil ... [lacuna] ... huge, and the residence of the king of Buja is there. (Minorsky, p. 164).

"On the Country of the Nūba".

[Lacuna] ... to the north and to the south it is limited by ... [lacuna] ... mild and moderate ([...] '''[p. 174]''' called ''Rābīl'' (''Kābīl'') and they [...] a place towards Ramāl al-Ma'dān, there are 20 parasangs.

''Tarī'' (''Tahī''?) is a small district in the desert between the Nūba and the Sūdān.<ref>Tarī (or Tahī), if the spelling is correct, are not identified. If they are distortions of either Tur’a or Ta’a, Griffith drew the attention of Minorsky on a possible identification of the former with a village of the same name near Helwan, and the latter with a most flourishing Christian village [12,000 Christians, 360 churches], north of Ashmunein, destroyed by the last Omayyad governor. (Minorsky, op.cit., pp. 475-476). </ref> There are two remote [?] monasteries belonging to the Christians of the district. It is reported that they contain twelve-thousand monks (''mard-i rāhib'') and whenever one of them disappears from the Nūba, one of the Christians from Upper Egypt comes to replace him.<ref>The story of the two monasteries may belong to the same source from which many similar fabulous stories in Egypt have been derived. (Minorsky, pp. 475-476).</ref> (Minorsky, pp. 164 - 165).

... It is from this country that the majority of eunuchs come. The land contains gold everywhere. Their king is the best person among these ''sūdān''. They call their king: "I-Newa-i" [?], which seems to mean: "I drink three cups of wine every three days ... not more."

From this country to Miṣr the distance is eighty days' journey by camel. On this track there is water and fodder only at one point and nowhere else. These people are of bad character and very hard to please in transactions. The upper part of their body is short, while the lower one is long: in general they are thinly built, have thick lips, long fingers and are tall. The majority of them go naked.

Traders from Egypt go there and import salt, glass and tin: these people also sell the gold-stone. A number of them work the metal in their own country; or anywhere they find a vein of gold sufficiently abundant, there they settle.

'''[p. 175]''' In the southern land there is no other region so [thickly] populated as this. Traders kidnap their children, and, after having turned them into eunuchs, they take them to Egypt and sell them there. Among them there are people who kidnap children from each other and sell them to the merchants when these visit their country. (MC 666 v; Minorsky, p. 164).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

Ad-Dimishqi

2015-06-22T17:59:06Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 453-458]'''

AD-DIMISHQĪ

''(d. 1327 A.D.)''

''Shamsaddīn Abū 'Abdalla m. b. Abī Ṭālib aṣ-Ṣūfī ad-Dimishqī. Arab traveller and geographer.''

''Brockelmann 2, 130, 138; EI (s.v.)''

''Nukhbat ad-dahr fī 'ajā'ib al-barr wa-l-baḥr''

''Ed.: M.A.F. Mehren, ''Cosmographie de Chams-ed-din Abou Abdalla ad Dimishqui'', St. Petersburg 1866.''

''Exc.: Al-Maktaba 236-237.''

''T.: MC 1199 - 1203 (Mehren) A:1''

[Climates<ref>Ad-Dimishqī, reporting various opinions, says the Earth, south of the Equator, is inhabited according to Ptolemy, down to Lat. 12° 25’; or to Lat. 13° according to some others, or down to Lat. 16°, according to some other geographers. The peoples living south of the Ḥabasha are called, with a general name, Daghūta, and are Zanj. In the time of Ptolemy there were eight towns among them, viz. al-Qumr, Aghna, Laqmarana, Dahmī, Lamlama, Daghūta, Sūfāqas and Kūgha. (Mehren, op.cit., p. 15).</ref>]

The First Climate is 3000 parasangs in length and 150 in width, i.e. from Lat. N. 12° 30’ to 20°. In the Nūba country, it crosses over Dongola and al-Ḥabasha, in the countries of the Sūdān, it passes over al-Ḥabasha, then over Jazal, Kanāwar, Khūmat, Dāmūt, and Kūra, after which are the countries of the Da'āmah, Samghārī, Sam'arah, Zaghwa, Kūghah and Kanam. (Mehren, pp. 18 - 19; MC 1199r).

The Second Climate ... crosses over the Sea of Moses (''baḥr Mūsā''), the Dahlak island, the Sawākin island and ‘Aydhāb; west of which is Aswān ... (ibid., p. 19; MC 1199).

'''[p. 454]''' [Rivers]

Those who are experts in this matter say that the river of Egypt, called Nile, which is also the River of the Nūba, begins in the Mountains of the Moon (''jibāl al-Qamar''), which separate the inhabited land south and north of the equator from the burnt, austral [southern] land, about which we have no information. (Mehren, ibid., pp. 88 - 89; MC 1199).

[Western Countries]

As for the Oases (''al-Wāḥāt'') mentioned among the districts of Egypt, this region formed in the past an independent territory, but it later became a dependency. It is a region which border on no other province, but is surrounded by deserts. Its territory lies between Miṣr, Alexandria, the Maghrib, the Ṣa'īd, the Nūba and the Ḥabasha, almost equally distant from each. It is divided into three parts, the first called al-Khārija [the Khargah O.] and has as its chief town al-Madīna; the second includes two towns al-Qaṣr and Hundād; the third is called ad-Dākhila and has two towns, viz. Aris and Manūn. (ibid., p. 232; MC 1202 r).

'''[p. 455]''' The country of Kanem (''Kānam'') is extremely vast and extends on both sides of the river of Ghāna,<ref>See: al-Ya’qūbi, n. 2.</ref> which is also known as the river of the Ḥabasha... The capital of this country is the town of Kanem. Then there is the town of Jīmī, the town of Takrūr and the town of Samghāra. The river of Ghāna flows through all these towns or near them. Then there is the town of Jājā in a very fertile region, the town of Mātān (Mānān ?) and Tājū. The population of these towns is as handsome and graceful as the Zaghwā, who are a branch of the ''sūdān'' peoples, are ugly and savage.

The country of Kanem borders on the country of the Ḥabasha at the town of Sūra; Kanāwa belongs to the upper Ḥabasha. Within the country of Kanem there is the country called Kūwār <ref>See: Idrīsī, n. 15.</ref> in a valley rich with palm-trees but poor in water. There is a nation called Ankilāwūs; they also dwell in a valley similar to the valley of the Kūwār; another nation is the Balamlama; in this valley there is the town called ''Abzan''. To the west of this region there is a salt lake 12 miles in width. Somewhere around this lake there is the town of Fazzān, the town of Jarmā, the people known as the Zawīla, the town of Tasāwa and the town of Wān.

The natives of Lamlam dwell south of the Ghāna River and the Kūgha dwell southwest of the same river. The dwellings of the Bajāt, the Tamīm and Damdam extend towards the Equator and beyond. West of the Tamīm there are the Salāqas. All these peoples are savage; they have no religious beliefs (''dīn'') and behave more like animals than like human beings. These countries have been reached by [the influence of] Islam and Moslem travellers have explored them. (ibid., p. 241).

[Genealogies and Peoples]

About the Qibṭ (''al-Qibṭ''), it is said that they are the descendants of Qift b.Miṣr b. Baysar b. Ḥam. [Ḥam’s] children were Ushmūn, Qifṭ, Sā and Atrib. Qifṭ was the only one who left offspring: his son was Ṣayfān. Those of his [Ṣayfān's] children who settled in Upper Egypt (''Ṣa’īd Miṣr'') are now called ''al-Marīs'': those who settled in Lower Egypt (''asfal'') are called Bijāma.

According to another tradition, Ḥam had three children; Qifṭ, Kana'ān and Kūsh. Qifṭ is the ancestor of '''[p. 456]''' the Copts (''Qibṭ''), Kūsh that of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') and Kana'ān that of the Berbers (''Barbar''). (ibid., p. 266).

The race of the Blacks (''as-sūdān'') comprises of many peoples (''tawā'if''). We reckon them beginning from those who live in the southern parts<ref>Dimishqī mentions among them the Takrūr (“Toucouleur”), the Lamlam, the Tanīm, the Damdam.</ref> ... Those among them [Sūdān] who have embraced Islam are the ''Ghānim'' (Kanam ?) Ghāna, Kūkū, Kūwār, Fazzān and Zaghwā. (ibid., p. 267 s).

Another people among the ''Sūdān'' are the ''Ḥubūsh'', who live near the ''Zaghāwa''. It is said that they are the Ḥabasha of the upper regions (''al-ḥabasha al-'ulyā''). It is said that they are the infidels (''Kuffār'') who go naked.

Also to the peoples of the ''Sūdān'' belong the Kanāw, the Sūra, the Hujāma and Qaljūr, all of whom are Christian Ḥubūsh. They are divided into six groups, via. the Amhara, to whom belonged the Najāshī, whose descendants [still] hold the royal title, then the Sahart and the Jazal who have fine features, the Khūmad and Dāmūt. (ibid., p. 268).

[The Nūba]

One of the peoples of the ''sūdān'' are the Nūba, who, according to the tradition, are descended from ''Nūba'', son of Qifṭ, son of Miṣr, son of Miṣir [Baiṣar], son of Ḥam, son of Noah. This race [Nūba], according to information given by the Aswān merchants, is divided into several tribes such as the 'Anj (''ʾAnaj''), Azkarsā, Tibān, Andā, and Kankā. The 'Anj and 'Andā live on a large island, called 'Andā formed by the Nile, they wear no dress. The Azkarsā live very far from the Nile, the Tibān are in a district rich in iron ore, but where no animal can live because of the excessive heat.

'''[p. 457]''' According to al-Musabbiḥī, the Nūba are divided into two peoples, one is called 'Alwa, whose king resides in a town called Kūsa; the other is called Maqurrā and their king resides in a town called Dunqula; they never wear clothes with seams but wrap themselves in woollen tunics called ''dikādik''.<ref>Cf. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 213.</ref> The Arabs call them "pupil-smiters", because, during the invasion of Nubia led by ‘Abdalla b. Abī Sarḥ, in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.] a part of the Arab army was wounded in the eyes by the arrows of the enemy. This battle is referred to in the verse: "Never has my eye seen a day like Dongola's, where the cavalry advanced loaded with heavy breastplates". The Nubians are Jacobite Christians and read the Gospel in Greek, according to the "Malkanite" rite (''al-malkāniyya'').

They have ancient Greek churches. They keep the rite of circumcision and ablution after pollution. They never approach their women during menstruation.

Beyond the 'Alwa country there is a land inhabited by a race of Sūdān who go naked like the Zanj and who are like animals because of their stupidity; they profess no religion.

To the ''Sūdān'' belong also the Beja (''al-Bujāh''), who live along the Arabian Gulf as far as the Nile. They are divided into two groups, viz. the Ḥadāriya (? ''Ḥadāriba''), whose king resides in the town of Hajar and the Zanāfikha (''Zanāfija''), whose king lives in the town of Naqlīn (? ''Baqlīn''); all of them pull out the hairs of their beard and put their horses to draw carts ... The towns which they possess are Utīl and Adel (''ʿAdal'') and also the islands of Dahlak and Sawākin and the town of 'Aydhāb, which is a port for the traders of Yemen and Egypt. Their '''[p. 458]''' territory borders on that of a race of ''Sūdān'' called Khāsā the Lower, who are infidels, and Khāsā the Upper, who are Muslims. They are the least haughty and the least jealous towards women among all the (''sūdān'') peoples. Most of them wear no dress (tailored and sewn) with seams, nor do they live in towns. (ibid., p. 269).

The Zanj are of a lighter complexion than the Nūba, because the Zanj dwell on the eastern side (of Africa) where the breeze of the Indian Ocean is felt; the Hamīs and the Nūba, on the contrary, dwell to the west, where the black wind (''ar-rīh as-sawdāʾ''), the sīmum and the yahmūm blow unceasingly. Therefore, their bodies, burnt by the rays of the sun, have become black and their hair curly. The same is true about the Ḥabasha who dwell between the mountains, but not far from the sweet waters, therefore their complexion has become olive (''khudr'') tending to brown (''sumr'') or black (''sūd''). (ibid., p. 274; MC 1203 r).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]

1. al-Khitat

2015-06-06T23:31:56Z

Seignobos:

'''[pp. 586-673]'''

AL-MAQRĪZĪ

''1.) From "Al-Khiṭaṭ"''

[General Geographical Information]

The First Climate stretches across ... the "Nile of Egypt" as far as the country of the Ḥabasha and. the town of Dumqala in the country of the Nūba. (Wiet 1,1,ch.11, §37, p. 42; Bouriant, p. 31) <ref> Maqrīzī’s statements on the stronomical position of Dongola, distances between places in Nubia, the desert east and west of the Nile etc. have been omitted. Of the geographical passages, only those containing historical or legendary data have been included in this collection.</ref>

West [of Egypt] there is the Western Desert; to the south, the desert of the Nūba and the Ḥabasha. (W.1,1, ch.III, §1, p. 51; B., p. 36).

'''[p. 587]''' The frontier of Egypt begins at the Sea of the Rūm at Alexandria, or, according to others, at Barqa; traverses the land, passing behind the Oases (''al-wāhāt'') and continues as far as Nubia; then it turns [eastwards] along the borders of Nubia and those of Aswān, touches on the territory of the Beja which lies south of Aswān till it reaches the Sea of Qulzum. (W.I,1,ch.IV, §3, p. 54; B., p. 39).

Those who know well the history [of Egypt] say that the width of Egypt, from Aswān, in the remotest districts of Upper Egypt (''aṣ-Ṣa'īd al-a‘lā'') near the Nubian frontier, to Rosetta is about 30 days' journey. (W. ibid.; pp. 39 - 40).

After reaching the southernmost Oases, [if] you face towards the east and walk in the direction of the Nile; you will reach the river after eight days. Then if you go [upstream] following the Nile, you will reach the end of the territory of Islam, beyond this lies the country of the Nūba. Cross the Nile and go eastward from Aswān, leaving that town behind, in the direction of 'Aydhāb on the coast of the Sea of Ḥejāz: from Aswān to 'Aydhāb the journey takes five days. (W.1,1,ch.IV, § 8, p. 57; B., p. 41).

Traders go from Upper Egypt to the Maghrib, Nubia, the Beja country, Ḥabasha, Ḥejāz and Yemen. (W.I,1, ch. IX, §34, p. 114; B., p. 76).

[The Marvels of Ancient Egypt<ref>Most legends and fanciful tales about ancient Egypt were borrowed by Maqrīzī from ''Akhbār Miṣr wa-‘Aja’ibi-ha'' (The Stories and Marvels of Egypt) by Ibrāhīm Waṣif Shah. Bible apocrypha and commentaries (e.g. by Flavius Josephus) were widley known to ancient Arab writers.</ref>: A Bridge Across the Nile in Nubia]

[Pharaoh ''ʿAdīm'', son of ''Naqtāīm''] built a bridge<ref>This “bridge” is most probably the unfinished oblisk, still lying in the Aswān granite quarry. The ancients may have mistaken it for the rest of a giant bridge built across the Nile.</ref> across the Nile at a point where Nubia begins. On this '''[p. 588]''' bridge he erected roar statues, each facing one of the four directions; each statue held in its hands two arrows to hit any one who dared to approach from that direction. The statues remained in place until the Pharaoh of Moses - blessings upon him destroyed them. This king (''ʿAdīm'') erected, at the entrance to Nubia, the temple which has remained until our time.<ref>I.e. the time of the first writer who recited this story.</ref> (W.I, 1, ch. IX, 94, pp. 141 - 142; B., p. 90).

[The Origin of the Hawk Worship in Nubia]

The mother of [pharaoh] ''Marqūnis'' (''Marqukis'')<ref>Many different readings of this name.</ref> was the daughter of the king of the Nūba. Her father was a worshipper of the star ''as-Suhā''<ref>A dim star in the Ursa Major constellation.</ref>, which he called God. She asked her son to build a temple especially for her in which she would find seclusion. He built it, decorated it with gold and silver plates and erected a statue (''ṣanam'') in it, and had it [the statue] covered with silk curtains.

The queen used to enter it with her maidens and her retinue and prostrate herself before it three times every day; she instituted a monthly feast during which she offered [to the idol] victims and frankincense day and night. She also appointed a priest from the Nūba to perform the celebration, to offer victims and to burn frankincense. She did not cease from [trying to persuade] her '''[p. 589]''' son, until he, too, prostrated himself before the statue and called others to worship it. When the priest saw that the king had become a true worshipper of the star, he wanted to give the star ''Suhā'' a symbol (''mithāl'') in the form of an animal to which worship be paid. He decided to play a trick: (he waited) until the time when the hawks became very numerous in ''Miṣr'' thus causing great inconvenience to the population. Whereupon the king invited this priest and asked him the cause of such an increase in the number of hawks. He answered: "Indeed, your God sent them so that you erect [a statue] similar to them to be adored". ''Marqūnis'' said: "If that will satisfy him, I shall make it". He said: "Surely, the God will be satisfied". So [the king] ordered that the likeness of a hawk be made two cubits high and one cubit wide, of solid gold; he had its eyes made from two rubies, he put two necklaces of pearls set on rows of green stones around his neck and hung a pearl on its beak; its thighs were ornamented with red pearls. He then placed it on a pedestal of chiselled silver standing on a base of blue glass and had it erected under a vault on the right side of the sanctuary (''haikal''). He ordered that all kinds of spices (''al-afāwiyah'') and aromatic resins (''as-sumūgh'') be burnt. He offered it a black calf and the first brood of the chickens and the first fruits and flowers. (W.1,1, ch. X, §11, pp. 152- 153; B., p. 97).

[The Nubians and Some Neighbouring Peoples]

Epidemics in Egypt are always caused by an abnormal corruption which is easily spread by the air. This corruption may begin in Egypt itself or in the neighbouring countries, such as the [country of the] Sūdān, Syria or Barqa.<ref>Cf. Michael the Syrian (q.v.).</ref> (W.1,1,ch. XIII, p. 205; B., p. 132).

'''[p. 590]''' In the Commentary of the Fourth Book of Ptolemy<ref>The first Arab commentator of Ptolemy was Al-Khuwārizmī (q.v.). This passage, however, is taken from Al-Ḥamdānī (q.v.).</ref> it is said; Concerning the countries, of the [inhabited] quarter which is near the centre of all the Earth, such as Barqa, Egypt, the Oases, the land of the Nūba, and the Beja arid the land of the coast east of the Nūba and the Ḥabasha, all these countries lie in the angle which extends its influence on all the inhabited quarters [of the Earth] situated between the north [wind] (''dabūr'') and the south [wind] (''janūb'') [B: vent du nord]. [In other words] these regions torn altogether the western half of the inhabited quarter (of the Earth) which is under the direct influence (''tadbīr'') of the Five Planets together. The inhabitants of these lands worship God, venerate the Genii (''al-junn''), practice wailing for the dead and bury their dead in graves with different ceremonies: they have different customs, rites and beliefs because mysteries (''asrār'') appeal strongly to them, so that every [racial] group (''tā’ifa'') among them performs one or another secret ceremony (''al-umūr al-khaffīyya'') which they all profess and perform. From these mysteries (''asrār'') originated the mathematical sciences (''al-‘ulūm ad-daqīqa''). When they are subject to foreign rule, these peoples are wretched and are generally lazy and cunning. When they have foreigners subjected to their rule, they show great generosity and kindness. Men take a great number of wives, and women alike have a number of husbands; as they [men] feel strongly inclined to intercourse, they have many children and the women are frequently pregnant. Many men are, however, weak and effeminate. (W.1,1, ch. XIII passim, pp. 205 - 206; B., pp. 134 - 135).

'''[p. 591]''' [The Nile]

The river [Nile] originally had no regular course, but flowed into swamps, and branched off on into the land, until King Naqrāwūs sent an expedition to Nubia comprising men who straightened the course. They dug several canals to flow from the main course so as to supply water to the towns which they built; one of these was the canal to the town of Amsūs.

... The same author [i.e. Ibn Waṣīf Shāh] adds: Al-Walīd, the son of Dawma' [B.: ''Darmaʾ''), the Amalecite ... sent one of his servants by name ''ʿAwn'' to Egypt; then he himself went [to Egypt].

... He [Walīd] had the idea of exploring the sources of the Nile, and finding out what peoples were living on its banks. He spent three years making preparations for the expedition, then he set out with a numerous army. He never passed through a country without exterminating the inhabitants. He passed through the countries of the Blacks (''umam as-sūdān''), went beyond them, then he entered the country of the gold (''arḍ adh-dhahab'') and saw there small rods (''qudbān'') sticking out of the ground. (W.I,1, ch. XV, §2-3, pp. 225 - 227; B., pp. 146 - 148).

... [Idrīsī says]: This lake [i.e. the one from which the Nile river finally flows] is called ''Kuwarā'' (''Kurī'', ''Kūra''), after the name of a tribe of Sūdān who dwell on its banks. These ''Sūdān'' are a savage people and eat the men whom they can capture. The river ''Ghāna'' (''nahr Ghānah'') and the great river (''baḥr'') of the Ḥabasha flows from this lake. On flowing out of the lake, the Nile crosses the country of the ''Kuwarā'' (''Kurī'', ''Kūra'') and the Yana (''Yanna'', ''Nana'') a tribe of Blacks (''Sūdān'') between Kanem (B.: ''Katem'') and the Nūba. On reaching Dongola (''Dumqala''), the town of the Nūba, it enters into the Second Climate flowing in a [north-]easterly direction. (W.I,1,ch. XV, § 16, pp. 229 - 230; B., p. 149).

'''[p. 592]'''... Navigation of the boats coming downstream from the Nūba ends where the Nile reaches the cataracts (''al-janādil''), as well as the navigation by the boats coming upstream from the Ṣa'īd. Outcrops of rocks allow to beats no through-passage, except at the time of the flood. (W., ibid., pp. 231 - 232; B., p. 150).

What he [Idrīsī] says about the branch of the Nile, which flows across ''al-Ḥabasha'' is not true. The flood-season of the Nile occurs in Egypt at the same time as in the country of the Nūba and [in the other countries lying] beyond it to the south. There is no difference between the two regions except on two particulars: the first is that in the land of Egypt it flows in a rocky bed (''ukhdūd''), while there [in Nubia] it spreads far and wide over the lands. The second point is that in Egypt the flood is measured by the Nilometer (''miqyās''), but in Nubia it is quite impossible to measure it because the waters are dispersed. Those who have a good knowledge of Egypt, know well that the increase of water in the Nile is caused by the rains in the southern region. (W., ch. XV, §24, pp. 244 - 245; B., p. 160).

It is told that the Nile is formed by ten streams which flow from the above mentioned ''Jabal al-Qamar'' – each five streams gathering into one tributary. Then the ten streams flow into two lakes - five streams into one lake; then a river (''baḥr'') flows from the eastern lake smoothly (''latīf''), eastwards near Mount ''Qāqūlī'' (or: ''Qāqūl'', ''Qāqarlī'') and passes by the towns of that region, until it enters the Indian Sea. From the two lakes, six rivers flow, i.e. three rivers from each lake; the six rivers unite in a vast lake which is called "The Swamp" (''al-baṭīḥa''); on it there is a castle (''qaṣr'')<ref>Probably, a natural, but unidentified cliff protruding into the Nile. Cf. Al-‘Umarī (q.v.) from whom this passage was borrowed.</ref> which resembles a mountain '''[p. 593]''' round which the waters divide into two streams. One of them flows out from the western side of the Swamp, and this is the "Nile of the Sūdān" which becomes a river (''baḥr'') and is called the "Great River of the Damādim" (''baḥr ad-Damādim''). It turns towards the west between Samghara and Ghāna, passing south of Samghara and north of Ghāna, it touches the town of Barīsa, then disappears under a mountain south of that town beyond the equator as far as ''Rafila'' (?), after which it forms a lake in that region, then the remainder of the water continues flowing westwards till the lands of Mallī and Takrūr and ends in the [western] ocean, south of the town of ''Qaltabū'' (''Qalab.tū'' ?, ''Qalb.twā'.F.l.sū.''?). The other half begins on the northern side and flows northwards as far as to the east of the town of Jīmī (''Hīmī''); there it divides into two branches, one branch flows eastwards to the town of ''Saḥart'', then turns south, then again southeast, to the town of Saḥarta (''Sahrīyya'' ?), then to the town of ''Marka'', and ends at the equator at Long. 65°, where it forms a lake (''buḥairah''); as for the main branch [of the Nile], from the place where it parts from the [Saḥart] branch, east of the town of ''Shīmī'', it continues its course in the northern direction, passes by the borders of the country of the Ḥabasha, then flows north on the countries of the Sūdān to the town of Dumqala, until it falls over the cataracts to Aswān ... etc. (W.I,1,ch. XVI, §25, pp. 245 - 246; B., p. 161).

Mas’ūdī<ref>Maqrīzī here reviews the opinions of the ancient philsophers on the cause of the Nile flood.</ref> said: The Indians (''al-hind'') say that the flood of the Nile and its decrease depend on the torrential rains. We know that this is true because [it occurs regularly] in connection with the stars (''al-anwāʾ'') causing '''[p. 594]''' the rainy season and thunderstorms. The Rūm said that the Nile neither increases nor decreases, and that the flood and its ebb are due to the many [hidden] springs which feed it. The Copts say that the increase and the decrease are caused by some springs on the coast, which can be observed by those who travel and explore its upper course. Others say that the Nile neither increases nor decreases, but that its flood is due to the wind blowing from the north, which stops its water and forces it to overflow into the countryside. Others say that the Nile flood is caused by a wind blowing called ''Mullathan'' (''muln'': B.: ''Moltan''), which brings the rain-carrying clouds from below the equator; therefore it rains in the countries of the Sūdān, the Ḥabasha and the Nūba, and the mass of these waters reaches Miṣr at [the time of] the increase of the Nile and Irrigates it. (W.I, 1, ch. XVII, §13, pp. 255 - 256; B., p. 167).

All these eight rivers end into one lake out of which one river flows and this is the Nile of Egypt. It traverses the country of the Nūba and merges with another river, the source of which is not in the region across the equator. That lake is vast and round, its diameter equalling 3° [degrees]. The distance of its centre from the beginning of the inhabited lands in the west is 71°; the stream flowing from this spring meets the Nile at a point distant 43° 40’ from the nearest inhabited land in the west. (W.I, 1, ch. XIX, pp. 267 - 268; B., p. 175).<ref>Maqrīzī reported different opinions of ancient scientists about the origin of the Nile and the cause of its annual flood. (I,1,ch. XV-XVI, pp. 230-256, passim). Then he quoted Avicenna’s opinion about the superior qualities of the Nile water (ch. XIX, p. 268).</ref>

'''[p. 595]''' [An Expedition Against the Blacks (''Sūdān'')]

Towards the beginning of the 30th year of the reign [of the Egyptian King Nadares b. Sabin b. Qobīim], the Zanj and the Nūba branches of the Sūdān carried out a raid on his kingdom, troubled and pillaged it [Nadares] gahtering his armies from the districts (''a'māl'') of Egypt, prepared boats and sent a general called ''Filūtus'' (Bilatus?, B.: ''Philotheos'') with 300,000 men and another general with another similar army. He sent 300 boats up the Nile. On each boat there was a magician (''kāhin''), each one capable of doing a special miracle. Then he himself set out with a numerous army, met the multitude of the Sūdān who numbered about one million, defeated them, killed a great number and took many prisoners: his armies pursued them until they arrived at a place where elephants are found, in the country of the Zanj. He captured a great number of these animals, as well as leopards (''numūr'') and other wild animals and sent them to Egypt, where he had them tamed. On the borders of his country he built a light-house (''manār'') on which he recorded his journey, his victory and the time he spent on the expedition. Later, he then died in Egypt and was buried in a "naos" (''nawūs''), in which he had set up many effigies symbolizing the stars (''aṣnām al-kawākib''), gold, precious stones (''jawhar''), jewels and statues. On the "''naos''" (shrine) was engraved his name and the date of his death. Charms (''ṭilasmāt'') were placed on it [''naos''] so that they might keep [evil-doers] away. (W.I,l,ch. XXIII, §5, pp. 298 - 299; B., p. 199).

'''[p. 596]''' [A Tax on Nubian Slaves Abolished by Sultan Nāṣir Ibn Qalāwūn]

One of the taxes and privileges abolished by the Sultan [Nāṣir Ibn Qalāwūn] was the tax of the chieftains (''shadd az-zu’amāʾ''),<ref>Bouriant: “droit de garantie”. Some Arab scholars interpret “''shadd az-zu-‘amāʾ''” as a decree made in order to curb the arrogance of the chieftains. “''Shadd''” was, however, a custom duty levied by the Sultan at ‘Aydhāb. Some chieftains in Upper Egypt probably enjoyed the privilege of levying such tolls.</ref> which was a very peculiar institution (''jiha mufrada''). He also abolished the tax (''huqūq'') levied on the Blacks (''Sūdān''), and the inspection of the boats and whatever was prescribed as payment on every slave, girl or man, at the time they were admitted into the hostels (''khānāt'') for the purpose of shameful actions (''li-'amāl al-fāḥishah''); on that occasion it was customary to levy a fixed tax on every male and female. (W.I,2, ch. XXXII, §16, p. 27; B., p. 255).

[Nubians in Egypt under the Fatimite Dynasty]

Ibn Muyassar [q.v.] says in his "History" that the slaves in the service of the lady mother of the Imam (''ʿabīd as-sayyida umm al-imām'') al-Mustanṣir billah Abū Tammīm Ma'add b. aẓ-Ẓāhir li-'azz dīnillah Abūl-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. al-Ḥākim biamrillah Abū 'Alī Manṣūr b. al-'Azīz billah, numbered five thousand, without counting (those in) the army.

When the government (''ad-dawla'') passed from the Fatimites into the hands of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb the latter suppressed the corps of the Blacks slaves (''al-'abīd as-sūd'') in the Egyptian army as well as the Egyptian emirs (''al-umarā' al-miṣriyyīn''), the Bedouins (''al-'urbān''), the Armenians (''al-Arman'') and others, so that the army consisted (only) of Kurds and Turks. (W. 1.2, ch. XXXIV, §§21-22, p. 45; B., p. 270).

'''[p. 597]''' [Enterprises of the Pharaoh Naqrāwūs]

Master Ibrāhīm b. Waṣīf Shāh tells us in his book "Stories and Marvels of Egypt" that the old [town of] Miṣr (''Miṣr al-qadīma'') was called Amsūs and that the first king of the land of Egypt was Naqrāwūs, the powerful, (''al-jabbār''), son of Miṣrāīm, and [that] the meaning of Naqrāwūs is "king of his own people".

It is said that it was this king who straightened the bed of the Nile. Formerly, [this river] spread between two mountain ranges. He sent an expedition [of men] to the country of the Nūba to straighten the Nile bed (''handasū-ha''). They dug a large canal (''nahr'') flowing from it and built towns along it and planted many trees. He also wished to know the sources of the Nile: he therefore set out [on an expedition] and travelled until he arrived beyond the equator and found himself at the shore of the Dark Lake of Pitch (''al-baḥr al-aswad az-ziftī'') where he saw the Nile welling up to the surface of this lake like a network [of streams]. From there the streams entered ''Jabal al-Qamar'', flowed out of it and ended in [some] swampy lakes (''batā’ih''). It is also said that it was he who erected the statues which are found in that region. When he returned to Amsūs, he divided his kingdom among the children. (W., p. II, t.3, ch.II, §§1,2,5, pp. 6-8; B., p. 375).

After him [Naqrāwūs], his son ''Khaslīm''<ref>Gen. 10, 14: “Khaslukhīm”.</ref> became the king ... it was he who built the bridge (''al-qanṭara'') over the Nile in the country of the Nūba. When he died he was placed in a temple (''nāwūs'') together with his treasures and a talisman. (W., ibid., §15, pp. 14 - 15; B., pp. 379 - 380).

'''[p. 598]''' They [the Egyptians] made as their king 'Adīm, son or Qafṭurīm, (''Qofṭīm'') ... In Nubia he built a bridge (''qanṭara'') over the Nile and he reigned 14 years ... During his days Qos was built and he raided the Ḥabasha and took prisoners. (W., ibid., §40,43 passim, p. 39; B., p. 395).

After her [i.e. Nūriāt, a sorceress queen], Marqūnis became king; he was good and wise. His mother was the daughter of the king of the Nūba. This princess did many wonderful things (''ʿajā’ib''). During his reign all sort of wondrous objects (''kullu gharība'') were made. (W., ibid., §§ 72-73, p. 47; B., p. 400).

He was followed as king by his son ''Badāris'' (B.: ''Todrās'') who extended his power over all the provinces.

He carried out a raid in the land of the Zanj and the Ḥabasha (branches) of the Blacks (''Sūdān''). He sent 300 boats (''safīna'') down the Nile, met the Sūdān who were about one million in number and defeated them; he killed the majority of them and took a great number of them prisoners. He also took back to Egypt elephants and leopards (''numūr''). On the frontiers of his country he built light-houses (''manārāt''), on which he engraved his name, the account of his journey and of his victory.

In his time God sent the prophet Ṣāliḥ to the Thammūd. It is also said that it was he who settled the Nubians (''an-Nūba'') where they are now. During the war he waged in the land of the Ḥabasha and at the time of the slaughter he made among the Black peoples (''umam as-sūdān''), he found among them a nation (''umma)'', who could read the books of Adam, Seth (''Shith'') and Idrīs; he bestowed favours on them and assigned a homeland to them, in a land lying at one month's distance from Egypt (''arḍ Miṣr''). These people were called "''Nūba''". He died at Memphis (''al-manf''). (W.,ibid., §§80-81, pp. 48 - 49; B. pp. 401 - 402).

'''[p. 599]''' His son ''Hazaba'' (other reading: ''Harbatā'', ''Harnabā'') reigned after him. Hazaba’s father had taught him the worship of the only one God and had kept him away from the worship of idols; but after the death of his father, Hazaba fell back to the worship of idols in use among his people.

... He carried out a raid against the ''Hind'' and the ''Sūdān'', built one hundred boats of the same type as the boats (''sufun'') of the ''Hind''; he set out and took with him a woman ... he built temples (''hayākil'') in which he erected effigies symbolizing the Planets, (''aṣnām li-l-kawākib''), he raided the coast of Syria, subjected its inhabitants and returned to Egypt; he then raided the Nūba and the Sūdān and imposed on them a tribute which they had to bring to him. He raised the prestige of the priests (''al-kahnah'') and ascribed his victory to the help of the Planets. (W. ibid., §83, pp. 49 - 50; B., pp. 402 - 403).

It is said that the pharaoh of Joseph was called ''ar-Rayyān'' (''Riyān'') b. al-Walīd b. Layth b. Fārān (Qārān) b. Amrū b. 'Amalīq b. Balqa' b. 'Āber b. Aslīḥā b. Lūdh b. Sām b. Nūḥ. It is also said that the pharaoh of Joseph is the grandfather (''jidd'') of the pharaoh of Moses, i.e. the father of his father (''abū abī-hi'').

... He set out on a campaign against the Maghrib with an army of 900,000 men, crossed the territory of the Barbar, the majority of whom he subjected, proceeded to the Green Sea, then marched southwards; went up to the Nūba and returned to Menf. (W., ibid., §105, p. 56; B., pp. 406 - 407).

She [Dalūka, the Old Lady], in order to protect Egypt against the enemies, built a wall which extended from the frontiers of ''Rafaḥ'' (B.: ''zinj'') to Ifrīqiya, the Oases and Nubia. All along this wall there were gates with guards watching day and night, keeping fires alight con-'''[p. 600]'''-tinually. She had this wall (''jidār'') built around Egypt within six months; this is the wall known tinder the name of the Wall of the Old Lady (''ḥā'iṭ al-'Ajūz''). (W., ibid., §122, p. 61; B., p. 410).

When Egypt was ruled by Juriā (B.: Gouriāq), the daughter of Ṭūṭis, the first pharaoh of Egypt, who was also the pharaoh of Ibrāhīm ... she built a fortress (''hiṣn'') on the frontiers of Egypt, facing the Nūba and a bridge (''qanṭara''), under which the water of the Nile flows. When she became ill, she left her cousin, ''Dalīfa'' (B.: Zelfa), daughter of Māmūn to reign; then she died. (W. II, vol. 3, ch. 3, §6, p. 78; B., p. 420).

[Nubians in Egypt at the Time of the Arab Conquest]

It is said that 'Amrū ibn al-'Āṣ granted the population of Alexandria their lives and that, rather than massacre or plunder, he put them under the protection of Islam in the same way as he had done to the Nūba. (W.II, 3, ch. XIII, §12, p. 156; B., p. 474).

Know that this sand [i.e. the Western Desert] is spread over the surface of the Earth. Some people call it the "sand of the dunes (''ar-raml al-habīr''; B.: "le sable mamelonné")." The length of this desert, which begins behind the two mountains known as Tāy', reaches the sea, on the east, and, stretching behind these mountains, extends as far as Egypt and Nubia and the Ocean and takes five months' journey to walk across. (W.II, 3, ch. XXI, §1, p. 220; B., p. 523).

'''[p. 601]''' Chapter XXX<ref>Whole chapters from Maqrīzī’s ''Khiṭaṭ'' (XXX-XXXIV, XXVI-XXXVII), which preserved Aswānī’s invaluable statements, are quoted in the following pages. Unfortunately, Maqrīzī copied from Aswānī only the geographical description, and very little of the statements on the History of Nubia. It is often impossible to distinguish which passages are quotations from Aswānī and which are Maqrīzī’s own summaries. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Manūfī (q.v.), who wrote in the 16th century a treatise on the Nile, read Aswānī’s book and quoted lengthy passages from it. A comparison between the borrowings by Maqrīzī and those made by Manūfī proves that Maqrīzī’s text is substantially faithful to al-Aswānī’s original book. Only place names are spelt in different ways. For the various readings of place names, see G. Troupeau, ''La description de la Nubie d’al-Aswani'', ''Arabica'' 1, 1954, pp. 276288. (I am indebted to Prof. Leclant for this communication and a copy of Troupeau’s article). (The headings of chapters are from Maqrīzī, the sub-headings are the editor’s additions).</ref>: The Cataracts and the History of the Nūba in Retrospect

‘Abdalla b. Aḥmad b. Salīm (Sulaym) al-Aswānī said in his book entitled "History of the Nūba, Maqurra, ‘Alwa, the Beja and the Nile" (''Akhbār an-nūba wa-l-maqurra wa-'alwa wa-l-buja wa-n-nīl''): -

The first village (''balad'') of the Nūba is the village (''qarya'') of al-Qaṣr, five miles from Aswān. The last stronghold (''hiṣn'') of the Moslems is an island called Bilāq, one mile away from the [first] village of the Nūba, situated on the Nubian river bank. From Aswān to this place there are huge cataracts (''janādil'') in the river (''al-baḥr''): boats cannot pass through, except with the skillful help of the local fishermen, who are well acquainted with them, because these rocks are steep and the Nile divides here into many streams. The roaring of the cataracts is heard from a great distance. In this village there is an armed garrison (''musallaḥa'') and a gate leading to the country of the Nūba. Between this village and the first cataract (''janādil'') of the Nubian country there are ten halting places (''marāḥil''). The Moslems [who live] in this district (''nāḥiya'') have a free hand there: they own properties in the neighbourhood and carry out trade in the upper part. There is also a number of Moslem inhabitants but none of them speaks Arabic. This district is narrow and uneven, very mountainous and situated exclusively on the Nile, its villages being ranged in lines along its banks, with palm and ''muql'' (''bdellium'', Theban palm-tree).

'''[p. 602]''' The upper part of this district is broader than its lower part and has vine plantations (''kurūm''); the Nile does not water its fields because of the upward slope of the land [from the river]. The cultivated area is one or two or three acres (''faddān'') and is watered by water-wheels (''dawālīb'') drawn by oxen. They [the inhabitants] plant little, wheat (''qamḥ''), but more barley and rye (''sult'').

Because the cultivated area is narrow, they plant continuously never allowing the land to go fallow. In summer, after fertilising it with manure and [new] earth, they sow it with ''dukhn'' (''pennisetum millet''), ''dhurra'' (''sorghum millet''), ... (''al-jāwrus''), sesame and beans (''lūbiyah'').

In this district is located the town of Bujarāsh<ref>“''Bujarāsh''” is the reading adopted by Wiet (Op. cit., p. 253, n. 4). For other readings and discussion, cf. Wiet, 1, c.</ref>, the capital of al-Marīsī, as well as two fortresses (''qal’a''), one of which is the fortress of Ibrīm. There is also the port (''minā'') known as ''Adwāʾ'' [cf. Wiet, ''ibid.'', note 6], reputed to be the homeland of Luqmān the Wise and Dhū-l-Nūn. There are also the marvellous ruins of a temple (''birbā''). This district is ruled by a governor (''wālī'') called "the Lord of the Mountain" (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabāl''), representing the Great Lord of the Nūba (''ʿazīm an-Nūba''). He is among the highest ranking of their ''wālīs''. This district borders on the land of Islam and anyone who comes from the land of the Moslems to Nubia has to deal '''[p. 603]''' with him, whether for the purpose of trace or to bring a gift to him or to his Lord (''mawlā''). He receives everyone and presents all [visitors] with slaves, but allows no one, Moslem or otherwise, to travel [up country] to visit his Lord.

At the first cataract in the country of the Nūba there is a village called Baqwā (''Ta'wā'', ''Taqwā''; B. : Taqoui),<ref>J. L. Burckhardt, ''Travels in Nubia'', London 1822, read Takoa and identified it with Wadi Halfa.</ref> which is a terminal port for the boats of the Nūba sailing upstream from al-Qaṣr on the frontier of their country. The boats cannot go further. No one, Moslem or otherwise, is allowed to go upstream beyond this point, except by permission from the Lord of the Mountain. Between the port and the Upper Maqs (''al-maqs al-a'lā'') there are six stopping places [all the length] full of cataracts. This is the worst part I ever saw in this district, for it is narrow, extremely difficult to navigate and full of cataracts and intervening rocks, where the Nile sometimes becomes as narrow as fifty cubits (''dhirāʿ'') only. The land on either side is cut by narrow passages (''majāwib''), steep heights and mountainous passes so narrow that neither a rider nor any ill-equipped traveller on foot can cross them. On both the western and the eastern [banks] there are sands. These mountains provide the inhabitants with a [natural] fortress (''hiṣn''), where the inhabitants of the district bordering the land of Islam seek shelter. In some islands there are palm-trees and some plantations of negligible value. Their staple food is fish. They also use fish oil (''shahm'') to anoint themselves. These islands are part of the Marīs and are under the authority of the Lord of the Mountain. The commander of the garrison (''musallaḥa''), which is in the Upper '''[p. 604]''' Maqs, is appointed by their Lord (''Kabīr''). He keeps a very tight control over them, so tight that even their greatest man (''ʿazīma-hom''), when he passes through, is stopped by any man from the garrison, who feigns to search him, so that he might do the same to the [King's] sons, his viziers and anybody else.

Here neither the ''dinar'', nor the ''dirham'' are of any use because they do not use money in their transactions, except with the Muslims beyond the cataract they do not buy or sell with money, but carry out their transactions by the exchange of slaves (''raqīq''), cattle, camels, iron tools and grains.

Nobody is allowed to pass beyond this point except by permission of the king (''malik''): whoever transgresses this [law], is liable to the death penalty, whosoever he may be. By this precautionary measure, whatever happens [in their kingdom] is kept secret, so that their army can attack a country or carry a raid in the [environing] desert without anybody knowing.

The emery (''sinbādh'', whetstone) which is used in polishing gems, comes from this spot in the Nile. They dive for it and recognize it by its coldness when touched, compared with other stones. If they have any doubt as to its nature, they breathe on it and it forms a light film of moisture.

Beyond this garrison, there is a village called ''Sāy'', which is on a cataract. [Sāy] is one of their seats [of government], where a bishop resides. There is a ruined temple (''birbā'').

Next comes the district (''nāḥiya'') of ''Saqlūdhā'',<ref>Burckhardt, ''Travels'', 523, identifies this region with Dār Mahās.</ref> which means the "Seven Governors" (''wūlāh'') ; its land '''[p. 605]''' is very similar to the region bordering the land of the Muslims, somewhere wide, somewhere narrow, with its palm-trees, vines, ''muql'', and other plantations. There are few cotton plantations from which they make rough cotton material, and there are also some olive trees. The Wālī of this district is directly appointed by their king (''kabīr'') and under him are other governors who exercise authority.

A fortress (''qal’a'') called ''Astanūn''<ref>Burckhardt, (ibid.): Tinareh.</ref> (other readings: ''Astūn'', ''Asfūn'') is located there and it marks the beginning of the third cataract, which is the most difficult cataract to cross, because there is a mountain protruding into the Nile from the east to the west, and the water gushes through three passages, and might even be limited to only two [passages] at low tide.<ref>Aswānī made the journey Aswān-Dongola in summer. Qurbān Bayrām – which Aswānī celebrated soon after his arrival at Dongola – fell in late August.</ref> It has a terrible roar but [presents] a beautiful view as the waters fall on it [the bedrock] from the heights of the mountain. South of it, the [river] bed is full of rocks lying in the middle of the Nile, stretching over the distance of three days' journey [''abrud''] as far as the village of ''Bastū'' (''Nastū'', ''Sanū'', ''Banstū'', ''Yastū'', ''Yasīr''), which is the last village [in the territory] of the Marīs and the beginning of the country of Muqurra. From this place to the frontier of the Muslims the language of the people is the Marīsī, and this (''al-Marīs'') is the last [most northerly] district of their king (''mutamallik''). '''[p. 606]''' There is the district (''nāḥiya'') of Baqūn<ref>Several different readings of this name are possible. Cf. Wiet III, p. 255, n. 10.</ref>, which means "marvel": it is so called because of its beauty.

I did not see a wider district on the Nile: I estimated that the width of the Nile in this district, from east to west, is five days' journey. The islands break up the Nile into several streams, which flow among them through a low-lying land and [along] an uninterrupted string of villages and fine buildings with pigeon towers, cattle and camels. The bulk food supplies to their capital come from this district. Their [commonest] birds are the ''taghṭīṭ'', the ''nūbī'', the ''babbāgh'' and other beautiful birds. Their king prefers to spend his leisure in this district. [Al-Aswānī] said: I was with him on some of these occasions and we made our way in the narrow canals under the shadow of trees from both banks. The crocodiles in this country are not harmful. I saw them [the inhabitants] swimming across these canals. Next comes ''Safadh Ba'al''<ref>A tentative reading. Other readings Wiet III, p. 256, n. 5; Quatremère, ''Mémoires'' 2, p. 13: Sefid Bakl.</ref>, which is a narrow district, similar to the one on the borders of their country, with the difference that at Safadh Ba'al there are beautiful islands, and within less than two days' journey are about thirty villages with beautiful buildings, churches and monasteries, many palm-trees, vines, gardens, cultivated fields and broad pastures on which one can see camels (''ibil'') and very fine dromedaries (''jumāl suhub'') for breedding (''mu'abbala li-n-nitāj''). Their king often comes here because the southern border of this district is contiguous with Dongola (''Dunqula''), the capital. From the town of Dongola, the capital of the country, to Aswān, is a '''[p. 607]''' distance of fifty days away. He [al-Aswānī] gave a description of it and then said: they roof their houses with the wood of the ''sunt'' tree and the ''sāj'', which is carried to them by the Nile during the flood season, in planks (''isqālāt'') with carvings (''manḥuta''), and no one knows where they come from. I saw for myself some very strange signs (''ʿalāma gharība'').

The distance between Dongola and the beginning of the country of 'Alwa is more than that between Dongola and Aswān. In that region there are big and small villages (''al-qurā wa-ḍ-ḍiyyāʿ''), islands, cattle, palm-trees, muql, cultivated fields and vines, many times as much as is seen on the side bordering the land of the Muslims. In these places there are large islands [several] days' journey in length, in which there are mountains and wild beasts and lions (''as-sibāʿ'') and stretches of desert, where the traveller fears to travel without water. From these districts the Nile turns eastwards and westwards for long stretches equalling several days' journey, until the land becomes even on the district where the bend of the Nile reaches the mine known as ''ash-Shanka''<ref>Shanqa. Troupeau: “the great Nile bends between Dongola and Khartoum”. It may be recalled to mind that “''shanqa''” is also the name of a measure of capacity for liquids, mentioned by Maqrīzī in the story of al-Omarī. (See below ''Kitāb al-Muqaffā'').</ref>; it is the country known as ''ash-Shanqir''. Al-Omarī, whose name was Abū 'Abdurrahman 'Abdalla b. 'Abdulhamīd b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abdul'azīz b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abdalla b. 'Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb originated in this country. He had waged several wars in Nubia and Bejaland, had defeated the army of Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and occupied this district until he met his fate.

'''[p. 608]''' The hippopotamuses are numerous in these places. From this place<ref>Today’s Berber.</ref> begins the road leading to Sawākin, Bādi', Dahlak and the islands of the Red Sea.

The Omayyads who escaped death by fleeing to Nūba passed along these roads. In this district there is also a number of Beja, who are known as ''az-Zanāfij'': they had migrated to Nubia long ago and settled there; all of them lead their own pastoral life and preserve their own language, not mixing with the Nūba, nor settling in their [Nubians'] villages. They are under a wālī, who is appointed by the Nubian King. (W. II, 3, pp. 252 - 258).

Chapter XXXI: About the Branching of the Nile as from the Country of 'Alwa and About its Peoples

The Nūba and the Muqurra are two races (''jinsāni''), each speaking a different language. Both live along the banks of the Nile. The Nūba, who are the Marīs, are neighbours of the land of Islam. There is a five miles gap between the frontier of their country and Aswān. It is said that ''Salhā'', the ancestor (''jadd'') of ''an-Nūba'',<ref>''Sic'' (with the article) in Arabic. It may be intended as the name of an individual person or of a people.</ref> and ''Muqurrī'' (or ''Muqurrā''), the ancestor of ''al-Muqurrah'',<ref>''Sic'' (with the article) in Arabic. It may be intended as the name of an individual person or of a people.</ref> were (both) from Yemen. It is said that (both) ''an-Nūba'' and ''Muqurrī''<ref>Without “''al''-“.</ref> were from Himyar: most of the genealogists agree that all of them (''annahum jamī'an'') are descendants of Ḥam b. Noah. Between the Nūba and the Muqurra there were wars before [the coming of] Christianity.<ref>Most probably the A.D. time before the evangelisation of Nubia, rather than the time B.C.</ref>

'''[p. 609]''' The land of al-Muqurra begins at a village called ''Tāfa'',<ref>This statement could be correct if we assumed that “''al-Marīs''” or “''an-Nūba''” should be written instead of “''al-Muqurra''”, the mistake may be due to an oversight by Maqrīzī or by some copyist. Considering that in the time of al-Aswānī al-Marīs (=an-Nūba) and al-Muqurra formed one kingdom with Dongola as capital, it was perfectly true that the kingdom of al-Muqurra began at Tāfa. As for Bujarāsh, the “royal town” of the same kingdom, this statement can be accepted as truthful because Faras (Bujarāsh) was in Aswānī’s time, a former capital of a kingdom, seat of an Eparch and a most flourishing town. Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 137, rejected this statement as erroneous, on assumption that the northern frontier of the kingdom of Maqurra necessarily was the “Maqs” near Akashah.</ref> the day’s distance from Aswān. Their royal town (''madīnat maliki-him'') is called Bajarāsh, less than ten day's journey from Aswān. It is told that Moses - God may be pleased with him! - raided them before he began his [prophetic] mission in the time of the Pharaoh, and destroyed Tāfa. They were [at that time] pagans (''Sābi’a''), who used to worship the Planets (''Kawākib'') and erect statues to them; later both the Nūba and the Muqurra became Christians. The town of Dongola is the capital of their kingdom (''dār mamlakati-him'').

The frontier of the country of 'Alwa is [marked by] some villages on the east bank of the Nile, called al-Abwāb. This district (''nāḥiya'') has a wālī who is subject to the Lord of ‘Alwa and is known under the name of ''al-wahwāh''.<ref>Other possible readings: “raḥrāḥ”, “dāḥdāḥ”, “wānwāḥ”, “wāwāj”, discussed by Monneret, ''Storia'', p. 181.</ref> From this district the Nile branches into seven streams, one of which coming from an eastern direction, has turbid water but gets so dry in summer that people camp on its bed. When the flood season comes, water springs from its bed and rises up in pools which are in the river; then rains and downpours come in the rest of the country and the level of the water rises. It is also said that the head of this river is a large source (''ʿain'') which flows from a mountain.

'''[p. 610]''' The historian of the Nūba said: - Simon (''Sīmūn''),<ref>An inscription in the Church of Sonki West mentions one “simeon, Eparch of Pachoras”. The inscription is written on the right side of the portrait of “King Georgios, son of King Zacharias”, who can easily be identified with King George II (969-1002 A.D. ?). As the office of the Eparch of Nobatia was the highest in the Nubian political organisation, one might suggest that Simeon, the Eparch, was the same person as “''Sīmūn''” (''Simiūn''), the Crown Prince of ‘Alwa.</ref> the Crown Prince (''ṣāḥib ‘ahd'') of the country of ‘Alwa, told me that under the mud of the bed of this river, there is a large fish (''ḥūt'') without scales, of a kind which is not found in the Nile. It is found by digging as deep as the size (''qāmah'') of a man or more until it emerges. It is a big fish. Along this [river], there is a race (''jins'') which is mixed [by intermarriage] between the 'Alwa and the Buja: they are called "''Dīhīyyūn''" (''Dījīyyūn'', ''Dasīhūn'') and another race called "''Bazah''": the bird called the "''Bāzīn'' pigeon" comes from their land. Behind these [peoples] there is the frontier of the country of Ḥabasha.

Then there is the White Nile (''an-Nīl al-abyaḍ''), which is a river coming from the west; it is intensely white like milk. He [al-Aswānī] said: - I asked an experienced traveller who came from the western parts of the countries of the Sūdān about the Nile in their country and its colour. He said that it flows out of mountains of sand, or out of a mountain of sand; then its waters run together in the country of the ''Sūdān'' into large pools, flows towards unknown countries, but, in that place, it is not yet white: it acquires that colour on account of the kind of soil through which it flows, or because of another river which enters it. On its banks there are peoples of different races (''ajnās'').

'''[p. 611]''' Then there is the Green Nile (''an-Nīl al-akhḍar''), a river which flows from the south-eastern direction. It is intensely green, very transparent in colour, so that one can distinctly see what kind of fish there are in its depths. The taste [of the Green Nile water] is different from that of the [White] Nile; he who armies from it soon becomes thirsty. The fish is the same in ail (these rivers), but its taste is different. During the flood season such kinds of wood as teak (''as-sāj''), log-wood (''al-baqm''), ''al-qānāʾ'' (?) (''ghātā'') and a wood which smells like the olibanum (''labān''), float downstream. Also large logs are brought down which can be worked into nalms for boats. This (kind of) wood also grows on its banks. It is also related [by al-Aswānī] that the wood of frankincense (''bakhūr'') is found [in the flood waters]. He said: - I saw that some planks (''siqālāt'') of ''sāj'', which are carried during the flood season, bear some strange signs. These two rivers, viz. the White and the Green, meet near the capital of the sovereign (''mutamallik'') of the country of 'Alwa and each of them keeps its own colour for about one day's journey, after which they mingle up. Their waters, when they meet, throw up big waves. He said: - I spoke with someone who took water from the White Nile and poured it into the Green Nile: the water [of the White Nile] remained for one hour the colour of milk before it mingled up. Between these two rivers is an island, the end of which is not known, nor does anybody know the end of these two rivers. The width of the first one is known [at the beginning], but further on it expands and its width increases as much as one month's journey, and further on its width has not been explored at all, for the peoples who live there, fear one another in fact, many races (''ajnās'') dwell on these two rivers. He [Aswānī] said: [Someone] told me that some kings (''mutamallik'') of the country of 'Alwa set out to visit the '''[p. 612]''' extreme frontier [of the island], but they failed to reach it after a number of years, and that, on its southern extremity, there is a race who, during the day-time, dwell together with their beasts in houses [built] like vaults, under the surface of the ground, because of the excessive heat of the sun, and come out during the night. Among them there are people who go naked.

The other four rivers also flow from a south-eastern direction all in the same season. Their sources cure not known. They differ from the White and the Green Rivers in width and in the number of streams and islands. All these four [rivers] flow into the Green river as well as the first one mentioned, then join the White [river]: all [their banks] are inhabited and cultivated. One journeys through them by boat. One of these four comes from the country of the Ḥabasha. Al-Aswānī said: As I wanted to know more about these rivers I went on asking questions to this and that person, but I did not find any informant who told me that he had personally explored the source of all these four rivers. The one whom I asked said, on the authority of others, that [these rivers] begin in a wasteland (''kharāb''): [he said] that during the flood season some parts of boats (''alāt marākib'') and doors (''abwāb'') and other things are carried down these rivers and this proves that beyond that waste there is other inhabited land (''ʿimāra'').

As for the flood season, all agree that it is caused by the rains together with a substance that comes down spontaneously (''mādda ta'tī min dhāti-ha'') with the flood water and the proof of it is that this river dries up and its bed is inhabited; then, during the flood season, water springs [from its bed] and what is marvellous about it is that the flood, takes place at the same time in these '''[p. 613]''' rivers [which finally merge together], as well as in the other districts and countries, viz. in Egypt, in the two Thebaids (''aṣ-Ṣa'īdayn''). at Aswān, in the two kingdoms of Nūba and 'Alwa and in the land beyond them, What is peculiar of this flood is that it may occur, for example, at Aswān, and not at the same time at Qos, but here it will be noticed later. Whenever the rains are abundant in the upper regions of the Nile and the streams come together, one understands that that is a year of plenty (''riī'' "good irrigation"); but whenever the rains in the upper regions are scarce, one knows that that will be a year of drought.<ref>At this point, we have omitted a passage on navigation on the Red Sea (“Sea of China”) to the East African Coast, which has no connection with Nubia.</ref>

... Some of the four rivers come from the countries of the Zanj because they carry wood of the zanjī type. ''Suyya''<ref>Sic, in the Wiet edition. Undoubtedly, this was a copyist’s mistake for “''sūbah''”.</ref> is the capital of 'Alwa (''al-'Ulwā'') [situated] to the east of the great island between the two great rivers (''al-bahrain''), the White and the Green, at its northern tip, near their junction, on the eastern bank of the river (''an-nahr'') which dries up and on the bed of which people camp. It has fine buildings (''abniya husān'') and large monasteries (''dūr''), churches rich with gold and gardens; there is also a great suburb (''rabaḍ'') where many Moslems live. The king (''mutamallik'') of 'Alwa is more powerful than the king (''mutamallik'') of Muqurra, has a larger army and more horses than the Muqurran (''al-muqurrī''): his country is more fertile and larger; but palm trees and vines are less numerous in his country. The commonest grain among them is the white dhurra (''ad-dhurra al-bay-dāʾ'') which resembles rice; with it they make their bread (''khubz'') and their beer (''mizr''); '''[p. 614]''' they have plenty of meat because of the abundance of cattle and large plains for grazing plain land, so vast that it takes several days to reach the mountains. They have excellent horses (''ʿitāq''), tawny camels (''ṣuhub'') of pure Arabian pedigree (''ʿurāb''). Their religion is Christianity (''naṣrānīyya'') of the Jacobite sect (''ya’aqiba''); their bishops (''asāqifa'') are dependant on the Patriarch of Alexandria (''ṣāḥib al-iskandarīyya'') like the Nūba; their books are in Greek (''bi-r-rūmīyyah'') and they translate (''yufassirūnaha'') [these] into their own language. They are less intelligent than the Nūba. Their king can reduce to slavery any of his subjects he wants whether he be guilty of a crime or not, and they do not oppose him, rather they prostrate themselves before him. They do not revolt against his order, however, unjust it may be; [on the contrary] they call out loudly "May the king live (''al-malik ya'īsh''!)! And let his order be executed!" He [the king] is crowned with [a crown of] gold. Gold is found in plenty in his country.

One of the marvels of his country is that on the great island between the two rivers there is a race called ''al-Karsā'': they have a vast land which is fertilised (''muzdara’a'') by the Nile and the rain. When the time for sowing comes, everyone goes out with whatever seed (''bidhr'') he has and traces the boundaries of the land according to his quantity of seed; he spreads a little of the seed at the four corners of the field and puts the [remainder of the] seed in the middle of the enclosure and also a little ''mizr'', then he goes away. The next morning, he finds that the area he has enclosed has been sowen and the ''mizr'' has been drunk.<ref>This is a legendary, or grossly exaggerated, tale about the intervention of monkeys.</ref> When it is harvest '''[p. 615]''' time, he harvests a small part of the crop and places it wherever he likes together with a little ''mizr'' and away he goes; then he finds that all the crop has been harvested and grounded. If he wants to have it thrashed or winnowed, he acts in the same way. If any one wants to clear his seed from the weeds and, by mistake, uproots even a little seed, he will find [on the morrow] that all the seed has been uprooted. This district (''nāḥiya''), where the things I have just mentioned take place, contains vast territories (''buldān'') equal to two months' journey in both length and width; and all of it is sown at the same time. The provisions (''mīraʿ'') of the [people of the] country of 'Alwa and of their king come from this district: they send the boats and these come back loaded. Sometimes there is war between them. Al-Aswānī said: - This account is true and is well known among all the Nūba, the 'Alwa and the Moslem traders, and all those who travel over that country: they have no doubt about it, nor suspicion. Were it not so well known and widely spread, no one would believe any part of what I reported, but would treat it as a shameful lie. The natives believe that the ''jinn'' do this and that they appear to some of their wizards who, by means of some stones, have the power to subject them [the ''jinn''] to their will and to work wonders for them. [The natives claim] that even the clouds obey [their wizards].

Al-Aswānī said: - One of the wonders of Nubia - about which the King of Maqurra told me – [is] that, when they have rains on the mountains, they, soon afterwards, collect fish on the ground. I asked them what kind it was. They said that it was small in size and has a red tail.

Al-Aswānī said: - I saw many tribes of the people whom I mentioned before; most of them believe in the Creator '''[p. 616]''' (''al-bārī'') and make offerings to Him in the form of the Sun, or the Moon or the Stars. Some of them do not know the Creator and adore the Sun and the Day [''an-nahār''; B.: ''an-nār'', the Fire); some others adore whatever they like; trees or animals. He said that he saw a man in the council of the King of Maqurra (''majlis 'azīm al-muqurra'') and questioned him about his country. The man answered that the distance from it to the Nile is three months' journey. He questioned the man about his religion and the man replied: 'My Lord (''rabbī'') and your Lord and the Lord of the King and the Lord of every man is but One'. He asked: 'Where is He?' The man answered: 'In Heaven alone: Glory to Him!' He also said that if the rains are late, or the people are hit by the plaque, or if pestilence falls on their cattle, they climb the mountain and pray to God and they are heard promptly and granted their demands before they come down [from the mountain]. [Al-Aswānī] asked him: 'Did He ever send an Envoy (''rasūl'') among you?' He replied: ‘No’. So al-Aswānī told him about the mission of Moses and 'Isā and Moḥammed - God be pleased with them! - and the wonders which they wrought! The man answered: 'If they have wrought this, they should be believed.' Then he said: ‘I [too] should have believed in them, had they done that [in my presence]’.

... The author said: - The Awlād Kanz ad-Dawla vanquished the Nūba and took their kingdom since the year... (lacuna)<ref>Some MSS have a blank here, while others have none. According to one MSS, the year seems to be 725 H. (1325 A.D.). Cf. Wiet, op.cit., p. 265, n. 5.</ref> and built a mosque in Dongola where he gives lodging to foreign travellers.

'''[p. 617]''' [The Kanem]

Know that one the [west-] bank of the Nile there is the [country of the] Kānem. Their king is a Moslem: between him and the Māllī there is a very great distance; his capital is called ''Jīmī'' and the beginning of his kingdom, on the side of Egypt is a village called ''Zalā'' (Zella), and on the opposite side there is a village called ''Kākā'': between the two there are about three months' journey. They wear the muffler (''yatalaththimūna''). Their king lives in seclusion and can be seen on two feast days in the morning and in the afternoon; throughout the rest of the year nobody may speak to him except from behind the screen (''ḥijāb''). Their staple food is rice which grows without being sown; they have wheat, dhurra, figs, lemons, egg-plant, turnip, fresh dates: they trade by exchanging home-made cloth called "''dandī''"; each piece (''thawb'') is 10 cubits in length; they buy it in pieces of 1/4 cubit each or more; they also make use of cowry (''wadaʿ''), glassware (''kharz'', glassware, shells), pieces of copper, paper (''waraq''): all this is exchanged against pieces of that cloth.

In the south of their country there are places which are very hot (''shi’ārī'') and deserts (''sahārā'') inhabited by savage people similar to the ''Ghūl'' with human features; a horseman cannot overtake her, yet she can do harm to men; she appears during the night under the form of sparks (''filal'') of bright fire; if anyone attempts to catch her, she flees away from him; even though he runs after her, he cannot catch her: she will constantly flee ahead of him; if he throws stones at her and hits her, sparks of fire fly from her. In their country the gourd plant (''al-yaqtīna'') is held in great esteem so that they use it to make boats to cross the Nile. These countries between Ifrīqiya and Barqa extend southwards as far as the '''[p. 618]'''middle of the western parallel: the land is rainless and rugged and unattractive.

The first [person] who spread Islam there was a certain al-Hādī al-'Uthmanī, who claimed to be a descendant of Osman b. 'Affān. After him [the population] passed over to the Yazmīyyīn of Sayf b. Dhū-l-Yazan. They belong to the rite of the Imām Malik b. Uns. Justice is administered among them and they are very conservative about religion and tough. They built in the city of Miṣr a ''madrasa'' for the Mālikī [rite], called "''madrasa ibn Rashīq''", in the year 641 H. (1243 A.D.) and the students from their country come and settle here. (W. II, 3, pp. 252 - 258; B., pp. 554 - 560).

Chapter XXXII: The Beja who are Said to be a Berber People

The first village of the Beja country is that known as ''al-Khirba'' (B.: ''al-Hazabah''). The emerald (''az-zumurrud'') mine is found in the desert of Qos. The distance between this place and Qos is about three days' Journey.

Al-Jāḥiz mentioned that there is no other emerald mine in the world apart from this. The emerald is found in deep dark caverns entered with lamps and ropes to indicate the way out and prevent one becoming lost. Mattocks are used to dig it out: it is found in stones surrounded by a gangue which is not pure and lacks lustre.

The other extremity of the Beja country is where it joins Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabasha''). Within this island - I mean to say the "island of Egypt" (''Miṣr'') - the Beja occupy a territory which extends as far as the coast (''sayf'') of the sea where the islands of Sawākin, ''Bāḍiʿ'' and Dahlak are found. The Beja are nomads, who look for fresh grass '''[p. 619]''' wherever it may be found for grazing: [they move around] and live in their tents made of skins. Their rules of descent are matrilinear (''min jihat an-nisāʾ''); each section (''baṭn'') [of a tribe] has its own chieftain (''ra'īs''), but they have no king (''mutamallik''). They follow no [God-given] religion (''dīn''). The inheritance is passed to the son of the sister (''ibn al-ukht'') or to the son of the daughter (''ibn al-bint'') to the exclusion of the son (''walad'') of the deceased. This is done on grounds that concerning the son born to a sister of the deceased, or the son of the daughter [of the deceased] there can be no doubt as to who is the father, the child can only be her own child.

In the past they had a chief whom all the [other] chiefs obeyed, and who used to reside in a village called ''Hajar'' (''Hajr'') in the remotest part of the Beja land. The Beja ride tawny dromedaries (''najab'') which are bred in their country; they also have very numerous camels (''jumāl'') of the Arab breed. Cattle, goats, and sheep are extremely numerous among them. Their cattle are beautiful with long shining horns; these too are in great numbers, as well as rams and sheep, which are of a spotted breed and produce abundant milk. Their food consists of meat and their drink is milk: they make little use of bread (''khubz''; Bulaq ed.: ''jibn'': cheese), yet there are some who eat it. Their bodies are healthy and their stomachs are thin; their complexion is rather light; they run very fast; in speed they surpass [all] the other men.

Also their camels are very speedy and can last the pace for a long time running well and endure thirst. When mounted on camels, [the Beja] can overbake horses and fight in battle; they turn them around at their will, and run for very long distances over the country. It '''[p. 620]''' must also be mentioned that the Beja go to combat on camelback and throw spears: if [the javelin] has struck the target, the camel runs toward it so that its master might seize it [the target]; if the javelin strikes the ground, the camel bends his neck [to the ground] so that its master may pick it up.

Some time in the past there arose among them a man called ''Kilāz'' (''Kilār''). He was strong and brave, and had a camel of incredible speed; the camel, as well as his master, was one-eyed. [Kilāz] promised his people that he would go to [pray in] the masallā of Fusṭāṭ (''Miṣr'') on the day of the feast. This was already so near, that it seemed impossible, but he kept the promise and arrived at the Moqattam [at the time agreed upon]. Several horsemen ran after him, but could not overtake him. This was the man who caused sentinels to be posted at the foot [of the Moqattam] at the beginning of the feast. The Tulunides and other emirs of Egypt (''Miṣr'') used to post at the foot of the Moqattam Mountain, at a place next to the quarter of the Ḥabash,<ref>See below p. 696.</ref> a numerous garrison in charge of the security of the population until the celebration of the feast had ended.

[Beja Customs]

The Beja are a people living under the protection of Islam (''aṣḥāb dhimma''): if anyone has committed treachery, the man who has suffered [the treachery] raises a piece of cloth on a spear-head and says: "This is the off shoot (''ghars'') [Quatremère read: ''ʿarsh'' "la tente"] of N.N. [the traitor]"; by this he means to say: "I am the traitor". Thus he claims for himself the responsibility<ref>The meaning of this gesture was – in our opinion – a warning by the wronged man preparing to retaliate.</ref>, until they come to an agreement. They are '''[p. 621]''' exceedingly hospitable: if any visitor comes to one or their, [by night], the host kills a lamb to honour him. If the visitors number more than three, the host slaughters a camel [or an ox] from the nearest herd, whether it belongs to him or to another. If there is no animal at all he slaughters the mount of the guest himself and compensates him with a better one.

Their weapons are spears, called ''subā’ īyya'', seven cubits long, so called because the iron-head with which they are equipped, measures three cubits; the iron part equals a sword in width; they never lay them down except at certain [definite] times, because at the end of the wooden handle there is a sort of catch which prevents it from slipping from their hands. The women make these spears; they make them in a place where no man is allowed to enter except when buying from them. If any of these women has a girl-child from the visitors, they (the women) rear her; but if she has a boy-child, they kill him saying that men are able only to cause quarrels and wars.

They have shields (''daraq'') made of haired ox-skins and also shields turned round the side (''maqlūba'') made of buffalo skin, called Axumite (''aksumīyya''), and also others called ''dahlakīyyah'' (Dahlak islands) and others made of the skin of a sea-animal. Their bows are large and thick, made of wood of ''sidr'' (lote-tree) and ''shūḥāṭ'', the shape of the Arab bow, with which they discharge poisoned arrows; this poison is made from the roots of ''ghalqah'' (''Peganum harmala'', a poisonous tree of Arabia) boiled on the fire until it becomes like glue. If they want to test it, one of them makes an incision on his body and lets the blood flow, then he applies this poison: if the blood flows back [towards the wound)]they know that the poison is good, then he wipes away the blood to prevent it from entering his body and causing death; if it enters '''[p. 622]''' the body of a man, he is instantly killed, however, small the wound may be; it has no effect except on bleeding wounds; if it is drunk, it causes no harm.

[The Beja Country]

Their territories are rich in minerals: the further one penetrates the country the better and more abundant the gold is. They have silver mines, copper, iron, and lead, magnetic ore (''mal-maghnatīs''), marcasite (''al-marqashitā''), amethyst (''al-jamshīt'', ''al-ḥamsīt'') , emerald (''az-zummurrud''), asbestos stone (''hijāra bīshtā''). If the asbestos is soaked in oil, it kindles like a wick. In addition to these (minerals), there are others, but all the Beja work mainly to find gold, while they completely neglect the other minerals. In their valley there are the ''moql'' (dom-palm, bdellium), the myrobalan-tree (''al-ihlīj''), shoemantum (''al-idhkhir''), the absynth (''ash-shīh''), a kind of wormwood or broomplant, the common senna (''as-sanā''), coloquint (''ḥanẓal''), ''al-bān'' (ficus bengalensis) etc and, at the extremity of their country there are date-palms, vines, odoriferous and other wild plants. There is wild game such as lion, elephant, leopard (''numūr'') and panther (''fuhūd''), monkeys, badger, (''ʿannāq al-arḍ'') "ursus meles", civetcat (''zabād'') and an animal similar to gazelle, beautiful with golden horns, which does not survive in captivity. Among their birds, there is the parrot (''babbāgh''), the ''taghṭīṭ'' (Bouriant: ''naqīṭ'') and the ''nūbī'', the turtle-dove (''qāmārī''), the guinea-fowl (''dajāj al-ḥabash''), the Bāzīn pigeon, etc.

All their men are deprived of the right testicle, and their women are deprived of the ''magna labia'': the edges are drawn together and let heal so that, at marriage, it is necessary to make an incision convenient for the man's organ. This practice has become rare. It is '''[p. 623]''' told that the reason for it was that after a king had defeated them in war, he made a peace-treaty and laid down among the conditions that at birth, all girls should be deprived of their breasts and the boys should be deprived of their genital organs; by so doing he intended to stop procreation among them; they accepted the conditions, but inverted the terms, so that they cut the breasts of the men and the vulva (''furūj'') of the women. There are some who cut their own two incisors, lest they resemble donkeys, as they say.

At the extreme end of their country, there is another tribe called (''Bazāh''), among whom the women all have the same name and also the men. [It is said that] a Muslim man, a camel-owner, happened to pass through their country: they called one another saying: - This is [a] God who came from Heaven and is now sitting under a tree! They looked at him from afar.

They hold snakes in great esteem of which there are many kinds.<ref>Fabulous stories about snakes and poison-making in Bejaland are reported by Maqrīzī (pp. 269-270).</ref>

The Beja are troublesome and aggressive. At the rise of Islam and even before it, the Beja carried out raids into the eastern bank of Upper Egypt, where they destroyed several villages. The Pharaohs of Egypt used to invade their country and, at times, they made agreements because they were in need of the minerals. Also the Greeks (''ar-Rūm''), when they occupied Egypt, left some obvious remains [of their working]. Their mines and the managers were still there [running the mines], when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs.

'''[p. 624]''' [Beja-Arab Relations]

'Abd ar-Raḥmān b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥakam said that [some of] the Beja met 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ during his withdrawal from Nubia along the Nile. He asked them about their affairs: he was told that they had no king to whom to refer to; he despised them and left them; they made no treaty or peace [with him]: The first who signed a treaty and agreement with them was ‘Ubaidallah b. Ḥabḥāb as-Salūlī. He ('Abd al-Ḥakam) said that he found the letter of ibn Ḥabḥāb whereby [the tribute] was fixed at 300 young camels (''bakr'') every year, so that they alight be allowed to come [down] into the [Egyptian] countryside (''rīf''), but only in transit as merchants, without right of residing and on condition that they kill no Moslem or dhimmī; if they killed any, the agreement would become null and void; not to give asylum to the slaves (''ʿabīd'') of the Muslims, and hand back those who ran away if they sought refuge among the Beja. It is said that for any of these runaway slaves, as well as for any sheep, they [the Beja] had to pay four dinars; for a cow, ten dinars. Their agent (''wakīl'') lived in the Egyptian territory as a hostage in the hands of the Moslems.

Later on, the Moslems became numerous in the mines and by intermarriage with the Beja; many Beja of the tribe known as ''Ḥadārib'' professed Islam, [only] superficially they live in the territory next to Upper Egypt, i.e. from the frontier up to al-'Allāqī and to 'Aydhāb, which is the harbour, from which one sails for Jeddah and beyond. There is another tribe among them called Zanāfij, who are more numerous than the Ḥadārib, but they are subject to them as serfs, escorts (''khufarāʾ'') and guards and the Ḥadārib entrust their cattle to them. Every chieftain of the ''Ḥadārib'' owns a number of the ''Zanāfij'' as patrimony (''humla''): they are like slaves (''ʿabīd'') and many be be be-'''[p. 625]'''-queathed from one to another. In the past the Zanāfij were masters [of the ''Ḥadārib''].

The raids of the Ḥadārib on Muslim territory multiplied; at that time the wālīs of Aswān came from Iraq and reported the affair to the Commander of the Faithful, Al-Ma'mūn. He sent 'Abdalla b. Jahm who fought them several times, and made a peace-treaty with them signed by him and Kanūn, their paramount chief, who lived in the village of Ḥajar mentioned above. The following is a copy of the treaty: "This is the letter (''Kitāb'') written by 'Abdalla b. al-Jahm, servant (''mawlā'') of the Commander of the Faithful, head of the victorious army, agent (''ʿāmil'') of the emir Abū Ishāq, son of the Commander of the Faithful ar-Rashīd [Hārūn], in the month of Rabī al-Awwal of the year 216 H. [April 831 A.D.], to Kanūn 'Abd al-'Azīz, chief of the Beja in Aswān. You have asked me to give you a safe conduct and I undertake to give you and your people security in my name, as well as in the name of all the Muslims. I answered and I offered you the promise in my name and in the name of all the Muslims, as long as you and they are straight forward to keep what you gave me and what you laid down as condition in this treaty, viz. that the plain and the mountains of your country, from the extreme frontier at Aswān in the land of Egypt, up to a frontier between Dahlak and Bāḍīʿ belongs as property (''mulk'') to al-Ma'mūn ‘Abdalla b. Hārūn the Commandant of the Faithful. You and all your people are servants (''ʿabīd'') of the Commander of the Faithful, but he acknowledges you as king (''malik'') of your country, over which you rule. You must pay every year that tribute (''kharāj''), which has been customary among the Beja, i.e. 100 camels (''ibil''), or 300 dinars in cash, to be paid to the Treasury (''bait al-māl''), the choice between this and that will be decided by the Commander of the Faithful and his wālīs. You '''[p. 626]''' must not subtract any part of it, i.e. of the tribute. You and your people must not say anything unworthy at any time when mention is made of Moḥammed the Prophet, or of the Koran (''Kitāb Allah'') or His religion.- You must not kill any Moslem, free or slave; otherwise the protection (''dhimma'') will cease, viz. the protection of God, of his Prophet, the protection of the Commander of the Faithful and that of the Moslem people, and the murderer's blood will be shed in the same way as that of the enemies (''ahl al-ḥarb'') and their children. No one of you should help enemies of Islam with money or guide them to any place belonging to the Moslems, or spy on their army (''ʿizzah''): should this happen, the agreement of protection will become null and void, and his (i.e. of the offender) blood will be shed. Also, if anyone of you were to kill a Moslem, intentionally or unintentionally, whether he be a free man or a slave, or a man having the status of protection (''ahl adh-dimma'') or if anyone causes damage financially to any Moslem or the people under their protection, whether it be in Beja country, or in Moslim country or in the Nūba country, or any other place, on land or at sea, he shall pay for the killing of the Moslem 10 times the blood-price (''dīyya''), equivalent to 500 camels; for the killing of a slave of the Moslem, ten times the price [of the slave], or for the killing of a dhimmī, ten times the dīyya that is paid in the country of the victim; for any financial damage to the Moslem or the dhimmī, ten times as much. If a Moslem goes to the Beja country to trade or to reside or is in transit or on pilgrimage to Mecca, he must enjoy the same security as one of your people until he leaves your territory; you must not give asylum to fugitive slaves (''ubbāq'') of Moslems: if any of them arrives [in your country] you must return him to the Muslims; you must give back the livestock property (''amwāl'') of the Muslims whenever any '''[p. 627]'''crosses [the frontier] into your country, without obligation on their part to pay back to you anything for that [service]. If you enter [the countryside (''rīf'') of] Upper Egypt for trade or in transit, you must neither carry arms [openly], nor enter the towns and the villages under any pretext. You must not prevent a Moslem from entering your country and carrying out trade there by land or by sea; you must keep the way free from danger, and you must not prevent any Moslem or ''dhimmī'' from travelling; you must avoid stealing anything from a Moslem or a ''dhimmī''; you must not pull down the mosques (''masājid'') which the Moslems have built in ''Sinja'' (Bouriant: ''Sīḥa''), ''Hajar'' and other places throughout your country. If you do that, the treaty becomes null and void and you will enjoy no protection. Kanūn Ibn 'Abdel 'Azīz must reside in the countryside of Egypt as an agent (''wakīl'') to the Muslims to execute the conditions stipulated for the payment of the tribute, and to pay the compensation for any offence (''iṣāba'') committed by the Beja against the life or property of the Moslems. No Beja man may cross the frontier of al-Qaṣr beyond the village of Qubbān, in Nubia, whether voluntarily or involuntarily. 'Abdalla al-Jahm, mawlā of the commander of the Faithful, undertakes to guarantee safety to Kanūn ibn 'Abdel 'Azīz, chief of the Beja according to the conditions laid down in this our letter, to be ratified by the Commander of the Faithful. If he infringes [any of the conditions] or commits acts of violence, neither the treaty nor the protection will remain valid. Kanūn must allow the agents (''ʿummāl'') of the Commander of the Faithful to enter his country to collect the alms (''sadaqāt'') of those Beja who have emoraced Islam; he must also faithfully execute the terms agreed upon between him and ‘Abdalla b. Jahm, which he has sworn by an oath [in the name] of God, which is the most solemn oath a man can take. Kanūn ibn ‘Abdel '''[p. 628]''' ‘Azīz and all the Beja will enjoy God’s unfailing promise of protection (''ʿahd Allah wa-mīthāqi-hi''), as well as the protection (''dhimma'') of the Commander of the Faithful and the protection of Abū Ishāq [= ''al-Mu’tasim''], son of the Commander of the Faithful, the protection of 'Abdalla b. al-Jahm, and the protection of the Moslems [and their assurance] that they will fulfil the terms offered by 'Abdalla b. Jahm so long as Kanūn b. 'Abdel 'Azīz will fulfil all the terms laid down to him. If Kanūn b. 'Abdel 'Azīz or any of the Beja alters [any clause of the treaty], the protection of God (''dhimmat Allah''), the protection (''dhimma'') of the Commander of the Faithful, and that of the emir Abū Ishāq son of the Comander of the Faithful ar-Rashīd, the protection of 'Abdalla b. Jahm and the protection of the Muslim become null and void." All that was [written] in this letter was translated, word by word, by Zakariah b. Ṣālih al-Makhzūm, one of the inhabitants of Jedda, and by 'Abdalla b. Ismā'īl al-Qorashī, then it was entered in the register by a number of [judiciary] witnesses of Aswān.

[Al-Qummī's Campaign]

The Beja kept that agreement for some time, then they resumed their raids into the country of Upper Egypt; many complaints were made against them to the Commander of the Faithful Ja'far al-Mutawakkil 'alā Allah. He appointed Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla al-Qummī to wage war against them. He [Qummī] asked to select his men as he wished: he did not like to have a numerous army because of the difficult roads; he marched on them [the Beja] from Miṣr with a powerful troop of selected men; some boats sailed by sea. The Beja gathered in numbers mounted on camels to oppose them. The Muslims were terrified by that multitude. He [al-Qummī] kept them [the Beja] busy by writing them a long letter on ''ṭūmār'' [rolled] paper and wrapped it in '''[p. 629]''' a piece of cloth: they gathered to read it, then he fell on them. He also had bells tied to the neck of the horses, causing the camels of the Beja to flee in all directions, not standing the noise (''ṣalṣala'') of the bells. Then the Muslims hurled themselves in pursuit and many Beja were killed in the slaughter. The Beja chief himself was killed, and his nephew (''ibn akhīhi''<ref>Balādhurī: “ibn ukhti-hi” (“his sister’s son”).</ref> = his brother's son) took his place: he asked for a truce and al-Qummī made a peace-treaty on condition that he would pay a visit to the Commander of the Faithful. So he went to Baghdad and was Introduced to al-Mutawakkil at Surra-man-ra'ā in the year 241 H. [b. 22 May 855 A. D.]. A peace-treaty was signed on condition that he should pay the tribute (''itāwa''), as well as the ''baqṭ''. The condition was also laid down that they [the Beja] would not prevent the Muslims from working in the mines. Al-Qummī resided at Aswān for sometime and consigned to the stores of the town all the armament and equipment he had brought for that raid; the wālīs [of Aswān] continued using this war material until it was finished.

[Al-Omarī]

When the Muslims became very numerous in the mines and mixed with the Beja they [the Beja] became less troublesome. Gold was produced in considerable quantity because of the multitude of miners. People heard about it and came from several countries. One of the prominent people who travelled thither was one 'Abū ’Abdur-raḥmān b. 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥamīd al-Omarī (Bouriant: ''al-'Amarī'') after he had fought against the Nūba in the year 255 H. [868 A.D.]. He had with him [an army of] Rabī'a and ''Juhayna'' (Bouriant: ''Gahinahs'') and other Arab '''[p. 630]''' tribes. The population in the mines region of the Beja increased so much that 60,000 beasts of burden were engaged to transport supplies (''mirah'') from Aswān to them, without counting what was imported by boat from Qulzum to 'Aydhāb.

The Beja were friendly with the Rabī'a and intermarried with them.

It is said that the Beja magicians (''kuhhān''), before any of them adhered to Islam, had announced on behalf of their divinity (''ma'būd'') that they should [one day] become subject to the Rabī'a. This is what actually happened when Omarī was killed: the Rabī'a occupied the island (''jazīra'')<ref>The Beja territory between the Nile and the Red Sea.</ref> and the Beja helped them: they expelled those Arabs who were hostile to the Rabī'a. The Beja chieftains gave their daughters in marriage to them and so the enmity against the Moslems ceased.

[The Beja Magicians]

The Beja of the interior, who live in the desert of tha country of 'Alwa along the [Red] Sea up to the frontier of Ethiopia (''al-Ḥabasha''), are, likewise the Ḥadārib, nomads (''za'n'') and shepherds, have the same food, use the same beasts of burden and the same weapons; the only difference is that the Ḥadārib are more courageous and less turbulent.

The Beja of the inner country have remained pagans (''ālā kufr''), following the worship of Satan (''Shayṭān'') and the decisions of their magicians. Each clan has its own magician (''kāhin''), who erects a leather dome (''qubba'') where they worship. If they ever want to consult him (the magician) about their needs, he takes off his garments and enters the ''qubba'' walking backwards towards it, '''[p. 631]''' then he comes out to them looking somewhat like a madman [or epileptic], shouting: - "The Devil greets you and advises you to withdraw from such and such a place, lest a people should attack you. You have asked about such and such a raid; well, go, because victory will be yours and you will take such and such spoils, the camels which you will seize from such and such a place will be mine, as well as that slave girl whom you will find in such and such a hide-out, and a sheep of such and such a kind." He utters these and similar words. They believe that most of what he foretells them will become true. If they take booty, they separate from it the part which he specified [as belonging to him] and they give it to the magician. If any [Beja] objects to this [i.e. to paying the magician his due], they refuse to let him [the objector] [the right of] drinking the milk of their she-camels. If they decide to move to another place, the magician puts his leather dome on a special camel and they claim that that camel can hardly rise on its feet and walk with great effort and that it sweats profusely although the qubba is quite empty. There are still some [clans] among the Ḥadārib who follow this practice and some who hold this [belief] together with Islam.

The Historian of Nubia, from whom I have summarized what I have related here above, said: I read a letter written by some tribes (''ajnās'') to the Commander of the faithful Alī ibn Taleb, where the mention of the Beja and the Kajah occurs. It is said in the letter that they are very wild, but little inclined to stealing. Actually, that is true about the Beja as for the Kajah, I do not know them.

Here ends what Abdalla b. Aḥmed [al-Aswānī], the Nubian Historian, reported.

'''[p. 632]''' [Other Writers on the Beja]

Abū-l-Ḥasan al-Mas'ūdī said: - The Beja settled in the territory between the Red Sea and the Nile of Egypt and are divided into branches [but] which have established one king (''malik'') [other reading: ''mulūk'', several kings] to rule over them all.

In their land there are gold mines where native gold ore (''tibr'') is found; there are also emerald mines. They go in big troops (''sarāyā'') or in smaller parties (''manāsir''), mounted on dromedaries, into the country of the Nūba where they carry out raids. In the past, the Nūba were stronger than the Beja, until Islam penetrated there and prevailed; in fact, a great number (''jamā’a'') of Muslims came and settled in the region of the gold mines region, at 'Allāqī and 'Aydhāb; [then] in that territory Arabs of the tribe of Rabī'a b. Nizār, b. Ma'add, b. 'Adnān settled and their power increased considerably since they intermarried with the Beja and the Beja became stronger. Then some Rabī'a became related to the Beja by intermarriage, and the Rabī'a, thanks to their relation with the Beja, became more powerful than the neighbouring tribes such as the Qaḥṭān and others who had settled in that territory.

The ruler of the mines [region] at this time, which is the year 332 H. [= 943 A.D.] is Bishr b. Merwān b. Ishāq b. Rabī'a, who owns 3,000 warriors. Their allies are the Mudar<ref>Bouriant read: “Miṣr” instead of “muḍar” and translated “their allies are in Egypt, Yemen … etc.”.</ref> and the Yaman, as well as 30,000 Beja spear-men mounted on camels and carrying native (''bijāwiyya'') leather shields. They are of the Ḥadārib tribe and are [the only] Muslims among the Beja: while the Beja living in the inner parts are pagans who worship an idol of theirs.

'''[p. 633]''' The land of these Beja nomads who own the emerald mine is bordering on 'Allāqī, where there is [also] the gold mine. Between 'Allāqī and the Nile there are 15 days and the nearest town is Aswān.

The island of Sawākin is less than one mile in length and in width: between it and the Red Sea (''al-baḥr al-ḥabashī'') there is a strait which one can swim across. Its population consists of a branch of Beja called al-Khāsa, who are Moslems and have their own king (''malik'') on the island.

Al-Hamadhānī said: - Kana'ān b. Hām married Arsal daughter of ''Betāwīl'', b. Taris, b. Yapheth; she gave birth to ''Khafā'' (Khaqā ?), the ''Asāwid'' [= the Blacks], the ''Nūba'', the ''Fazzān'', the ''Zanj'', the ''Zaghāwa'' and other tribes of Blacks (''ajnās as-Sūdān''). It was said that the Beja are descendants of Ḥam, son of Noah; it was also said that they are descendants of Kūsh b. Kana'ān b. Ḥam; others said that the Beja are one of the tribes of the Ḥabash (''Ḥubsh''). They have tents of [woven] hair, their complexion is darker than the Ḥabasha; they wear the same dress as the Arabs. They have no towns or villages or cultivated fields, they live on what they import from the land of Ḥabasha, Egypt (''Miṣr'') and Nubia. The Beja were idol worshippers, then they embraced Islam under the emirate of 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ. They are quite generous; they are divided into tribes and subtribes (''afkhādh''), each of them under a chief (''ra'īs''): they are all shepherds and live only on meat and milk. (W.II,3, pp. 267 - 280; B., pp. 561 - 571).

'''[p. 634]''' Chapter XXXIII<ref>We omit the first part of this chapter which consists of quotations from Al-Mas’ūdī (q.v.) about the geographical position of Aswān, its resources, etc..</ref> : The Town of Aswān

... In the month of Dhū-l-Hijja of the year 344 H. [= April/May 956 A.D.], the king of Nubia made a raid on Aswān and killed many Muslims. Muḥammad b. 'Abdalla al-Khāzin marched with an army from Miṣr to fight him by order of Unūjūr, the son of Ikhshīd, in the month or Muḥarram of the year 345 H. [= May/June 956 A.D.]. They moved by land and river, and sent [to Miṣr] a number of Nubians they had taken prisoner and [later] beheaded them. The king of the Nūba was defeated and al-Khāzin advanced into Nubia until he took the town of Ibrīm and made its inhabitants prisoners. Then he returned to Miṣr about the middle of Jumadā al-Ulā of the year 345 H. [26 August 956 A.D.] bringing with him 150 prisoners and a great number of heads [of people he had beheaded].

Al-qādī al-Fāḍil<ref>Saladin’s famous secretary (q.v.).</ref> said that the revenue of the frontier town of Aswān in the year 585 H. [= 1187 A.D.] was 25,000 dinars.

Kamāl Ja'far al-Edfūwī said: At Aswān there were 80 delegates in charge of the taxation (''rusul ash-sharʿ''), and the revenue of Aswān in one year was 30,000 ardab of dates (''tamar''). A clerk told me that in his office there were forty head-clerks (''sharīf khāṣṣa''), and that in another office he saw sixty head-clerks, without counting the minor employees. He also said: - I saw for myself in one office about forty archivists (''mu'arrikh''). This was after the year 620 H. [= 1219 A.D.]. In the town of Aswān lived the Banū Kanz, a branch of the Rabī’a, who were valiant and praiseworthy emirs, of whom al-Fāḍil as-Sadīd Abū-l-Ḥasan b. 'Arrām wrote the biographies, des-'''[p. 635]'''-cribe their merits, the names of those who honored them and those who opposed them. When Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb sent an army against Kanz ad-Dawla and his men (''aṣḥāb''), they abandoned their country, - the army [of Saladin] entered their [Kanz’s] homes and found there poems written in their praise, among which a poem by Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. az-Zubayr in which the poet said:

"He whom the fate forsakes, finds at last
protection from these men, whose support
involves no humiliation.
Whenever they grant it, everything under
the planets becomes afraid;
whenever they deny it, everything on earth
becomes miserable."

It is said that Saladin<ref>According to Al-Edfūwī (q.v.) it seems that the reward to the poet was given by a member of the Kanz family.</ref> rewarded [the author] with one thousand dinars and assigned to him a "sāqiya" farm worthy 1,000 dinars.

A garrison of the regular army, equipped with weapons, was stationed at Aswān to defend the borders from attacks by the ''Nūbah'' and the ''Sūdān''. After the fall of the Fatimid dynasty this precaution was neglected: therefore the king (''mutamallik'') of Nubia, with ten thousand men, attacked and occupied the island in front of Aswān and took prisoner all the Muslims who lived there.

After this, the importance of Aswān as a frontier dwindled to nothing and the Awlād Kanz have occupied it since the year 790 Η. [= 1388 A.D.] and caused much damage.

'''[p. 636]''' They [the Kanz] were several times at war with the wālīs of Aswān until the great trials (''mihan'', sufferings) which fell [upon the people] as from the year 806 H. [= 1403/1404 A.D.], during which the territory (''iqlīm'') of Ṣa'īd was devastated, and the Sultan's, power over the frontier town of Aswān practically ceased: he is no more represented by a wālī in the town of Aswān and this situation lasted for several years.

Then, the Muḥarram of the year 815 H. [1412 A.D.] the Hawwāra invaded Aswān and fought the Awlād Kanz, defeated them, killed many people and took prisoners from women and children and reduced all to slavery, pulled down the walls of the town of Aswān and went away with the prisoners; they left behind them heaps of ruins without a single person living there.

The town remained in this state after it had been [the flourishing town] described by Selim al-Aswānī in his book "''Akhbār an-Nūba''". He said that Abū 'Abd ar-Raḥmān 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥamīd al-Omarī when he conquered the mines, wrote to Aswān inviting the merchants to come out and join him with equipment for the mines. A man called 'Uthmān b. Ḥanjala at-Tamīmī went to join him with 1,000 beasts loaded with equipment and wheat (''burr'').

He [Aswānī] mentioned that when al-Omarī returned to the Beja country after his campaign against the Nūba, the population [in the mines] increased so much that the beasts which transported the provisions to them from Aswān numbered 60,000 head, without counting the boats which carried provisions from Suez to 'Aydhāb.

He [Aswānī] said: - Some of our trustworthy, old people (''shuyukh'') of Aswān, or precisely of a village called Ashashī, which is two and-a-half days' distance '''[p. 637]''' from Aswān, assured him that they had seen on the eastern bank on the Nile, a walled village before whose gate there was a sycomore-tree and people went in and out: but when they went to that place [to ascertain what they had seen] they found nothing; this [phenomenon] happens in winter, and not in summer, before sunrise; and all the inhabitants admit the truth of this fact.

Aswān has many kinds of dry dates (''tamar'') and fresh dates (''ruṭab'') (Bouriant: "''fruits''" and "''legumes''" respectively), among which a kind of ruṭab which are greener than the garden-beet (''salq''). Hārūn ar-Rashīd ordered to collect for him [samples] of all kinds of the dates of Aswān on date of each quality to be collected for him; they filled one ''waiba''<ref>''Wayba'': a dry measure equalling 33 litres.</ref> and nobody in the world, except in Aswān, knows how dates become tamar, (i.e. dry dates) without being first ruṭab (green). (W. II, 3, pp. 280 - 286; B., pp. 572 - 576).

Chapter XXXIV: Philae (''Bilāq'')

Philae is the last fortress belonging to the Moslems, [it is situated] on an island near the Cataracts, surrounded by the Nile. There is a big village (''balad'') which is thickly populated. It is rich in palm-tree. At this island, the boats of the Nūba as well as those of the Moslems of Aswān land. The distance between this place [Philae] and the village of al-Qaṣr, which is the first village of Nubia, is one mile; between Philae and Aswān, four miles. From Aswān to this place is a continuous cataract (''janādil''), unnavigable by boats unless '''[p. 638]''' they are guided by experienced fisherman who [usually] fish there. At al-Qaṣr there is a garrison and a gate leading to the country of the Nūba. (W. op.cit., p. 282; B., p. 577).

Chapter XXXVI<ref>According to Maqrīzī and Qalqashandī, two peace-agreements and baqṭs were signed, the first in the year 20 (or 21) H./ =641 or 642 A.D., under the emirate of ‘Amrū. (Qalqashandī, VIII, p. 6; q.v.); the second in the year 31 H./ 652 A.D., under the emirate of ‘Abdalla. (See Maqrīzī, below, and Qalq. V, p. 276). The conditions stipulated under the second agreement are mentioned by most Arab historians; the terms of the first baqṭ, are mentioned (not very clearly) in the traditions recorded by Ibn Abd al-Ḥakam (q.v.).</ref> : The ''Baqṭ''

§ 1 - ''Baqṭ'' is the name given to the [consignment of] Nubian slaves who are brought to Egypt every year, as a tribute imposed on them. It is an Arabic word used by them [Arabs] when a [piece of] land [is rented] to express the [amount of] rent in vegetables or green fodder (''baqṭ min baql wa-'ushb'') i.e. a piece of grazing land; in this sense it also means a small sum of money. It is also used by them to say, for example, that the Banī Tamīm are a portion (''baqṭ'') of the Rabī’'a tribe, or a branch or a sub-division (''qiṭ’a''): in this sense it would mean a portion or a fraction of property (''māl''): for example, a portion of land (''baqṭ al-arḍ'') or a portion of anything (''baqṭ ash-shayʾ''). ''Baqṭ'' is also called the portion of grain which is given at the rate of one-third, or one-quarter; baqṭ is also that part of dates (''tamar'') which,when they are harvested, fall out of the basket because during the harvest, the reaping hook missed them.

In the subject which we are dealing with, the word ''baqṭ'' means what is in possession of the Nūba.

'''[p. 639]''' § 2 – The ''baqṭ'' is received from them [Nubians] in a village called ''al-Qaṣr'', five miles from. Aswān, between Philae and Nubia. ''Al-Qaṣr'' was the port (''farḍa'') of Qos. The first time that this ''baqṭ'' was imposed on the Nūba, was during the emirate of 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ, when, after the conquest of Egypt, he sent 'Abdalla b. Sa'd Abī Sarḥ to Nubia, in the year 20 H. [641 A.D.], or in the year 21 H. according to others, with an army of 20,000 men. He remained there some time, and 'Amrū wrote to him to come back. After the death of Omar, the Nūba broke the peace agreement (''ṣulḥ'') which had been drawn up between them and 'Abdalla b. Sa'd; their raids in Upper Egypt multiplied, they caused damage and devastation, so that 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ invaded their country a second time when he was emir of Miṣr, under the caliphate of Osman, in the year 31 H. [= 652 A.D.].

He besieged them in the town of Dongola (''Dumqala'') and shelled them by means of catapults (''manjanīq''), which were unknown to the Nūba. He broke down the [roof of the] church with stones ([rom the catapults] and this astonished them. Their king, by name ''Qalīdurūt'' (''Balīdurūb'', ''Qalīdurdāt'') asked for peace and went out to meet 'Abdalla looking humble, sad and submissive. 'Abdalla met him, raised him and gave him a place near him ['Abdalla]; then he concluded the peace agreement with him, on condition [that he paid] 360 men every year, while 'Abdalla undertook to supply him with grain, as [the king] had complained of the scarcity of food in his country. Of this [agreement] he left a written document as follows:

'''[p. 640]''' [The Peace Agreement<ref>Maqrīzī confused the terms of the 7th century baqṭ with other conditions imposed later, especially under the 13th century Mamelukes.</ref>]

"Omitting the conventional greetings (''al-basmala''),.. this is the convention given by the emir 'Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ to the chief (''ʿazīm'') of the Nūba and to all the people of his kingdom, a convention binding all the Nubians, great and small, from the boundary line of Aswān to the frontier of 'Alwa. 'Abdalla b.Sa'd b. Abī Sarī gave them security (''amān'') and truce (''ḥudna''), valid between them and the neighbouring Muslims of Upper Egypt, as well as the other Muslims and the dhimmī. You, Nubian people, will be safe under the guarantee (''amān'') of God and His Prophet Moḥammed, that we shall not fight you and shall not wage war upon you, nor shall we carry out raids [on your country], as long as you keep the condition laid down between us and yourselves: that you enter our country in transit only, not for the purpose of settling there; we also shall enter your country in transit without settling there. You must protect any Muslim or anyone who is under our protection (''mu'āhid''), if he settles in your country or travels through it, until he leaves the same. You must hand back any fugitive slave (''ābiq'') belonging to the Muslims who seeks shelter in your country: you must deliver him to the country of Islam; you must likewise return any Muslim who fights against the Muslims, you must drive him out of your country [and deliver him] to the country of Islam, without befriending him or without hindering him in any way. You must take care of the mosque (''masjad'')<ref>Such conditions, as the upkeep of a mosque in Dongola, are anachronistic for the year 652 A.D. Al-Aswānī, who visited Dongola about 970 A.D., was hardly allowed to celebrate ''Qurbān Bayrām'' outside the city walls.</ref> which the Muslims have built in the enclosure of your town, you must not prevent anyone from praying there, or interfere with any Muslim who goes there or lives close to it, '''[p. 641]''' until he goes away. You must keep it swept, and lighted with lamps and respect it. You must give 360 men every year, whom you will hand over to the ''imām'' of the Muslims: they must be chosen from slaves (''raqīq'') of your country, adults, without bodily defects, both male and female, excluding old men, old women and sucklings: you will hand them to the wall of Aswān. The Muslims do not undertake to drive away enemies who [may] attack you, or prevent them from attacking you, from the frontier of ‘Alwa to the territory of Aswān. If you give shelter to any slave of the Muslims, or you kill a Muslim, or an ally, or if you allow any damage to be done to the mosque which the Muslims have built within your town, or you retain any part of the 360 men, the treaty and truce become null and void, and we leave it; all to God to decide [by war]<ref>Qur’ān, 10, 109.</ref>, for He is the best Judge. In such a case we take as witness, on our side, God and his Promise (''mīthāq''). his Protection (''dhimma'') as well as the protection of his Envoy [Moḥammed]; you, on your side, will call as witness in your favour the dearest things of your religion, the protection of Christ (''al-Masiḥ''), the protection of the Apostles (''al-hawwārīyyīn'') and the protection of those persons whom you hold in the highest respect in your religion and your community. May God be witness between us and you on this."

This treaty was written by 'Umar b. Sharhabīl, in the month of Ramaḍān of the year 31 H. [April-May 652 A.D.].

The Nūba paid to 'Amrū b. as-'Āṣ what was agreed upon in the ''baqṭ'' before they broke it. [In addition] they gave forty slaves as a present, but he would not accept them. He returned the gift to the superintendent of '''[p. 642]''' the ''baqṭ'' (''kabīr al-baqṭ''), a man called ''Saqmūs'' (''Samqus'', ''Nastaqūs''). This man bought provisions (''jahāz'') and wine (''khamr'') which he sent to them<ref>Arabic: “''ilay-hi''” (to him). Logically one might expect “''ilay-him''” (to them), i.e. the Nubians.</ref>. 'Abdalla, too, sent them such cereals, wheat, barley, lentils, clothing material, and horses according to the promise. This custom (''ar-rasm'') continued until it became a prescription (''rasm'') which they still repeat every year when they pay the ''baqṭ''; the forty slaves, who were offered to 'Amrū as a present, are taken by the wālī of Miṣr.

According to Abū Khalīfa Ḥamīd b. Hishām al-Buhturī, the amount fixed in the peace treaty with the Nūba is 360 slaves to the Treasury (''fayʾ'') of the Muslims, 40 slaves to the Governor (''ṣāḥib'') of Egypt; in return, the Muslims pay to the Nūba 1,000 ''ardab'' of wheat (''qamḥ'') and the delegates [of the Nubian king] 300 ''ardab''; the same quantity of barley; 1,000 jugs (''aqnīn''<ref>Several readings are proposed. Cf. Wiet, op.cit., p. 296, n. 6. Caetani (Ann. IV, par. 110, pp. 520-521) read “''iqtīz''”, but admitted that a measure called by this name was unknown to him.</ref>) for the king, and 300 for his delegates, and two horses of the breed used by the emirs; l00 pieces (''thawb'') of cloth of [various] kinds (''asnāf''); 4 pieces of cloth called ''qabātī'' for the king and three for his delegates; 8 pieces of the cloth called ''buqturiyyah''; five pieces of the cloth marked (''mu'lama''; Wiet reads ''Mu'allama'') a mantle (''jibba'') of nappy silk (''mukhmala'', velvet, or wool, fabric) for the king (''malik''), 10 pieces of the cloth (''qums'') called Abū Buqtor, 10 pieces of ''Ahāsī'' (''ahhāsī'', ''ajāsī'') which made is a thick fabric. Abū Khalīfa said: - Neither the book of 'Abdalla b. Wahb, nor the book of al-Wāqidī contains these details, but I had them from Abū Zakaria who told me: - I heard my father Osman b. Saleh telling this story, and I '''[p. 643]''' remember well what I heard. He said: One day I was called to the council [in the presence] of the emir ‘Abdalla b. Tāher, while he was [governor] of Egypt [625-327 A.D.]: the emir said to me: ‘Are you Osman b. Saleh whom we have summoned to give information about the document of the ''baqṭ'' of the Nūba?’ I said: 'Yes.' Then Maḥfūẓ b. Suleiman drew near and said: - 'What a strange country this is! We sent for the learned people (''ʿulamāʾ'') to ask about something they know, and also [we sent] for this shaykh, and none of them helps us [with the much needed information] !’ I said: 'God save the Commander of the Faithful! The information you want about the Nūba, I have, as they were orally transmitted by the elders [shaykhs] who heard it from the shaykhs who were present there when the truce (''ḥudna'') and the peace agreement (''ṣulḥ'') were drawn up.' Then I spoke to them about the Nūba according to what I had heard. [The emir] did not approve the supply of wine. I told him: 'Also 'Abdel 'Azīz b. Marwān disapproved of it.' This council was held in Fusṭāṭ in the year 212 H. [= 826 A.D.], after the peace treaty was signed between him and 'Ubaydalla b. as-Sarī b. al-Ḥakam at-Tamīmī, the emir [who was] his predecessor. Osman b. Ṣaliḥ said: - The emir, sent [someone] to the Chancery (''dīwān'') which was outside the great mosque (''al-masjad al-jāmi'ʿ'') of Miṣr and searched for the document concerning the Nūba and found that it was exactly as I told him: he was therefore very pleased."

Mālik b. Uns said that the peace treaty applied to the [whole] land of Nubia as far as the frontier of ‘Alwa and it was therefore forbidden to buy slaves there; but his contemporaries, such as 'Abdalla b. 'Abd al-Ḥakam and 'Abdalla b. Wahb and al-Layth b. Sa'd, Yazīd b. Abī Habb and other jurists of Egypt held a different opinion. '''[p. 644]''' Al-Layth b. Sa'd said: - We know the land of Nubia better than Mālik b. Uns. Under the peace treaty we have undertaken not to carry out raids into their territory, but not to prevent enemies from attacking them. Whomsoever their king reduces to slavery, or the slaves which they make when they raid each other, can be legally bought; but those whom the Muslims reduce to slavery through abduction (''bughāh'') or by stealing (''surrāq''), are illegal business; some Muslims used to have Nubian slave girls as concubines.

[Qurqī's Journey to Baghdad]

The Nūba continued paying the ''baqṭ'' every year and used to receive in return what we have mentioned above, until the time of the Commander of the Faithful al-Mu'taṣīm billah Abū Ishāq b. ar-Rashīd. At that time, the chief (''kabīr'') of the Nūba was a certain ''Zakariā b. Yuḥannis''. Perhaps the Nūba had failed to pay the ''baqṭ'' and the wālīs of the Muslims had roused the neighbouring peoples against them and prevented the delivery of the provisions to the Nubians. Qurqī, son of their chief (''kabīr'') Zakariā, disapproved that his father professed obedience to a foreigner and [showed him] that it was impossible to pay [the whole amount of ''baqṭ'' which was 14 years in arrears]. His father said: - "What would you like to do?" "To revolt against them" - said he, "and to fight them". His father said: - "This (''baqṭ'') is something which our ancestors thought convenient to pay and I am afraid that you, too, may soon share the same opinion and will find it preferable to fighting the Muslims. I shall send you, as an envoy, to their kings; you will observe our situation and theirs: if you still remain of the opinion that we have enough power, we shall fight them knowing what we are doing; otherwise, you will ask the king to be generous towards us." So he sent '''[p. 645]''' Qurqī to Baghdad. The countries along his route decorated themselves, while he passed through the towns. The chief of the Beja, [who was travelling] for his own purposes, joined him on the [outward] journey to Baghdad;<ref>Maqrīzī, alone among the Arab historians, said that the Beja king journeyed to Baghdad together with the Nubian prince Qurqī in 835 A.D. Other Arab historians (Ṭabari, Ibn Hawqal, Miskawaih, q.v.) mentioned the journey of the Beja king to Baghdad in captivity, in the year 241 H./ 855 A.D.; Ibn Hawqal added that, on this occasion (855 A.D.), the Nubian king, too – (viz. Qurqī) went as a prisoner to Baghdad. I can hardly think Maqrīzī has made a mistake by confusing here two different events, i.e. Qurqī’s journey in 835 A.D. and the Beja king’s captivity in 855 A.D A plausible explanation may be that both the Nubian and the Beja king made the journey in 835 A.D. to settle the frontier troubles they had had with Egypt during 14 years. Possibly, more troubles may have arisen under al-Mutawakkil, followed by al-Qummī’s expedition. We learn from Taghribirdī (q.v.) that the Beja and the “''Nūba''” and other tribes of the inner regions (''Ḥubūsh'') were ready to ally against any invader coming from the Moslem countries.</ref> both of them met al-Mu'taṣīm and were impressed by what they saw in Iraq: numerous armies, large towns, beyond what they had seen on the way. Al-Mu'taṣīm invited Qurqī to sit near him, treated him very generously received his presents and gave him some which were much more valuable presents [than his]. He said to Qurqī: - 'Ask whatever you like.’ He asked for the release or the prisoners (''al-muḥabbasīn'')<ref>“al-muḥabbasīn”. We know nothing about such Nubian detainees of the circumstances of their detection at Baghdad.</ref> and this demand was granted. Al-Mu'taṣīm held him in great esteem and made him a present of the house where he stayed while in Iraq. He also gave orders that a house be purchased for their delegates at every stopping place along their route, because he [Qurqī] refused to enter [as a guest] anybody's palace. In Egypt, the Caliph assigned him a house (''dār'') in Gīza, and another in [the quarter of] Banī Wā'il, and another in the dīwān of Miṣr. He [also] assigned to him 700 dinars, to be drawn from the dīwān of Miṣr, and a horse with saddle and bridle, a decorated sword, a robe gold embroidered (''muthaqqal'')<ref>Although the word is not found in Arabic dictionaries, it sure indicates some richly embroidered fabric.</ref>, a turban '''[p. 646]''' (''ʿamāmah'') of silk (''khazz''), a woollen Shirt (''qamiṣ sharb'') and a mantle (''ridā’ sharb'') and a number of robes (''thiyāb''). To his delegates he offered a number of robes to be delivered on the arrival of the ''baqṭ'' at Miṣr. In addition, he offered them two camels<ref>Wiet read = “''humlān''” or ''hamalāh'' (two lambs). Quatremère (op.cit., p. 51) read “''jamalān''” (two camels) which seems more likely.</ref>. The officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'' was invested with robes of honour. They had to pay a specific fee to the officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'' and to his employees; whatever and above this the Nubians offered to the employees was to be considered a free gift, for which the employees should reciprocally offer a gift of the same value. Al-Mu'taṣīm examined the sum which the Muslims paid [to the Nubians]. He found that it was higher than the ''baqṭ'' and he disapproved of the supply of wine, grain and of the clothing material which was mentioned before. He decided that the ''baqṭ'' should be paid [once] every three years and confirmed this with a written document which remained in the hands of the Nūba.

The Nubian (''an-Nūbī'') complained about some citizens of Aswān who had bought lands (''amlāk'') from his [the king's] slaves. Al-Mu’taṣīm ordered that an investigation be made and summoned the ''Wālī'' of the country and the judge (''mukhtār li-l-ḥukm'') appointed for these affairs and also the Nubian subjects: [the wālī and the judge] asked them about the complaint raised by their Lord about what they had sold. They denied and said: - "We are subjects (''ra’īyya'')" and the complaint failed. He [Qurqī] asked also other things, for example, that the garrison posted at al-Qaṣr be transferred [to some other place] near the frontier between them and the Muslims, declaring '''[p. 647]''' that the garrison [at al-Qaṣr] was on Nubian soil; but Mu’taṣīm did not answer about this.

The Nublan Historian said that the institution of the baqṭ remained in force until the coming of the Fatimid dynasty in Egypt and that it was executed under the terms [decided by Mu'taṣīm] which also stated what was to be given the Nubians in return.

[Statements by Other Historians on the ''Baqṭ'']

Abu-l-Ḥasan Mas’ūdī said: - The baqṭ means the prisoners (''sabī'') who are delivered every year and brought to Miṣr as a tribute (''ḍarība'') imposed on them. Their number is 365 men for the Treasury, according to the terms of the truce stipulated between the Nūba and the Muslims; over and above that figure, forty men are given to the emir of Miṣr, and 20 to his representative (''khalīfah'')<ref>Sic, in Maqrīzī; but Mas’ūdī has ''nā’ibi-hi'' (his representative).</ref>, resident in Aswān who is the officer in charge of receiving the ''baqṭ'', five to the judge (''al-ḥākim'') resident at Aswān, who, with the ''amīr'' of Aswān, witnesses the delivery of the ''baqṭ'', and twelve, i.e. one each to the twelve judiciary witnesses chosen among the citizens of Aswān who, with the judge, witness the delivery of the baqṭ, according to the custom (''rasm'') established since the beginning of Islam, when the truce was signed for the first time between the Muslims and the Nūba.

Al-Balāhurī said in his book "The Conquest (of the countries)" - The tribute (''al-muqarrar'') imposed on the Nūba is 400 men and they receive, in return, foodstuffs, i.e. cereals (''ghilla''). The Commander of the Faithful al-Mahdī Muḥammad b. 'Alī Ja'far al-Manṣūr [774-785 A.D.] fixed the amount at 360 men and one giraffe.

'''[p. 648]''' [The Fall of Nubia under the Mameluke Power]

In the year 671 H. [= 1272 A.D.] David, King of the Nūba became so wicked that he raided as far as near the town of Aswān. He destroyed several ''saqīyas'' by fire, after he had brought devastation at 'Aydhāb. The Wālī of Qos marched against him, but could not seize him. The wālī captured the Lord of the Mountains (''Ṣāḥib al-Jabāl'') with some Nubians and brought them to the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars al-Bunduqdāri in the fortress of the Mountain, where they were sawn in two parts between planks.

Shekanda (Sh.K.N.D.H.),<ref>We currently adopt Monneret’s reading “Shekanda”.</ref> son of the sister of the King of the Nūba came [to Cairo] complaining against his [maternal] uncle (''khāl''). The Sultan sent with him the emir Shamsaddīn Aqsonqor al-Fāriqānī the ''ustādār'',<ref>Ustādār = “majordomo” in the Sultanian court.</ref> and the emir 'Izzadīn Aibek al-Afram, [who was] the emir jāndār,<ref>Emir jāndār = title of the Court official in charge of introducing the emir to the dīwān and the incoming mail to the Sultan. (Qalqashandī, IV, p. 20, q.v.).</ref> with a numerous regular army (''ʿaskar'') and soldiers of the ''wilayāt'', and nomad Arabs (''ʿurbān'') of Upper Egypt and a number of pike men (''zarrāqūn'') and archers (''rumāh''), grenadiers (''harārīq''). They marched from Cairo (''al-Qāhira'') on the first day of Sha'bān and did not halt until they arrived in Nubia. [The Nubians], mounted on camels, armed with spears, and wore black ''dakādik'' [thick tunic] came out to resist them. The two sides fought a furious battle in which the Nūba were defeated; al-Afram stormed the fortress of ''ad-Derr'', killed [some] and others he took prisoners. Al-Fāriqānī advanced into Nubia by '''[p. 649]''' land and by river, killing and taking prisoners. He seized a very large number of cattle, established himself on the island of Mikā’īl at the head of the cataracts (''al-janādil'') and forced the boats to pass through the cataracts while the Nubian fled to the islands. He wrote a safe-conduct (''amān'') for Qamar al-Dawla, the representative (''nā’ib'') of David (''Dāwūd''), King (''mutamallik'') of Nubia, and he [Qamar] professed loyalty to Shekanda and called back the men (''rijāl'') of al-Marīs and the [others] who had fled.

Al-Afram, had waded across [a branch of] the Nile, to a castle (''burj'') in the middle of the water, laid the siege on it until he took it and killed 200 people there and took prisoner David's brother, while David succeeded in escaping. The army pursued him for three days, killing or taking prisoner [any one on their way. At last the population made their submission. David's mother and sister were captured, but not David. Shekanda was proclaimed King in place of David; he undertook to pay a tax (''qaṭī'ah''), every year of three elephants, three giraffes, five she-leopards (''fuhūd''), one hundred tawny dromedaries and four hundred oxen without blemish and also accepted the condition that the country of the Nūba should be divided into two halves, one half was appropriated to the Sultan and the other for the development (''ʿimārah'') and upkeep of the country, with the exception of the district of the Mountain (''bilād al-Jibāl'') which was to become the Sultan's own property because of its vicinity to the district (''bilād'') of Aswān, and this was about one quarter of the [whole] country of the Nūba. The dates and cotton produced in this district, as well as the other customary dues, where also to be given [to the Sultan]. The population was obliged to pay the ''jizyah'', so long as they remained Christians; every adult had to pay every year, one ''dinār'' per head. The formula '''[p. 650]''' of an oath was written for this purpose to be sworn by King Shekanda, and another formula for the oath of the people. The two emirs pulled down [some] churches (''kanā’is'') of Nubia and took away what was inside; they took about 20 Nubian princes (''umarā’ an-nūba'') [as hostages] and freed the Muslin citizens of Aswān and 'Aydhāb who were still held prisoners at the hands of the Nūba.

Shekanda was crowned with the crown of the kingdom (''tāj al-mulk'') and sat on the throne (''sarīr al-mamlakah''), after having taken the oath and promised to bring to the Sultan all the private property, goods and cattle, which belonged to David and to all those who had been killed or taken prisoners, in addition to the old ''baqṭ'' which was 400 slaves (''raqīq'') every year, a giraffe. Of the slaves, 360 were destined to the Khalīfah and 40 to his representative (''nā’ib'') in Egypt. On the arrival of the complete ''baqṭ'', the Nubians were to receive 1,000 ardeb of wheat for their king and 300 ardeb for his delegates. (W. II, 3, ch. XXXVI, pp. 289 - 299; B., pp. 580 - 567).

Chapter XXXVII: The Desert of 'Aydhāb

For more than 200 years the 'Aydhāb desert route was the only one used by the pilgrims from Egypt and the Maghrib. They used to go by boat on the Nile from the town of Fusṭāṭ (''madīna Miṣr al-Fusṭāṭ'') as far as Qos; then they mounted camels and crossed the desert until they reached ‘Aydhāb; from there they embarked in boats (''jilāb'') sailing for Jedda (Judda), the port of Mecca. In the same way merchants from India, Yemen and Ḥabasha used to reach 'Aydhāb by sea, then cross this desert to Qos finally to arrive at the town of Miṣr.

This desert was crossed continually by people going to and fro, with caravans of merchants and pilgrims. One '''[p. 651]''' could fine loads of spices (''bahār'') such as cinnamon (''qirfa''), pepper (''filfil'') and the lake, lying on the way; and travellers, going in either direction did not touch anything until the owners came to take them.

So this desert was the usual route for the pilgrims on their way to and from Mecca, for more than 200 years, from about 450 H. to about 650 H., i.e. from the time of the extreme restriction (''ash-shiddat al-'uẓmā'') imposed [on pilgrims] in the days of the Caliph al-Mustanṣir billah Abū Tamīm al-Ma’add b. aẓ-Ẓāhir, when the overland pilgrimage was suspended, until the time when the Sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Ruknaddīn Baybars al-Bunduqdārī decided to cover (''kasā'') the Ka'ba [with a precious veil] and made a special key for it. From that time, i.e. the year 666 H. [= 1267 A.D.] the caravan of the pilgrimage went, overland and the number of pilgrims who went by this [‘Aydhāb] desert route decreased steadily. The goods of the merchants, however, continued being hauled from 'Aydhāb to Qos, until the year 760 H., when the merchants, too, abandoned this route. The distance between Qos and ‘Aydhāb across this desert is seventeen days’ journey without any possibility of finding water for three days, sometimes even four consecutive days.

‘Aydhāb lies on the coast of the sea of Jedda and has no walls. The majority of the houses are made of reeds. It was one of the biggest ports in the world on account of the ships from India and Yemen calling here to unload goods, in addition to the boats transporting the pilgrims.

When ships from India and Yemen ceased calling here, Aden, in the land of Yemen, became the great harbour (''al-marsā al-‘aẓīma''). Later on, about the year 820 H. [= 1417 A.D.] Jedda became the greatest sea-port in the world (''a’zam marāsī ad-dunyā'') together with Hormoz, which has a very great port (''marsā jalīl'').

'''[652]''' ‘Aydhāb lies in a desert where no vegetable (''nabāt'') grows. All foodstuffs are imported, even water. The population received great benefit from the [traffic of] pilgrims and merchants, as they used to levy a specific tax (''ḍarība'') for every load of flour (''ḥiml daqīq'') they took to the pilgrims; they also hired their boats (''jibāl'') to the pilgrims for the journey to and from Jedda: from this they made a good profit.

Every one in 'Aydhāb possessed at least one boat (''markab''), according to his financial position.

There are some pearl fisheries on these islands near ‘Ayahāb. Divers go at certain time, every year, with small boats (''zawārīq''). They remain there for some days, then come back with what they had been able to catch. The water in the [pearl] fisheries is not deep.

The life of the inhabitants of 'Aydhāb resembled that of beasts; it is much nearer to that of the wild animal than to man's habits. The pilgrims who hired boats from the inhabitants of ‘Aydhāb faced great dangers while crossing the sea because very often the wind drew them to landing places far away towards the southern deserts. Then the Beja (''al-Bujāh'') [used to] come down from their mountains, hire their camels and take the pilgrims across waterless deserts. Many [pilgrims] died of thirst there and the Beja would carry off all their belongings. Some others also died of thirst after they had lost their way. Those who succeeded in arriving safe and sound, entered 'Aydhāb like people who had come from their graves: they were so disfigured and their faces were worn [with exhaustion]. The majority of the pilgrims died in these ports. Those who, helped by favourable wind, landed at the port of 'Aydhāb were very few, indeed. The boats for the transport of the pilgrims have no nails: the planks are connected only with ''qunbār'', '''[p. 653]''' which is [a rope] made of [fibres of] the cocoa-tree (''nārjīl''): they mix it with fibres of palm-tree; then they soak it in grease (''samn''), or castor oil (''duhn al-kharwa''), or oil of shark (''qirsh''), a big fish which always devours those who drown. The sails (''qilāʾ'') of these boats are made of plaited leaves (''khūṣ'') of dora-palm (''muql''). The inhabitants of 'Aydhāb treat the pilgrims in an abominable way like devils.

Actually, they heap up men in their boats one on top of the other so as to extract the greatest profit. They do not care at all if one of them falls into sea. They only say: - We care for the planks (''alwāḥ''), let them care for themselves (''arwāḥ'').

The population of 'Aydhāb consisted of Beja who had their own king. They had also a wālī on behalf of the Sultan of Egypt. I met the qāḍī of 'Aydhāb at Cairo: he was a Black.

The Beja are a people who practice no [revealed] religion (''dīn'') nor have they any sensitiveness (''ʿaql''). Men and women go naked: they only wear a bit of cloth on their genitals, but many do not wear even this.

'Aydhāb has a torrid climate with a burning wind (''simūn''). (W., pp. 299 - 303).

... The emerald mine is in a waste land near Aswān. An office with inspectors and clerks was established there to pay the wages to the workers, and supplies were sent them [from Aswān] so that they could carry on their work. This mine lies amidst sandy mountains. The miners dig in a shaft, which, if it collapses, buries them all. The output of the mine is shipped to Fusṭāṭ whence it is distributed all over the country. Traders used to travel from Qos to the emerald mine in eight days walking at an ordinary speed. The Beja used to call there to collect '''[p. 654]''' their dues, for they were the overlords and guardians of the mine.

This mine is on the side of a mountain, facing the north, in a place called ''Aqrashanda''. The mountain rises alone in the middle of a plain, separate from all the other mountains and it is the highest of all. No settlement is to be found on it or nearby. Rain water is found at half-a-day’s distance or little more; the spring is called "''ghadīr a’yun''" (Pool of the Sources); water is plentiful if the rains are abundant, it is less if the rains are scanty. Emeralds are mined from a white stone found there, in the middle of a large desert (''mafāza''). There are three kinds of this white stone: one called ''ṭalq kāfūrī'' (Camphor, Amianthus), the second ''ṭalq fiḍḍī'' (silver amianthus), the third ''ḥajar jarawī'' (pomegranate stone). These stones are pounded until the emerald comes out, for it is deeply embedded in the stone. There are several kinds [of emerald]: one is called ''riyānī'' (? or ''riyālī'', doubtful reading), which is extremely rare and is found very seldom. When it is extracted it is soaked in hot oil, then wrapped in cotton wool and the cotton is rolled up and tied with strips of cloth or untanned skin or the like.

There was a very strict control in this mine, so that the workers when leaving the mine were carefully searched even in their intimate parts. Nevertheless, they used to steal some of it for their own private crafts.

The extraction of emerald from this mine continued until it was stopped by the vizier, one Lord 'Alam ad-dīn 'Abdalla b. Zanbūr in the time of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. Qalāwūn, about the year 760 H. (1358/59 A.D.). (W. ibid.)

'''[p. 655]''' Chapter XXXVIII: The Town of Luxor

... It is one of the main towns and its population is (called) ''Marīsi''. It is from this town that the "''marīsi''" donkeys are imported. (W. II, p. 303; B., p. 588).

[The Town of Qifṭ]

In the year 572 H. [= 1176-77 A.D.], there was a great revolt in the town of Qifṭ. The cause of it was that a ''dā'ī'' [propagandist for the Fatimids] from the clan of Banī 'Abd al-Qawī, claimed to be Dāwūd b. al- ‘Āḍid<ref>The son of the last Fatimid king of Egypt.</ref> and rallied a multitude of people around him. The Sultan Saladin Yūsuf b. Ayyūb sent an army under the command of his brother al-Malik al-'Ādel Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb, and killed about 3,000 of the population of Qifṭ: they were hanged on the trees outside the town, [strangled] by their turbans and their robes. (W., p. II, t. 3, p. 111; B., p. 689).

... It is said that ''al-Wahāt'' was the son (''wuld'') of Hawīlā, son of Kūsh, son of Cana'an, son of Ḥam, son of Noah. His brother were ''Sabā'' (B., ''Seban''), son of Kūsh [who was] the father of the ''Ḥabash''; ''Shafnā'' (B., ''Shanba'') son of Kūsh, [who became] the father of the Zaghāwa and brother of Shanqā (B. Abū Shefaliā), son of Kūsh, [who became] the father of the Damādim ("le père des Abyssins Ramram").<ref>Thus is established, according to some tradition recorded by the Arab historians, the race relation between the inhabitants of the Oases, the Ḥabash, the Zaghāwa and the Damādim.</ref> (W. ibid., ch. LXXI, p. 113; B., p. 691).

[The Alum Export]

Mas'ūdī says: - The Oases form a region lying between the lands of Miṣr, Alexandria, Upper Egypt, the '''[p. 656]''' Maghrib and the land of that branch of Nūba which is called ''al-Aḥābish'' and others. In this region there are alum (''arḍ shibbīyya''), vitriol (''zājjīyya''), sour springs (''ʿuyūn hāmida'') and other springs of a similar taste.

At present, i.e. the year 332 H. [= 943 A.D.], the Lord of the Oases is Abdel Malik b. Merwān, a man of the Lawāta tribe, but he follows the Merwānī rite (''madhhab''). He possesses thousands of horsemen and camelmen. The distance between his country and the ''Aḥābish'' is a distance of about six days' journey, the same distance as between him and the other countries mentioned above. (W. II, ch. LXXIII, §3, p. 120; B., p. 699).

In the Oases there is white alum, in a valley parallel to the town of Edfu. In the time of al-Kamel Moḥammed b. al-'Adel Abū Bakr (1218-1238 A.D.) and of his son Najmeddīn b. Ayyūb [1240 A.D.], the Oases exported yearly one thousand ''qintār'' of white alum to Cairo.<ref>Alum (''shibb'') was in great demand for textile industries in the Middle Ages. “Numbers of them (Arab Bedouins) also travel from Wādī Halfa, on the Nile, three days’ journey into the Western Desert and collect there the “shābb” or nitre, which they exchange with the same merchants for dhurra, giving two measures of the former for three equal measures of the latter… Vessels from Assouan often moor here (Wādī Halfa) to load dates and the nitre which the Arab collect at three days’ journey from hence into the Western Desert.” (Burckhardt, ''Travels'', pp. 28-29, 38).</ref> In return, the natives of the Oases were exempted from any tribute. Later on, this custom was discontinued and later it ceased completely.

In the year 339 H. [= 950-51 A.D.], the king of Nubia marched with a numerous army on the Oases: he made a sudden attack on the inhabitants without any warning, killed some and took others prisoner. (W. II, §5-6, p. 121; B., p. 699).

Chapter LXXX: The Town of the Hawk

The Town of the Hawk (''Madīnat al-'Uqāb'') was situated west of the Abuṣīr (Gīza) Pyramids, at five days' distance...

'''[p. 657]''' The distance between this town [the Town of the Hawk] and Memphis is three days' journey. (’Awn)<ref>A prince established by Pharaoh Al-Walīd to govern during his absence.</ref> used to go and stay there and then return to Memphis. There were four celebrations [in honour of the Hawk-god] held during the year, and these were held when the [statue of the] Hawk was changed [to a new direction]. After he accomplished all this, 'Awn grew bold. One day he received a letter from Nubia [sent] by Walīd, who ordered him to despatch food and to set up markets. [‘Awn] then sent him [Walīd] by land all that he asked for ... (W., II, §4, ch. LXXX, pp. 142 - 143 passim; B., pp. 716 - 717).

Chapter LXXXII: The Fayyum (The Nahrāwūsh Legend)

Ibn Waṣīf Shāh said: - Then ''ar-Riyan'' (''Rayyān''), the son of al-Walīd, became a king: he was the Pharaoh of Joseph; the Copts called him Nahrāwūsh... This king led an expedition against the nations of the Blacks (''Sūdān'') (viz.) the kingdom of the ''Damdam'' (''Ramram''), the man-eaters. These went out naked against him; he defeated them and subjected them; then he proceeded to the Dark Sea (''al-baḥr al-muẓlim''); but a fog covered them so that he returned towards the north until he reached a statue of red marble, which made a sign to them with its hand [as if] saying: ‘Go back!’ This inscription was carved on its breast: 'Behind me there is nothing'.

Nahrāwūsh ordered his companions to carry away some of the biggest of gold lumps (''hijārat''), which they did. '''[p. 658]''' The wise man [who ruled that country], noticing that some members of the king's followers prayed before a statue which they were carrying with them, asked the king not to stay any longer in his land and warned him against the worship of idols.

So [Nahrāwūsh] greeted him and marched away. He left some trace [of his march] on every people whose land he passed through until he arrived at Nūba country: he made peace with them on condition that they should pay tribute: In Dongola he erected a statue on which he engraved his name and [an account of] his journey, then he proceeded to Menf. (W., II, §4, pp. 143-147 passim; L., pp. 713 - 721).

[Nubians in Egypt Under Al-Mustanṣir the Fatimid]

After that [the great famine, 1054 - 1062 A.D.], a great rebellion began, which led the whole country of Egypt to ruin, and this is how it happened.

Al-Mustanṣir went out with a sumptuous train, as was his habit,<ref>A mock procession apparently held to ridicule the pilgrimage to Mecca. Cf. Al-Muyassar (q.v.).</ref> accompanied by his harem and the multitude of his servants: he drove towards al-Jubb, outside Cairo. A Turk, who was drunken, drew his sword and hit one of the slaves (''ʿabīd ash-shirāʾ''). A multitude of slaves rushed on the Turk and killed him, The Turks, angry at this murder, went in great numbers to make representations to al-Mustanṣir. "If that took place by your consent" - they said to him - "then we have only to obey and submit; but if it happened without the consent of the Commander of the Faithful, we shall not tolerate it".

'''[p. 659]''' Al-Mustanṣir disclaimed any responsibility... The Turks made plans to attack the slaves. Severe fights took place between them near Kom Sharīk, where many slaves were killed and those who survived took to flight. This caused much sorrow to the mother of al-Mustanṣir, she being herself a [former] black slave was the cause of the presence of so many black slaves at Miṣr. She liked to increase the number of people of her own race and bought them from everywhere. Her preference for these slaves was well known, so that many [black slaves] were brought to Miṣr, causing their number to rise, according to some to more than fifty thousand<ref>Al-Mustanṣir was 7 years old when his father died (1036 A.D.). His mother ruled at Regent for some time.</ref>.

At the time of the fight at Kom Sharīk, she secretly reinforced the slaves by sending them arms and money. During the time she ruled the kingdom [as a Regent] the mother of al-Mustanṣir conceived a deep hatred for the Turks and incited her [former] master Abū Sa'īd at-Tatarī (other readings: Abū Sa'd, and ''at-Tustarī'')<ref>The correct reading is at-Tustarī from Tustar (Al-Ahwāz, in Persia).</ref> to exterminate them. The black slaves had become very powerful and they did what they liked; this caused the anger of the Turks. Some Turks seized part of the money and arms which the mother of al-Mustanṣir had sent reinforcements to the slaves after their defeat. The Turks gathered in great numbers and went to al-Mustanṣir and spoke to him harshly. Al-Mustanṣir, swearing that he was completely unaware of the incident, went to ask his mother about it and she denied the fact. The Turks rushed out, swords were unsheathed, and trouble started again. Al-Mustanṣir asked Abū-l-Faraj Ibn al-Maghrabī '''[p. 660]''' to negotiate a truce between the two sides and they agreed, though reluctantly. The slaves withdrew to Shubrā Damanhūr.

This was the beginning of the decadence of Egypt. In the year 459 H. [i.e. 1066 A.D.] the scorpions of enmity crawled again among the two sides. The Turks had grown very powerful and arrogant towards al-Mustanṣir; their claim increased and they also asked for higher wages. The situation of the slaves grew worse, their anger became deeper and their distress greater. As the revenues of the Sultan dropped his authority weakened. Al-Mustanṣir's mother sent [her emissaries] to the chiefs of the slaves inciting them to kill the Turks. They gathered in Gīza. The Turks, under the leadership of Nāṣiraddīn Husayn Ibn Ḥamdān, meet out to attack them. Several encounters took place: the last was when the Turks defeated the slaves and compelled them to flee towards Upper Egypt. Ibn Ḥamdān came back to Cairo, his authority having increased considerably; his pride swelled up and he despised the Caliph. News was received [at Cairo] that the slaves had gathered [again] in Upper Egypt, about 15,000 horsemen in number, [Ibn Ḥamdān] rose and sent the officers of the Turks to al-Mustanṣir, [to enquire about this]. He denied that a gathering of slaves had been organised; the meeting [between the Sultan and the Turks] was violent and the officers walked out unsatisfied.

Meantime the mother of al-Mustanṣir ordered those slaves who formed her retinue to fall suddenly on the Turks: they did so and killed many. Ibn Ḥamdān hurriedly went out of Cairo and the Turks joined him. The slaves who were living in Cairo and Miṣr advanced against them, and joined in battle [which lasted] for several days. Ibn Ḥamdān swore that he would not dismount from '''[p. 661]''' his horse before the issue was decided, either in his favour or against him. The two factions redoubled their efforts; the Turks eventually defeated the slaves, slew [some of] them, took prisoners and went back to Cairo. Ibn Ḥamdān pursued the others who scattered about the country and exterminated the majority of them. But the slaves still held out in the Ṣa’īd and another large troop was stationed at Alexandria. Ibn Ḥamdān went to Alexandria, besieged them, and after some time they asked for terms: he let them out and appointed a man whom he trusted to govern the town. All the year 549 H. [i.e. 1066 A.D.] was spent in the war against the slaves. By the beginning of the year 460 H. [i.e. 11 November 1067 A.D.] the Turks had brought the prestige of al-Mustanṣir down to nought; they publicly mocked him and challenged his authority. Ibn Ḥamdān marched on the Ṣa'īd to crush the slaves, who had grown violent and had become brigands. He had several encounters with them. At first the Turks were beaten by them, but later they returned to the attack. The slaves made a furious massive attack on them so that they compelled the Turks to withdraw as far back as Gīza. Then the Turks began committing all sorts of insolence [acts] against al-Mustanṣir and accused him of secretly supporting the slaves and reinforcing them. He denied all this under an oath. The Turks reorganised themselves and gathered their troops which had been scattered; they went out again to fight the slaves and did not cease fighting furiously until they finally crushed them. A great number [of slaves] were killed, the remainder took to flight and their power vanished for good. (Wiet, ibid., pp. 276 - 279).

'''[p. 662]''' [Ḥāra Bahā' ad-dīn - The Quarter of Bahā' ad-dīn, in Cairo]

... This quarter originally lay outside Bāb al-Futūḥ in the time of Jawhar and was later included in the town wall by the Amīr al-Juyūsh, was also called "The Quarter of the Rayḥāniyya <ref> Cf. Usama Ibn Munqidh (q.v.) and Ibn Muyassar (q.v.).</ref> and the Wazīriyya" after two Corps of the Fatimid army which had their billets there. The two Corps had large houses and many shops. It was also called "Between the Two Quarters" because its buildings extended up to city wall. The Rayḥāniyya and the Wazīriyya always occupied this quarter until the Sultan [Saladin] Yūsuf b. Ayyūb defeated the Blacks (''ʿabīd''). (Bulaq II, 3, p. 2).

[The Battle of the Black Troops]

The cause of this battle was that the Commissioner of the Caliphate, named Jawhar - who was one of the two eunuchs (''ustādhayn'') who had taken control over the Palace - plotted against Saladin. When Saladin began oppressing the officials of the Palace (''ahl al-qaṣr'') and ruled state affairs despotically, thereby weakening the Caliphate, and arrested the most prominent personalities of the dynasty, [Jawhar] plotted to overthrow Saladin and have him removed from the vizirate of the Caliph al-'Āḍid. Several Egyptians and members of the army (''jund'') joined in the conspiracy. They agreed to send [a letter] to the Franks of the Coast inviting them to advance towards Cairo. They intended if Saladin went out [of Cairo] to oppose them, they would rise in Cairo, then join forces with the Franks and finally drive Saladin out of Egypt.

'''[p. 663]''' They sent a man to the Franks with a letter concealed in his sandals; they covered it [the letter] with leather lest the messenger notice it. The messenger went to Bi’r al-Bayḍā', a village near Bilbeis, and there he met some of Saladin’s soldiers. The messenger walked unaware of the reason why he had been told to carry the sandals in his hands. The soldiers noticed that the sandals the messenger was wearing were still new without any trace of walking, while his garments were old and shabby. As they became suspicious, they seized the sandals and tore them open; they found the secret letter. Both the man and the letter were taken to Saladin who examined the handwriting until he discovered that the scribe was one of his Jewish secretaries (''kuttāb''). He ordered him to be killed, but the Jew escaped [death] by professing himself to be a Moslem and made then and there the profession of the Islamic faith. He confessed the whole story. The news reached the Commissioner of the Caliphate, who realizing his danger, began to fear for his life and stayed indoors. Saladin kept all the matter secret. After some time had elapsed, the eunuch (''al-khaṣī'') thinking that Saladin had forgotten all about it, left the Palace to go to a villa (''manzara'') he had built in a garden called "al-kharqaniyya". He went there to amuse himself with some friends. No sooner was Saladin informed of this, than he sent a company [of soldiers] thither; on Wednesday 25 Dhū-l-Qa'da of the year 564 H. [20 August 1168 A.D.]; they attacked and killed him, took off his head and brought it to Saladin, and the news spread all over Cairo.

The Egyptian army was enraged at this [murder] and on the 26th of the month rose as one man: a huge crowd of emirs and common people joined them, numbering over fifty thousand all told. They rushed to the vizier's house, where Saladin was staying on that day, and carried weapons with them. Shams ad-dawla Fakhr ad-dīn Tūrānshāh, the brother of Saladin, '''[p. 664]''' met them and shouted to the Turkish troops (''al-ghuzz''). Saladin gathered his men together; all the other Turks rallied round him ready for battle. The Rayḥāniyya, the Jūyūshiyya and the Farahiyya Corps, together with other Corps of the sūdān troops and many people from the two Palaces, assembled and the battle began between them and Saladin. The fight was fierce, the shouts rose high and the defeat of Saladin was already in prospect. Then Tūrānshāh ordered a massive attack on the sūdān; one of their leaders was killed and their courage dwindled temporarily; as the charge of the Ghuzz increased in intensity, the sūdān troops withdrew to the Golden Gate, then to Bāb az-Zahūma, where some Egyptian emirs fell as well as some who rushed to their assistance.

Al-'Āḍid watched the battle from his balcony. When the Palace officials saw that the sūdān and the Egyptian army were about to break, they began shooting arrows and throwing stones from the roof of the Palace on the Ghuzz. Some of the Ghuzz were so badly wounded that they could not continue the fight and the Ghuzz were about to retreat. Then Saladin ordered the flame-throwers (''naffāṭīn'') to burn down the balcony (''manzara''). Shams ad-dawla led the ''naffāṭīn'' to the battle; they carried the flask (''qarūra'') of ''niphṭ'' and began pouring fuel on the balcony on which al-‘Āḍid stood. As the life of al-'Āḍid was in immediate danger, the Director of the Caliphate (''za’īm al-khilāfa'') - who was the other eunuch - threw the door open and shouted: "The Commander of the Faithful greets '''[p. 665]''' Shams ad-dawla and says: Down with the slaves, the dogs (''al-‘abīd al-kilāb'')! Drive them out of the country;" As the sūdān heard that they lost heart and began to flee. The ''Ghuzz'' made a fresh charge and the ''sūdān'' broke, the populace (''qawm'') attacked them in the rear until they arrived at the ''suyūfiyyīn''<ref>The shops of the sword-makers.</ref> where they killed a great number of them and took others prisoners There the sūdān were surrounded by the ''Ghuzz'' who set fire to them.

In the House of the Armenians (''dār al-arman'')<ref>“''Al-Maktaba''” has ''dār al-arḍ'' (the House of the Earth), obviously a misreading for ''dār al-arman''.</ref> near the two Palaces many Armenians, all bowmen, had gathered. The Armenians played [in the past] an important role in the [Fatimid] dynasty... When the Ghuzz drew near them, the Armenians unleashed a shower of arrows which stopped the Ghuzz preventing them from catching the sūdān troops (''ʿabīd''). Therefore, Shams ad-dīn burnt their house (''dār'') and many of them were killed or burnt.

Then the Ghuzz reached the ''ʿabīd'': every time these took shelter in a place, it was set on fire and they were burnt; [others] withdrew to Bāb Zuwayla but they found it locked and were besieged there. For two days there a massacre went on. The news spread that Saladin had set fire to al-Manṣūra which was the largest residential quarter of the Sūdān. As the roads were blocked, the sūdān realised that no escape was left, and therefore shouted: "Safe conduct!" They were given the safe conduct. All this happened on Saturday 28 Dhū-l-Qa'da [23 August 1168 A.D.]. Bāb az-Zuwayla was opened and they fled towards Gīza; but Shams ad-dawla with his army charged them. In the meantime they [''sūdān''] collected the weapons and provisions left behind by those who had '''[p. 666]''' fallen and they felt strong enough to resume the fight until not one of them survived except the few who escaped by fleeing. After this incident, the power of al-'Āḍid fell to nought. (Bulaq II, 3, pp 2-3).

[The Quarter of Al-Manṣūra]

... The sūdān enjoyed considerable power in Egypt, but Saladin fought them unceasingly until he had destroyed them completely. In fact, in every village and every hamlet of Egypt, the sūdān used to possess an abode where nobody - neither the wālī nor anybody else - dared to enter for fear of them.

The sūdān in Egypt numbered more than fifty thousand. Whenever they rose against a vizier they killed him. They caused much harm, as they laid hands on the property of the local population. When their vexations and assaults became intolerable, God brought them down to their utter destruction, in punishment for their mischiefs.<ref>Maqrīzī went on describing the site of this quarter and the buildings which were built on that place after al-Manṣūra was burnt down by Saladin.</ref> (Bulaq II, 3, p. 29).

[Kāfūr the Ikhshīdī]

He was a black slave, a eunuch of stout built, a pierced lower lip and ugly legs. He was brought to Egypt for sale at the age of 10, not later than the year 310 H. [922 A.D.]. When he arrived in Egypt he wished he would become its emir. His master sold him to Muḥammad b. Hāshim, a businessman who used to go to the villages of the south. In his turn, he sold him to 'Abbās, the secretary (''kātib''). One day, Kāfūr passed by an astrologer in Fusṭāṭ, who read his destiny in the stars and said to him: 'You will become a man who will rise to '''[p. 667]''' a very high position and will make a large fortune.' Kāfūr paid him two dirhams, as he had nothing else to offer. The astrologer threw the dirhams back to him saying! 'I have predicted you a good news and you give me only two dirhams?' Then he added: 'I tell you more: You will become the ruler of this country and the greatest man in it; just remember me, then.'

One day Ibn 'Abbās sent him to take a gift to the emir Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. Tufj ([''sic''! for Tughj], who, at that time was one of the generals of Tekin, the emir of Egypt. The general kept Kāfūr for himself and sent back the gift. Since then, Kāfūr advanced in the career until he became one of the most highranking officials. (Bulaq II, 3, p. 41).

[Tūrānshāh]

... Saladin assigned to him Qos, Aswān and 'Aydhāb and made them a fief (''iqṭā'āt'') to him. The revenue of this fief was, for that year, 266,000 dinars. (Bulaq II, 3, p. 59).

[Fusṭāṭ Miṣr]

... The vizier Shawār b. Mujīr as-Sa'dī realizing that he could not defend the two towns at one time, ordered the inhabitants of Fusṭāṭ to evacuate the town and come together to defend Cairo (''al-Qāhira''). At that time, this town was a fortress very easy to defend. Therefore the population migrated in mass from Fusṭāṭ to Cairo; by order of Shawār the slaves ( ''ʿabīd'') set fire to Fusṭāṭ: the fire lasted more than fifty days and burnt down most of the houses. (ed. Bulaq I, 2, ch. VIII, p. 59; Casanova, pp. 103 - 104).

He [‘Abdalla b. Sa'd b. Abī Sarḥ] led three campaigns, all of great importance: the Campaign in the year 27 H. '''[p. 668]''' [= 649 A.D.] in ''Ifrīqiya'', in which king Girqir [= Gregorios, the Patrician] was killed, the campaign against the Blacks (''al-asāwid'') in which he advanced as far as Dongola, in the year 31 H. [652 A.D.)]and the campaign [known as] ''Dhū-as-sawārī'' (the Battle of the Masts) in the year 34 H. [655 A.D.]. (C., p. 157).

Ibn Ṭūlūn reviewed the men (''rijāl'') to make sure about those who were fit [for his army] and chose the slaves (''ʿabīd'') from among the Rūm and the Sūdān.<ref>The Abbasid Caliphs, distrustful of the Arabs, began recruiting their troops and bodyguard from the Turks, the Rūm, the Blacks (Nubians) and other nations. Al-Mu’taṣim (833-847 A.D.) weakened the power of the Arabs in Egypt to the benefit of the Turks and recruited soldiers from non-Arab countries, including Nubia. Ibn Ṭūlūn (868-884 A.D.) had in his army 24,000 Turks and 40,000 Blacks, many of whom were no doubt from Nubia. Khumarawaih, his son, increased the number of Black troops (''Sūdān'') in his army. Abū Bakr Tughj al-Ikhshīd [935-946 A.D.] had 400,000 troops of many different countries. Kāfūr, his Nubian trusted vizier, when he became the sole master of Egypt, increased the number of Nubians in his army. The Fatimids, in general, distrusted both Arabs and Turks, and relied on Maghrebi and Nubian troops, although they also had Slavs, Greeks and soldiers from other Caucasion regions. The army of al-Mu’izz (d. 975 A.D.) described by some Arab historians as the second biggest army after that of Alexander the Great consisted mostly of non-Arabs. The mother of al-Mustanṣir, herself a Nubian (?), had 5,000 “''sūdān''” (most probably from Nubia) employed in her service, besides those serving in the army. The army of Ibn Ruzzīk, under the last Fatimids, consisted of 40,000 horsemen and 36,000 footmen, mostly African; Saladin disbanded and suppressed all the Negro troops and relied entirely on the Turks and Kurds. Under the Mamelukes, we find again many Nubians employed in Egypt. (Summarised from ''Khiṭaṭ'', W., 1, 2, ch. XXXIV, par. 15-20, pp. 43-45).</ref>. ''Al-qaṭā’iʿ'' were the residential quarters consisting of plots inhabited by the slaves of Ibn Ṭūlūn, his soldiers and his bodyguard. Each quarter (''qaṭī’a'') was reserved to a Corps of his array. So there was the ''qaṭī'a'' of the Blacks (''sūdān''), the ''qaṭī’a'' of the Rūm, the ''qaṭī'a'' of the Warders (''farrāshīn''). Ibn Ṭūlūn built a square (''mīdān'') with several gates, each gate having its own name... One of the gates was called ''Bāb Darmūn'', after the name of a '''[p. 669]''' Black chamberlain (''hājib aswad'') who used to sit there. He was of a gigantic stature and used to look into the offences (''jināyāt'') of the black troops only. He [Khumarawaih, the son or the Aḥmed Ibn Ṭūlūn] attached to his own person, [a bodyguard consisting of] men from the Ḥawf [Eastern Delta] and from all village, well-known for their endurance and prowess... On the parade days they marched before him and his retinue, in excellent order, after all the other Corps and detachments had passed. They were followed by the [Corps of the] ''Sūdān'', who were one thousand in number, wearing iron breastplates artistically wrought, with black uniforms and black turbans: they looked like a black sea rolling over the face of the earth... After the ''Sūdān'' had marched out, Khumarawaih advanced keeping at some distance from his followers. (Bulaq I, 2, pp. 103, 107; C., pp. 222 - 223).

The population of Miṣr complained to Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn about the disruption [which could be seen] around the great mosque of 'Amrū (''al-masjad al-jāmīʿ''), every Friday, because of the encampment of his army and of his ''Sūdān''. He then ordered that the great mosque was to be built on the Yashkur hill. The construction began in the year 263 H. [= 877 A.D.] and was finished in the year 266 H. [= 879 A.D.]. (Bulaq II, 4, p. 38).

Muḥammad Ibn Sulaiman (892 A.D.) entered Fusṭāṭ... on Thursday, the 1st of Rabī’. He set the ''qaṭā’iʿ'' on fire; his men pillaged Fusṭāṭ, broke the gates of the prisons, ... committed all sorts of atrocities. He [Ibn Sulaiman] ordered a great slaughter of the ''Sūdān'' who '''[p. 670]''' lived in the ''qaṭā'iʿ''. (Casanova., p. 23b).

Ibn Abū Hishām related...: tribute from all countries was brought to them [the Tulunides] in their own palace. They did not rear danger from revolutions. They recruited troops in great numbers and grouped the Rūm and the Sūdān into separate corps. In their palace there were kings with their slaves and many soldiers of different Corps of all races: Negroes, Turks, Rūm and Kazar. (C. ibid., pp. 246 - 247).

[From the list of the Emirs who ruled over Egypt since the destruction of al-qaṭā'i']

[The 15th emir]: 'Alī Ibn al-Ikhshīd Abū-l-Ḥasan... The Carmathians marched on Syria in the year 353 H. [= 964 A.D.]. The Nile was very low in that year: the countryside of Egypt was pillaged by brigands. The king of Nubia marched on Aswān, reached at Akhmim, killed and pillaged and burnt down [villages]. The trouble in the provinces was very great. There was open disagreement between Kāfūr and 'Alī ibn al-Ikhshīd.

[The 16th emir]: Kāfūr, the Black (''al-aswad'') a eunuch freed by al-Ikhshīd... was entrusted with the war, the revenue, and all the administration of Egypt, Syria and al-Ḥaramayn [Mecca-Medina]. He did not change his name. During the Friday sermon (''khuṭba'') his name was mentioned as ''al-ustādh''.<ref>The title of eunuchs was ''ustādh'', under the Fatimite dynasty. (Qalqashandī V, p. 485).</ref> (Casanova, pp. 335 - 347).

... Ibn Lahī'a, according to Abū-l-Aswad, recorded this saying attributed to a slave freed by Shuhrabīl Ibn Ḥasanāt, or to 'Amrū b. al-'Āṣ. One day I heard [my master] saying in my presence: - You, Egypt, fear the day '''[p. 671]''' when you will be struck by four bows: the bow of Andalus, the bow of Ḥabasha, the bow of the Turks and the bow of the Rūm. (C. ibid., p. 273).

[The Coming of the Christian Copts of Egypt under the Obedience of the Muslims, the Imposition of the Jizya and their Status of Dhimmi]

When Egypt was conquered by the Muslims, the local population was all Christian, divided, however, into two sections (''qismayn'') quite different (''mutabāyanayn''), as regards their races (''ajnās'') and beliefs (''ʿaqā’id''). One section consisted of the ruling class (''ahl ad-dawla''), i.e. all the Greeks or soldiers (''jund'') of the emperor of Constantinople (''ṣāḥib al-qustantīniyya''), king of the Rūm; they were followers of the Melkite confession (''ra'ī wa-diyāna al-malikliyya''). They numbered over three-hundred thousand rūmī.

The other section consisted of the native people of Egypt taken as a whole (''ʿamma''). They are [now] called Copts (''al-qibṭ''), but their ancestral origin (''ansāb'') is very mixed; sometimes it is difficult to distinguish who is a genuine Copt (''qibṭī''), or an Ethiopian (''al-ḥabashī''), or a Nubian (''an-nūbī'') or a Jew (Isra'īlī) or other. The Copts are all Jacobites (''ya’āqiba''). Some of them are clerks employed in the public administration (''kuttāb al-mamlaka''), others are wholesale or retail merchants. There are bishops (''asāqifa'') and priests (''qusūs'') and the likes; others are peasants (''ahl al-filāḥa'') or servants (''khidma''). A deep-rooted enmity divides the Copts from the Melkite ruling class, so that they do not intermarry. [On the contrary] for every murder (''qatl'') they retaliate with a murder. The Copts go into many tens of thousands, for they are original people both of Upper and Lower Egypt.

'''[p. 672]''' When 'Amrū b. al-‘Āṣ entered Egypt at the head of the Moslem armies, the Greeks fought the Moslems in an attempt to protect their sovereignty (''mamlaka'') over the country, but the Moslems defeated them at the fortress [of Babylon]. The. Copts sued 'Amrū for peace, declaring that they would accept to pay the jizya. 'Amrū granted them their request on the aforesaid condition. He gave them a guarantee as regards their lands and other property.

The Copts cooperated with the Muslims against the Rūm until the latter were eventually defeated and driven out of Egypt by the help of God Almighty. Then 'Amrū wrote to Benjamin, the patriarch of the Jacobites [in exile] a letter of safe conduct in the year 20 H. [641 A.D.]. Benjamin rejoiced at this and paid a visit to ‘Amrū. Benjamin re-occupied his patriarchal seat after he had been away for thirteen years. Then the Jacobites seized all the churches and monasteries (''diyārāt''), occupied them and drove out all the Melkites. (Bulaq IV, p. 492).

As for the Melkites, Leo [Isauricus] the king of the Rūm, nominated Cosmas (''Qusīma'') patriarch of Alexandria for the Melkites in the year 107 H. [= 725 A.D.]. Cosmas went [to Egypt] taking a gift from the Greek king to Hishām 'Abd al-Malik and a letter of recommendation requesting [Hishām] to give back to the Melkites their churches. The emir took from the Jacobites the Church of the Annunciation [of Our Lady] (''al-bishāra''). The Melkites [of Egypt] remained without a patriarch for ninety-seven years, from the time of 'Umar al-Khaṭṭāb - blessings upon him! - to the caliphate of Hishām b. 'Abd al-Malik. During this time the Jacobites occupied all the churches and episcopal seats of Egypt. The Nubians (''ahl an-nūba'') sent delegates [to Egypt] asking for bishops '''[p. 673]''' (''asāqifa'') and the Jacobites sent them Jacobite bishops; eventually all Nubia became Jacobite since that time. (Bulaq II, 4, p. 393).

<references/>

[[Category:Literary Sources]]